text:
That Was the Year That Was

That Was the Year That Was (1965) is a live album recorded at the hungry i in San Francisco, containing performances by Tom Lehrer of satiric topical songs he originally wrote for the NBC television series That Was The Week That Was, known informally as TW3 (1964–65). All of the songs related to items then in the news. The album peaked at #18 on Billboard's Top 200 Albums on January 8, 1966 and was on the chart for 51weeks.

In October 2020, Lehrer transferred the music and lyrics for all songs he had ever written into the public domain. In November 2022, he formally relinquished the copyright and performing/recording rights on his songs, making all music and lyrics composed by him free for anyone to use.

Track listing
Side one:
 * 1) "National Brotherhood Week" – 2:35
 * 2) "MLF Lullaby" – 2:25
 * 3) "George Murphy" – 2:08
 * 4) "The Folk Song Army" – 2:12
 * 5) "Smut" – 3:15
 * 6) "Send the Marines" – 1:46
 * 7) "Pollution" – 2:17

Side two:
 * 1) "So Long, Mom (A Song for World War III)" – 2:23
 * 2) "Whatever Became of Hubert?" – 2:13
 * 3) "New Math" – 4:28
 * 4) "Alma" – 5:27
 * 5) "Who's Next?" – 2:00
 * 6) "Wernher von Braun" – 1:46
 * 7) "The Vatican Rag" – 2:14

Topics of songs

 * Side one
 * "National Brotherhood Week" – race relations in the U.S.; specifically, a week-long program sponsored by the National Conference for Community and Justice (NCCJ) held generally during the third week of February from the 1940s through the 1980s. (Lehrer: "It's fun to eulogize the people you despise, as long as you don't let 'em in your school.")
 * "MLF Lullaby" – Ribs an ultimately failed U.S. proposal for a multilateral nuclear force as part of NATO
 * "George Murphy" – George Murphy, dancer, actor, U.S. Senator from California, and Robert F. Kennedy (D, NY), the putative third senator from Massachusetts. Democratic voters of the time questioned whether an actor with no political experience could function as a Senator. (Lehrer: "Oh, gee, it's great: at last we've got a Senator who can really sing and dance!") He also criticizes Murphy's comments about Mexicans working in the US.
 * "The Folk Song Army" – Topical songs as part of the folk revival of the 1960s; also alludes to songs of the Republican side in the Spanish Civil War, especially "Venga Jaleo" which it excerpts musically. They are mocked as ineffective and having claimed bravery in advocating popular causes. (Lehrer: "Remember the war against Franco / That's the kind where each of us belongs / Though he may have won all the battles / We had all the good songs")
 * "Smut" – Censorship of obscenity, and the 1957 U.S. Supreme Court case Roth v. United States, which coined the expression "redeeming social importance" (Lehrer: "As the judge remarked the day that he acquitted my aunt Hortense / To be smut it must be utterly without redeeming social importance"). The song refers to Fanny Hill, which at the time of the recording was engaged in an anti-obscenity case, Memoirs v Massachusetts, that would not be resolved until the following year. It also references Lady Chatterley's Lover, which had been subject to a similar case, R v Penguin Books Ltd, in Britain in 1960.
 * "Send the Marines" – The history and habit of using the United States Marine Corps to intervene in other, usually weaker, countries, the latest example being the most recent U.S. intervention in the Dominican Republic in April 1965. (In 2003, former chief UN weapons inspector Hans Blix told a Swedish radio program that he did not think that the Invasion of Iraq, "in the way it was justified, was compatible with the UN Charter," and then had the station play this very song.)
 * "Pollution" – Environmental pollution (Lehrer: "Turn on your tap / And get hot and cold running crud.")

 * Side two
 * "So Long, Mom (A Song for World War III)" – Nuclear war, Mutually Assured Destruction, nostalgia over past wars, and television news coverage. (Lehrer: "I feel that if any songs are gonna come out of World War III, we'd better start writing them NOW.") In this, he references a 1904 George M. Cohan song and show, Little Johnny Jones.
 * "Whatever Became of Hubert?" – Hubert Humphrey, then U.S. Vice President under Lyndon B. Johnson. The song underscores the idea that going from any office to that of Vice President was actually a step down, because of traditional restrictions imposed by the President. (Lehrer: "Second fiddle's a hard part, I know / When they don't even give you a bow.")
 * "New Math" – New Math, a trend at the time in the teaching of mathematics, is ribbed for being overly complex and quite confusing.
 * "Alma" – Alma Mahler, who had recently died. Composer and painter; wife, successively, of Gustav Mahler, Walter Gropius, and Franz Werfel. (Lehrer: "It's people like that who make you realize how little you've accomplished. It is a sobering thought, for example, that, when Mozart was my age, he had been dead for two years." Lehrer was 37 at the time of this recording; Mozart died at the age of 35.)
 * "Who's Next?" – Nuclear proliferation. An example of one of Lehrer's favorite styles, the List Song, it rattles off numerous places that either had already achieved the capacity to deploy nuclear weapons or could potentially do so, including a U.S. state ("We'll try to stay serene and calm / When Alabama gets the bomb!") In later years, Lehrer replaced "Alabama" with "Neiman-Marcus."
 * "Wernher Von Braun" – Before heading up the U.S. rocket development program during the 1960s Space Race with the Soviet Union, German-American rocket scientist Wernher von Braun had helped develop the infamous V-2 rocket for Nazi Germany. Hence the verse: "Once the rockets are up / Who cares where they come down? / That's not my department / Says Wernher Von Braun". (Said Lehrer: "And what is it that will make it possible to spend $20 billion of your money to put some clown on the moon? Well, it was good old American know-how, that's what − as provided by good old Americans like Dr. [exaggerated accent] Wernher Von Braun.") Contrary to popular belief, von Braun did not sue Tom Lehrer for defamation, nor has Lehrer been forced to relinquish all of his royalty income to Von Braun. Lehrer firmly denied those claims in a 2003 interview.
 * "The Vatican Rag" – The Second Vatican Council and the reform of Roman Catholic liturgy (Upon performing this song in the hungry i nightclub in San Francisco, Lehrer was harshly criticized by actor Ricardo Montalbán, who happened to be in the audience that night. Montalbán shouted "How dare you make fun of my religion! I love my religion! I will die for my religion!" To which Lehrer responded "Hey, no problem, as long as you don't fight for your religion.")

title: That Was the Year That Was


text:
Falilat Ogunkoya

Falilat Ogunkoya-Osheku (born 5 December 1968 in Ode Lemo, Ogun State, Nigeria) is a Nigerian former track and field athlete who holds the distinction of becoming the first Nigerian to win an individual track and field medal at the Olympic games.

Ogunkoya has won a number of national championships, including a gold medal in 1996 in the 400 metres, gold in the 200 metres and 400 m in 1998, and gold again in 1999 and 2001 in the 400 m. At the 1987 All Africa Games in Nairobi she won the silver medal in the 200 m. In 1995 at the All Africa Games in Harare she won the silver in the 400 m, and at the 1999 Games in Johannesburg she won a gold medal in the 400 m.

At the 1996 Summer Olympics Ogunkoya won a bronze medal in the 400 m, behind Marie-José Pérec of France and Cathy Freeman of Australia, in a personal best and African record of 49.10, which is currently the twelfth fastest of all time. It marked the first time a Nigerian athlete won a medal in an individual track and field event.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Falilat Ogunkoya


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Meat curing

 This page is an archive of the proposed deletion of the article below. Further comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page (such as the article's talk page or on a Votes for Undeletion nomination). No further edits should be made to this page.

The result of the debate was redirect to curing. - Mailer Diablo 17:32, 26 August 2005 (UTC)

Meat curing and Meat Curing
page has been resubmitted under proper capitalization eg "Meat Curing" terr 11:55, 19 August 2005 (UTC)

 * Redirect to existing article on curing. KeithD (talk) 12:06, 19 August 2005 (UTC)
 * Boldly redirected. BTW, "Meat Curing" is not the proper capitalization. Gazpacho 16:37, 19 August 2005 (UTC)
 * Redirect as above. Alex.tan 18:17, August 19, 2005 (UTC)

I didn't realise that the wikipedia does not follow normal conventions. For instance I picked up the first book on my desk and the section title is "How to Use This Book". I really don't care how it is coded as long as it looks good and links together. After we get rid of the duplicates then we can fix it. terr 17:27, 19 August 2005 (UTC)
 * Btw, there is an official policy. See Manual of Style (headings). Alex.tan 18:17, August 19, 2005 (UTC)

 * The above discussion is preserved as an archive of the debate. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page (such as the article's talk page or in an undeletion request). No further edits should be made to this page.


text:
Talk:Hidden ball trick

Duplicate and conflicting comments on page re: legality
For reference, Rule 8.05i of the Official Rules of Baseball states: "If there is a runner, or runners (on base), it is a balk when - the pitcher, without having the ball, stands on or astride the pitcher's plate or while off the plate, he feints a pitch." This means that the pitch can step on the *mound* - that being the 18 foot imaginary circle around the pitcher's plate - without the ball. However, if he stands on or astride the rubber without the ball, that is when the balk is called. --OntarioQuizzer 11:54, 19 August 2005 (UTC)

Corrections
A recent edit changed this:

 * However, the hidden ball trick is illegal (and a balk is called) if the pitcher is standing on or astride the pitcher's rubber.

To this:

 * However, the hidden ball trick is illegal (and a balk is called) if the pitcher is anywhere on the pitcher's mound.

This is apparently with reference to rule 8.05i, mentioned in the section above. But the rule quoted only applies if the pitcher feints a pitch. The balk only occurs if the pitcher feints a pitch or steps onto the rubber. The description of the trick on in the article doesn't say anything about the pitcher feinting a pitch (which he wouldn't do, since it would be a balk), so the thing about the pitcher's mound is irrelevant. Accordingly, I put it back the way it was before.

The edit also changed this:

 * but actually hides the ball under his shirt.

To this:

 * but actually hides the ball on his person.

But I think the original was better because it was more specific.

-- Dominus 03:33, 13 February 2006 (UTC)

 * It was incorrectly specific. Players also hide the ball in their glove. —Cleared as filed. 03:34, 13 February 2006 (UTC)

 * OK. -- Dominus 04:02, 13 February 2006 (UTC)

 * Sorry about the snippiness of my edit summary, but when I went 10 minutes without seeing a new message on the talk page, I assumed you were pointing me to the notice by OntarioQuizzer up above, and ignoring the fact that you had reverted the part about where the ball was hidden. Still, I don't think more specific was more accurate in this case. —Cleared as filed. 03:38, 13 February 2006 (UTC)

 * No problem. I wish I could have done it more quickly, but it takes time to write a clear and detailed explanation.  -- Dominus 04:02, 13 February 2006 (UTC)

Added a citation request to the 300 successful figure. I don't consider it particularly doubtful, but it ought to come from a particular source.Trinite 02:09, 29 May 2007 (UTC)
 * I'm looking. Retrosheet used to have a list of all of them but it seems to have vanished. --W.marsh 02:34, 29 May 2007 (UTC)
 * Here's the archive, with 250 confirmed and 35 possible: . Not sure why they seem to have purged the list from their site. --W.marsh 14:30, 29 May 2007 (UTC)

Deleted "Hidden Ball Trick in Pop Culture" section
My reasoning is this: the article already gives recent instances of the trick, and MLB baseball is definitely part of popular culture. So the section I deleted was more like "Hidden Ball Trick in Hollywood Movies" was is irrelevant and unimportant. Justin Bailey 03:32, 23 June 2007 (UTC)

I think that it should be in the article becuase it has to do with the trick being used. The section should be like Hidden Ball Trick in Movies or somthing. —Preceding unsigned comment added by Flyingcar73242 (talk • contribs) 00:42, 5 September 2007 (UTC)

yeah i actually just looked up the trick because i heard about it on the movie rookie of the year just now on HBO24.105.236.66 (talk) 22:06, 7 April 2008 (UTC)

Bush League Play!!!!! —Preceding unsigned comment added by 72.226.62.126 (talk) 20:17, 31 May 2008 (UTC)

Source??
Can someone provide a source that this typically happens at second base? I have been watching baseball for 35 years, and the only times I have ever seen this happen is at first base. Maybe I have been lucky to only see this happen in a minority of cases, but I figure my unsourced observations are as strong as any other unsourced assertion. LonelyBeacon (talk) 22:11, 17 October 2010 (UTC)

External links modified
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title: Talk:Hidden ball trick


text:
Talk:Fingerspelling

See the original History of Spanish Fingerspelling
See Dactilology [|//es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dactilolog%C3%ADa] & Manual alphabet [] (in spanish language)

Heading and link
There was a heading called "In American Sign Language" where it was also the first instance of American Sign Language in the article and so someone made the American Sign Language part of the heading into a link. I find headings that are also links a bit confusing or at least visually unsettlling so I moved the link to the first line of text in the sentence under the heading. I think that is less confusing than having headings double as links where it can be avoided. Qaz

 * I just looked it up in the Wikipedia Style book and it suggest avoiding links in headings too. Qaz

The image for this article...
...has the alphabet completely out of order. For people who use ASL, this won't be a problem, but for native English speakers, the image might mislead them into thinking that "J" was in fact "D" by reading the image left to right and top to bottom.

Anyone know where we can find an images that uses English alphabetical order? Jfulbright 15:42, 13 October 2006 (UTC)

want
Bold text —Preceding unsigned comment added by 98.224.111.129 (talk) 00:58, 29 October 2008 (UTC)

The American Manual Alphabet vs. "fingerspelled" alphabet photo
I changed the caption of this photo titling the American Manual Alphabet as "The American 'fingerspelled' Alphabet" because the manual alphabet is not only used for fingerspelling, but also for initilizing and for handshapes in Americian Sign Language. Furthermore, this is the proper linguistic term for this alphabet. Thank you. 165.138.95.59 (talk) 14:34, 15 April 2011 (UTC)

External links modified
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Removal of Jumping to Conclusions
Hello!!

I made a quick edit in regards to the section of fingerspelling in sign language. I removed the clause "suggesting that the use of fingerspelling has diminished over time" because there was no source at the end, and we cannot jump to that conclusion unless data is given that says as such. Thank you!!

Colmcguire (talk) 22:02, 21 October 2020 (UTC)

title: Talk:Fingerspelling


text:
User talk:JOK

Welcome!

Hello,, and welcome to Wikipedia! Thank you for your contributions. I hope you like the place and decide to stay. Here are a few good links for newcomers: I hope you enjoy editing here and being a Wikipedian! Please sign your name on talk pages using four tildes (~~); this will automatically produce your name and the date. If you need help, check out Where to ask a question, ask me on my talk page, or place  on your talk page and someone will show up shortly to answer your questions. Again, welcome! Lectonar talk to me!
 * The five pillars of Wikipedia
 * How to edit a page
 * Help pages
 * Tutorial
 * How to write a great article
 * Manual of Style

Your Query
We've got two possibilities here:

1) use a redirect see here; I would use that one, because the spelling you used is, IMHO, a fairly common misspelling 2) you can move the page to the new page (Sorry, you couldn't do that, because you're not around long enough; I could move the page if you want me to, but I'm logging out in a few minutes, so just try the redirect, and if you're still willing, I'll move it on monday. Just leave me a message. Cheers Lectonar 13:20, 19 August 2005 (UTC)
 * Sorry, just had a look, move doesn't work, because the new page is already created; just use the redirect Lectonar 13:22, 19 August 2005 (UTC)
 * Me again, you could also request a speedy deletion, as the original author, see here Lectonar 13:25, 19 August 2005 (UTC)
 * Last time to interrupt you, I promise ): I fixed your redirect, you forgot the doublecross, now it works Greetings Lectonar

Proteins
I just want to make sure you know about the new Molecular and Cellular Biology WikiProject. We are trying to organize all wikipedia information about proteins. --JWSchmidt 20:07, 6 September 2005 (UTC)
 * I think there should be a wikipedia category for articles about protein domains; it could be called "Protein domains" or "Protein structural domains". --JWSchmidt 14:23, 7 September 2005 (UTC)

Yes that would be useful. JOK 14:38, 7 September 2005 (UTC)

 * I just found this useful resource that has much good information about structural domains.

This month's WP:MCB Article Improvement Drive article
– ClockworkSoul 22:52, 4 September 2006 (UTC)

This month's WP:MCB Article Improvement Drive article
– ClockworkSoul 21:07, 2 October 2006 (UTC)

One more vote for the coordinator of the Molecular and Cellular Biology Wikiproject
Since two of the three editors nominated for Coordinator of the MCB Wikiproject declined their nominations, one more vote has been posted: should the remaining nominee, ClockworkSoul, be named as the coordinator, or should nominations be reopened? Every opinion counts, so please vote! – ClockworkSoul 17:51, 17 October 2006 (UTC)

This month's winner is proteasome!
– ClockworkSoul 22:13, 1 November 2006 (UTC)

This month's winner is RNA interference!
– ClockworkSoul 14:35, 2 December 2006 (UTC)

This month's MCB Collaboration of the Month article is Peripheral membrane protein!
– ClockworkSoul 18:55, 14 January 2007 (UTC)

ArbCom elections are now open!
MediaWiki message delivery (talk) 13:08, 23 November 2015 (UTC)

ArbCom elections are now open!
MediaWiki message delivery (talk) 13:33, 23 November 2015 (UTC)

title: User talk:JOK


text:
Paracanthopterygii

Paracanthopterygii is a superorder of fishes. Members of this group are called paracanthopterygians.

The oldest members are known as fossils from the Cenomanian.

It includes five orders:
 * †Sphenocephaliformes
 * Percopsiformes (trout-perches & allies)
 * Zeiformes (dories)
 * Stylephoriformes (Tube-eyes)
 * Gadiformes (cods & allies)

title: Paracanthopterygii


text: Category:Olympic competitors for Nigeria


text:
Warren Miller

Warren Miller may refer to:

 * Warren Miller (West Virginia congressman) (1847–1920)
 * Warren Miller (baseball) (1885–1956), outfielder in Major League Baseball
 * Warren Miller (author) (1921–1966), American writer
 * Warren Miller (political scientist) (1924–1999), American political scientist
 * Warren Miller (director) (1924–2018), American ski and snowboarding filmmaker
 * Warren Miller (ice hockey) (born 1954), American ice hockey player
 * Warren E. Miller (born 1964), Maryland politician
 * Warren L. Miller (fl. 1980s–2010s), former chairman of the U.S. Commission for the Preservation of America's Heritage Abroad
 * Warren F. Miller Jr. (born 1943), American nuclear engineer and government official
 * Warren Hastings Miller (1878–1960), American editor and author
 * Wes Miller (Warren Weston Miller; born 1983), American basketball coach and player
 * Warren Miller (Vermont politician) (fl. 2000s), member of the Vermont House of Representatives, 2005–2006 session
 * Warren H. Miller (fl. 1910s), managing editor of Field & Stream, 1910–1918

title: Warren Miller


text:
Saint Marina

Saint Marina may refer to:
 * Saint Margaret of Antioch, also known as Saint Margaret the Virgin, Saint Marina the Martyr or Agia Marina by the Orthodox Church
 * Saint Marina of Aguas Santas (119-139), virgin and martyr of Balcagia (current Baiona, Spain)
 * Saint Marina the Monk, also known as Marina the Syrian, lived in the Monastery of Qannoubine, in the Holy Valley, Lebanon; venerated by Maronite Church
 * Venerable Marina de Escobar

title: Saint Marina


text:
Paracas culture

The Paracas culture was an Andean society existing between approximately 800 BCE and 100 BCE, with an extensive knowledge of irrigation and water management and that made significant contributions in the textile arts. It was located in what today is the Ica Region of Peru. Most information about the lives of the Paracas people comes from excavations at the large seaside Paracas site on the Paracas Peninsula, first formally investigated in the 1920s by Peruvian archaeologist Julio Tello.

The Paracas Cavernas are shaft tombs set into the top of Cerro Colorado, each containing multiple burials. There is evidence that over the centuries when the culture thrived, these tombs were reused. In some cases, the heads of the deceased were taken out, apparently for rituals, and later reburied. The associated ceramics include incised polychrome, "negative" resist decoration, and other wares of the Paracas tradition. The associated textiles include many complex weave structures, as well as elaborate plaiting and knotting techniques.

The necropolis of Wari Kayan consisted of two clusters of hundreds of burials set closely together inside and around abandoned buildings on the steep north slope of Cerro Colorado. The associated ceramics are very fine plain wares, some with white and red slips, others with pattern-burnished decoration, and other wares of the Topara tradition. Each burial consisted of a conical textile-wrapped bundle, most containing a seated individual facing north across the bay of Paracas, next to grave offerings such as ceramics, foodstuffs, baskets, and weapons. Each body was bound with cord to hold it in a seated position, before being wrapped in many layers of intricate, ornate, and finely woven textiles. The Paracas Necropolis textiles and embroideries are considered to be some of the finest ever produced by Pre-Columbian Andean societies. They are the primary works of art by which Paracas culture is known. Burials at the necropolis of Wari Kayan continued until approximately 250 CE. Many of the mortuary bundles include textiles similar to those of the early Nazca culture, which arose after the Paracas.

Political and social organization
Paracas lacked a central figurehead or government, and were instead composed of local chiefdoms. These communities were joined by shared religion and trade, but maintained economic and political autonomy. Early Paracas communities were within the Chavín sphere of interaction and formed their own versions of the cult. In the middle period (500–380 BCE) Chavín's influence on the Paracas culture dwindled and communities began to form their own unique identities. Relationships between these chiefdoms were not always peaceful, as evidence by violent battle wounds, trophy heads, and obsidian knives found at Paracas sites.

Subregions within the larger Paracas sphere emerged from local integration, including the Chinca Valley, the Ica Valley, and the Palpa Valley. The Chinca Valley was likely the political center of Paracas culture, with the Paracas Peninsula possibly acting primarily as burial grounds and Ica being a peripheral zone of Chincha. Chincha has numerous roads, geoglyphs, and religious centers that would have served as a ritual meeting point. Large mounds were built for ceremonial purposes throughout the valley, and there is little evidence for permanent occupation at these sites; instead, agriculture and fishing occurred in the land surrounding mounds and ritual complexes. People would have come from both coastal and highland communities, allowing for social and political integration as well as economic exchange. Large mounds were built for ceremonial purposes throughout the valley, and there is little evidence for permanent occupation at these sites; instead, agriculture and fishing occurred in the land surrounding mounds and ritual complexes. The valley has extensive irrigation systems to increase agricultural production, a trait found throughout Paracas settlements and monumental sites.

The site Cerro del Gentil in the Upper Chincha Valley dates to approximately 550–200 BCE and was used to host feasts for people throughout the Paracas sphere of influence. Though one of the smaller sites in the valley, it has still been subject to intensive research and is useful for understanding the political evolution of Paracas. The site is composed of a monumental platform mound with two sunken courts surrounded by agricultural fields. Strontium isotope testing of offerings at the site shows that people came from long distances to feast, suggesting that distant alliances were built initially and intentionally rather than consolidating local alliances first. A termination ritual occurred at the site around 200 BCE, in which large amounts of pottery, baskets, and other offerings were made along with a large feast. The high variability of offerings at the site, including bird feathers from far northern Peru, again show the variety of individuals using the site.

Decline and the Paracas/Nazca transition
Nazca Culture and iconography are believed by scholars such as Helaine Silverman to have evolved from Paracas culture. Nasca had shared religion with the Paracas, and continued the traditions of textile making, head-hunting, and warfare in early phases. Hendrik Van Gijseghem notes that Paracas remains in the Río Grande de Nazca drainage, the heartland of Nazca culture, are limited. In contrast, there are abundant Paracas remains in the Ica, Pisco, and Chincha valleys, as well as the Bahía de la Independencia. He noted that the southern Nazca region, which became the most populous region of its culture, was never an important area of Paracas occupation. He believes that initial settlement of the region by Paracas populations and subsequent population growth mark the beginning of Nazca society.

Many Paracas sites were later inhabited by the Topará tradition, and the decline of the Paracas culture is often thought to be associated with the "invasion" of the Topará culture the north at approximately 150 BCE. This is largely based on Topará-stlye ceramics found at late Paracas and initial Nazca sites. However, this theory has recently been called into question; the termination ritual at Cerro del Gentil and other Chincha Valley sites precedes any Topará occupation, and the sites show no sign of resistance to an invading culture. Radiocarbon dates show that the earliest accepted Topará site, Jahuay, was first occupied ~165 years after the closure of Cerro del Gentil. This suggests that the decline of Paracas and the Paracas-Nazca transition was already underway when the Topará tradition emerged.

Paracas Ceramics
Paracas ceramics is distinguishable from the Topará culture and Paracas-Nazca transition as a result of the difference in the slip used to create and decorate the ceramic pieces. The Topará ceramic style is dominated by monochromatic designs, often decorated with an orange or neutral color clay slip. Nazca ceramics involved a focus on polychrome designs accomplished through the application of a slip consisting of clay and pigments obtained from minerals like manganese found in their environment. The Paracas ceramic style involved the application of a clay based slip before firing the polychrome ceramic pieces. Though the Paracas culture often employed post-fire painting, a technique that involves markings and decorations through the application of resin and pigment to produce the colorful pieces that set apart Paracas from the Topará and Nazca. Alongside the culturally significant polychrome aspect of Paracas ceramics, this culture involved geometric, zoomorphic, and anthropomorphic foci with evidence of an abstract style. Paracas ceramics had abstract forms, showing architectural features through the configuration of form and imagery of Paracas ceramics to illustrate cultural and historical aspects of the Paracas culture. Ceremonial burial was of great significance in the Paracas culture. The identification of specific burial sites prompted a chronology ordering of the material art found in the burial complexes. Paracas Cavernas, Paracas Necropolis and Ocucaje are burial complexes on the southern Peruvian coast constructed about 2,000 years ago. The Paracas ceramic style is specifically associated with the Cavernas and Ocucaje burials and the Topará with the Necropolis burials with a slight presence at the Ocucaje burial complex. The transition from Paracas ceramic style to that of the Nazca culture was marked and identified at the Ocucaje. These specific burial locations facilitated the emergence of phases to sequence Paracas ceramic development.

The first phase (840-500 BCE) signified the early period of Paracas ceramics that were located along the coast or in valleys. This phase consisted of ceramics from Ocucaje and influenced by the Chavín culture given the presence of chavinoid features. The Paracas emerged separate from the Chavín culture and decidedly included specific aspects of Chavín material art like the feline-eagle motif that was similar to the falcon frieze of the Black and White Portal located at Chavín de Huántar, a Pre-Incan ceremonial site in the highlands of Peru, a center for the Chavín culture. A recurring feature in Paracas ceramics involved the representation of a full face feline.

The middle Paracas period (500–380 BCE) included the time spent constructing the Paracas culture, which is distinctive from Chavín culture. In this period, the Paracas expanded trade networks and continued to build their religious framework that supported the building of burials consisting of a large number of ceramics. The late Paracas phase (380–260 BCE) was linked with the homogenization of Paracas ceramics and the influx of people visiting the huacas in the southern coast of Peru. This period involved the growing presence of the "Oculate Being," a creature that was a major part of the Inca valley.

The sequence of these stages enables for analysis of the imagery and colorants used to decorate Paracas ceramics. However, the accessibility and use of pigments varied across different regions in the Incan Valley. At Ocucaje, the early and middle phases of Paracas ceramics consisted of pigments (mostly red and green) that were rich in iron. The late phase showed the Paracas culture moved away from iron-base paints. Paracas ceramics in the late style was marked by the presence of less vibrant colors and more of a neutral color palette, marking a transition in Paracas ceramic style.

Analysis of Paracas Mummy Bundles
The dry environment of southern Peru's Pacific coast allows organic materials to be preserved when buried. Mummified human remains were found in a tomb in the Paracas peninsula of Peru, buried under layers of cloth textiles. The dead were wrapped in layers of cloth called "mummy bundles". These bodies were found at the Great Paracas Necropolis along the south Pacific coast of the Andes. At the Necropolis there were two large clusters of crowded pit tombs, totaling about 420 bodies, dating to around 300–200 BCE. The mummified bodies in each tomb were wrapped in textiles. The textiles would have required many hours of work as the plain wrappings were very large and the clothing was finely woven and embroidered. The larger mummy bundles had many layers of bright colored garments and headdresses. Sheet gold and shell bead jewelry was worn by both men and women, and some were tattooed. The shape of these mummy bundles has been compared to a seed, or a human head.

The textiles and jewelry in the tombs and mummy bundles attracted looters. Once discovered, the Paracas Necropolis was looted heavily between the years 1931 and 1933, during the Great Depression, particularly in the Wari Kayan section. The amount of stolen materials is not known; however, Paracas textiles began to appear on the international market in the following years. It is believed the majority of Paracas textiles outside of the Andes were smuggled out of Peru.

Paracas Textiles

According to Anne Paul, this shape could have been a conscious choice by the people, with the seed a symbol of rebirth. Paul also suggests that the detail and high quality of the textiles found in the mummy bundles show that these fabrics were used for important ceremonial purposes. Both native Andean cotton and the hair of camelids like the wild vicuña and domestic llama or alpaca come in many natural colors. Yarns were also dyed in a wide range of hues, used together in loom weaving and many other techniques. This combination of materials shows trading relationships with other communities at lower and higher elevations.

The imagery found on these textiles included ceremonial practices. Some depicted a fallen figure, or possibly flying. Some figures appear to have face paint, and hold a severed head, also called trophy heads. Victims' heads were severed and collected during battles or raids. Possibly, the head of a person was considered their life force, the place in the body where the spirit was located. Not only did these textiles show important symbols of the Paracas cosmology, it is thought that they were worn to establish gender, social standing, authority, and indicate the community in which one resided. Different color schemes characterize the textiles of Paracas Cavernas, early Paracas Necropolis and later Nazca-related styles. The dyes used came from many regions of the Andes and are an example of reciprocity, as people from different altitudes traded with one another for different goods. The color red comes from the cochineal bug found on the prickly pear cactus. The cochineal was ground up with mortar and pestle to create a red pigment. Yellow dyes could be made from the qolle tree and quico flowers, while orange dyes can be extracted from a type of moss called beard lichen. For the color green the most common plant used is the cg'illca, mixed with a mineral called collpa. While blues are created from a tara, the deeper a hue of blue, the more the mineral collpa was added. The process of creating dyes could take up to several hours. Then it could take another two hours for women to boil and dye the fibers. This work was followed by spinning and weaving the fibers.

The woven textiles of Paracas were made on backstrap looms generally in solid color. These webs were richly ornamented with embroidery in two different styles. The earlier linear style embroidery was done in running stitches closely following the furrows of the weaving itself. Red, green, gold and blue color was used to delineate nested animal figures, which emerge from the background with upturned mouths, while the stitching creates the negative space. These embroideries are highly abstracted and difficult to interpret. The later used Block-color style embroidery was made with stem stitches outlining and solidly filling curvilinear figures in a large variety of vivid colors. The therianthropomorphic figures are illustrated with great detail with systematically varied coloring.

Artificial cranial deformation
Like many ancient Andean societies, the Paracas culture participated in artificial cranial deformation. Of the excavated and accessible skulls from the Paracas Cavernas, the vast majority of skulls were visibly modified. The skulls were observed to be primarily of two shapes: Tabular Erect or Bilobate. Though Tabular Erect was the most common among both sexes, Bilobate skulls were observed at a much higher rate in female skulls. This association with sex has evidence in some Paracas ceramics, where men and women are depicted with distinctly Tabular Erect and Bilobate heads, respectively.

Some archaeologists suggest that Andean conceptions of gender and cosmovision could support a quadripartite (masculine–masculine, masculine–feminine, feminine–masculine and feminine–feminine) construction of gender that could explain the decisions of alteration type per sex. Cranial modification shape appears not to be tied to social status (based on burial goods), or kinship (based on groupings of remains).

Trepanation
The Paracas culture also shows evidence of the earliest trepanations in the Americas, using lithic scraping and drilling techniques to remove sections of the skull. The likely motivation for trepanation may have been to treat the depressed skull fractures that are commonly observed in Paracas culture remains, likely caused by the slings, clubs, and atlatls commonly found in mummy bundles along the south Peruvian coast. However, many of the Paracas trepanations remove such a large amount of the skull that direct evidence of skull fractures or similar injuries coinciding with trepanation is elusive. Observed trepanations and skull fractures are both most common on the front of the skull, lending indirect support to an association between the two.

Based on the level of bone reaction and healing observed in a trepanned skull, archaeologists can estimate the survival rate of these medical procedures: 39% of patients would have died during trepanation or shortly after (with no bone reaction being observed), and nearly 40% of patients would have survived long-term (with extensive bone reaction being observed). Currently, the best estimate of the frequency of trepanations in the Paracas culture is around 40%, though sampling bias in the initial selection of skulls, the large quantity of unopened mummy bundles, and the 39% mortality rate of Paracas trepanation make an estimate this high very unlikely.

Paracas geoglyphs
In 2018 RPAS drones used by archaeologists to survey cultural evidence revealed many geoglyphs in Palpa province. These are being assigned to the Paracas culture, and have been shown to predate the associated Nazca lines by a thousand years. The theorized evolution of the Paracas culture into the Nazca supports this assignment. In addition, the Paracas geoglyphs show a significant difference in subjects and locations from the Nazca lines; many are constructed on a hillside rather than the desert valley floor. Archaeologist Luis Jaime Castillo notes that this difference has very practical effects: the Nazca lines would not have been easily viewed, intended for the gods, while the Paracas geoglyphs could have been easily viewed by humans by humans, and their representational figures were potentially used to demarcate territory.

title: Paracas culture


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Hal Pereira

Hal Pereira (April 29, 1905 – December 17, 1983) was an American art director, production designer, and occasional architect.

Pereira was born in Chicago, Illinois, the son of Sarah (Friedberg) and Saul Pereira. In the 1940s through the 1960s he worked on more than 200 films as an art director and production designer. He was nominated for 23 Oscars, having won only one for his work on The Rose Tattoo. He served, along with Earl Hedrick, as artistic director of the popular TV series Bonanza. Pereira started out in theater design in Chicago before moving to Los Angeles and working for Paramount Studios as a unit art director. In 1944 he was art designer for the film noir Double Indemnity. By 1950, he was supervising art director for the studio, a position at which he remained until its reorganization by the Gulf+Western oil firm in the late 1960s. There, he worked on such films as the classic Western Shane and The Greatest Show on Earth, which won the Oscar for Best Picture. In 1955 Pereira won the Oscar for best art direction for a black and white film for The Rose Tattoo. In addition, he was the art director on almost all of the important Alfred Hitchcock films of the 1950s.

Pereira was educated at the University of Illinois and is brother of architect (and occasional film art director) William L. Pereira.

He died in Los Angeles, California.

title: Hal Pereira


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Moka exchange

The Moka is a highly ritualized system of exchange in the Mount Hagen area, Papua New Guinea, that has become emblematic of the anthropological concepts of "gift economy" and of "Big man" political system. Moka are reciprocal gifts of pigs through which social status is achieved. Moka refers specifically to the increment in the size of the gift; giving more brings greater prestige to the giver. However, reciprocal gift giving was confused by early anthropologists with profit-seeking, as the lending and borrowing of money at interest.

This gift exchange system was analyzed by anthropologist Marshall Sahlins as a means of distinguishing between the exchange principles of reciprocity and redistribution on the one hand, and the associated political principles of status and rank on the other. Sahlins used this example to contrast the regional political differences between the status-based "Big man" political system of Melanesia that engage in gift exchange, with the socially ranked "Chiefly" political systems of Polynesia associated with redistributive systems.

Since making this comparison, the Moka system has been the subject of extensive debate on the nature of the gift, and of so-called "gift economies". It has become a staple of classroom discussion as a result of the ethnographic film Ongka's Big Moka, which documents one Moka cycle in the early 1970s.

Gifts and prestige: the 'Big man'/'Rubbish man' continuum

Social status in the 'Big man' political system is the result of giving larger gifts than one has received. These gifts are of a limited range of goods, primarily pigs and scarce pearl shells from the coast. To return the same amount as one has received in a moka is simply the repayment of a debt, strict reciprocity. Moka is the extra. To some, this represents interest on an investment. However, one is not bound to provide moka, only to repay the debt. One adds moka to the gift to increase one's prestige, and to place the receiver in debt. This constant renewal of the debt relationship keeps the relationship alive. A debt fully paid ends further interaction. Giving more than one receives establishes a reputation as a Big man, whereas the simple repayment of debt, or failure to fully repay, pushes one's reputation towards the other end of the scale, Rubbish man.

Big men are the preferred people to give gifts to, since one has a reasonable chance of repayment with extra. Gift-giving is not altruistic. The extra one receives back can be re-gifted to others, increasing the number of exchange partners, and building a wider network. This wider network returns even more, growing both network size and gift value. Giving a gift to a rubbish man is a waste, since they cannot repay their debt with moka ("interest"). Gift-giving thus becomes a competition between a limited number of high-status men, each of whom tries to give bigger gifts than they received. The networks can grow to encompass several hundred men, each competing with the others, to give the biggest gift to a competitor.

The expansion in size of gift and counter-gift, and of the political network it creates, eventually reaches its upper limit set by the carrying capacity of the land, and the ability of followers to husband the pigs. When a Big man is finally unable to repay a gift with moka, he is defeated; however, the winning competitor is now without the "extra" he requires to repay his gifts to his followers, and his reputation also suffers and the expansive network that had been built up starts to crumble. Other Big men now take advantage and the competition for supremacy begins again.

In the documentary Ongka's Big Moka, Ongka must try three times before he succeeds in staging his Moka. His gift consists of a truck, 600 pigs, AU$10,000, 8 cows, and 12 cassowaries.

Reciprocity vs. redistribution
"On a very general view, the array of economic transactions in the ethnographic record may be resolved into two types. First, those 'vice-versa' movements between two parties known familiarly as 'reciprocity.' The second, centralized movements: collection from members of a group, often under one hand, and redivision with this group. This is 'pooling' or 'redistribution'. On an even more general view, the two types merge. For pooling is an organization of reciprocities, a system of reciprocities - a fact of central bearing on the genesis of large scale redistribution under chiefly aegis."

Sahlins used the example of Moka to distinguish between the principles of reciprocity and redistribution. Reciprocity is a dyadic exchange relationship that can be characterized, imprecisely, as gift-giving. Moka exchange is between two individuals, each of whom aims to give more than they receive. It is thus unlike profit seeking, though that does not make it a gift in the standard sense of the word. Moka exchange is not altruistic. One gives gifts to potential enemies to establish a relationship by placing them in debt. For a relationship to persist, there must be a delay between gift and counter-gift—one or the other party must always be in debt or there is no relationship. Without this debt relationship, there is no reciprocity. This is what distinguishes moka from a "true gift" given with no expectation of return (something Sahlins calls 'generalized reciprocity'). Exchange without expectation of reciprocity is frequently defined as generalized exchange.

Redistribution, in contrast, involves the collection of tribute (e.g. tax) by a legitimate authority, who re-allocates it to members of the group. Sahlins refers to this as "pooling". Reciprocity and redistribution are associated by Sahlins with two different types of political system. Reciprocal exchanges, as in Moka, give the Big Man political system its shape. Political relationships are crafted out of the sense of debt created by a Moka gift. The Big Man has influence, but cannot command. Redistribution is common in the chiefly polities of Polynesia, such as Hawai'i, Tonga, and Fiji where those of rank can demand tribute, which they redistribute to their followers.

Status vs. rank
Karl Polanyi emphasized that economic exchange in non-market societies is "embedded" in other social institutions. There is no distinct economic system. Exchanges such as Moka have both economic, kin, religious and political aspects; they must be analyzed holistically, in terms of the institutions (such as Moka) in which it is embedded. Gift exchange thus has a political effect; granting prestige or status to one, and a sense of debt in the other. A political system can be built out of these kinds of status relationships. Sahlins characterizes the difference between status and rank by highlighting that Big man is not a role, but a status shared by many. The Big man is "not a prince OF men", but a "prince among men". The Big man system is based on the ability to persuade, rather than command. It is laboriously built up, yet is highly unstable and inevitably collapses.

The redistributive exchanges found in the Polynesian islands, in contrast, are embedded in a kinship system based on rank. Those who are junior kinsmen are obligated to obey those who are first born. Families of the first born are acknowledged as superior to families of the junior kinsmen, leading to the development of an aristocracy that can command tribute, which they redistribute among followers. The chiefly system is much more stable.

Gifts and commodities
Some anthropologists have contrasted "gift economies" from "market economies" as polar opposites, thereby implying that non-market exchange was always altruistic. This opposition was classically expressed by Chris Gregory in his book "Gifts and Commodities" (1982). Gregory argued that:

Gregory contrasts gift and commodity exchange according to five criteria:

Other anthropologists, however, refused to see these different "exchange spheres" as such polar opposites. Marilyn Strathern, writing on a similar area in Papua New Guinea, dismissed the utility of the opposition in "The Gender of the Gift" (1988).

title: Moka exchange


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File:An Evening Wasted With Tom Lehrer.jpg

Summary
Album cover for the 1959 album An Evening Wasted with Tom Lehrer, performed by Tom Lehrer


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Gonivada

Gonivada is a small village, 20 km from Davangere in Karnataka state in India. It is well connected by Davangere-Shimoga Karnataka state highway. The main occupation of the villagers is agriculture, the same as thousands of other villages in India. The land is semi-fertile with black and red soil. The chief agricultural product is paddy rice, followed by sugarcane as there is a sugar factory nearby. Off late, areca nut cultivation is also quite popular due to commercial benefits. The population of the village is around 2000.

Basavanagowda K C Gonivada Mathi post

title: Gonivada


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Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Sausage making

 This page is an archive of the proposed deletion of the article below. Further comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page (such as the article's talk page or on a Votes for Undeletion nomination). No further edits should be made to this page.

The result of the debate was Keep/Merge. Redwolf24 (talk) 02:01, 27 August 2005 (UTC)

Sausage making and Sausage Making
Artical was resubmitted with proper capitalization eg "Sausage Making" — Preceding unsigned comment added by Terrell Larson (talk • contribs) 2005-08-19 12:03:19 UTC

 * Move to Wikibooks if content isn't a copyvio, and redirect to sausages. KeithD (talk) 12:12, 19 August 2005 (UTC)
 * Keep Sausage Making (but move to the correct capitalisation of Sausage making). (Article is much more encyclopaedic than when I cast my previous vote). KeithD (talk) 07:42, 20 August 2005 (UTC)

 * Comment Article Sausage Making contains a lot of information that's not in Sausage making. People might vote differently on the two articles. Fg2 00:37, August 20, 2005 (UTC)
 * Merge the two, under the correct capitalization Sausage making, with all relevant non-duplicative facts in the merged article. Xoloz 20:02, 20 August 2005 (UTC)
 * The above discussion is preserved as an archive of the debate. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page (such as the article's talk page or in an undeletion request). No further edits should be made to this page.


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Talk:Baháʼí Faith and auxiliary language

Just curious for those who know better than I - have there ever been any statements in the religion on the language Interlingua? 211.240.138.196 12:02, 19 August 2005 (UTC)

As far as my research can tell, the answer to this question is "no". It is possible that it is mentioned in a letter from the Baha'i World Centre or the Universal House of Justice, but none that I can possibly see or find. A comprehensive search of Ocean shows no results using search terms or roots: "interlingua", "lingua", "lingu", or "interl". A search of the Baha'i Academics Library shows 2 results, one reference in a research paper, and another on a forum, neither of which are statements within the faith. (Nmentha 03:23, 26 September 2005 (UTC)) I (Nmentha) was registered as not being logged into Wikipedia!

Two International Languages section
I'm not sure what the opening sentence: "Two related hermeneutic difficulties have led some commentators to conclude that two international languages will be chosen — not simultaneously, but one for the near future and one for the far future." is trying to get at. I've never heard of this so-called conflict.

"Some commentators" is troubling. What commentators? Without citation, and there's none here, these are weasly.

What hermeneutic/exegetic difficulties? It's already established in the article that Bahá'u'lláh was only praising Arabic and 'Abdul-Bahá prasing Esperanto. The points aren't related, so how could they conflict?

I'm loathe to see references to a so-called Bahá'í hermeneutics. Biblical hermeneutics has a checkered history to say the least. And Bahá'ís have a treasure-trove or authoritative, to us, interpretation in 'Abdul-Bahá and Shoghi Effendi.

Exegetic studies of the Bahá'í writings are useful, but I don't see a conflict requiring such a study. Besides that study should be documented here at least on the "Talk" page.

This section makes very good points on the process of adopting a universal auxiliary language. I especially like the references to minority languages and cultures.

Could this section be reworked as so:

Toward a universal language

The idea that a universal language would displace native languages is potentially troubling. This would seem to contradict the Bahá'í Faith's principle of "unity in diversity."

Language is strongly attached to culture. The prospect of all-but-universal language extinction would be undesirable to less dominant languages and cultures, like Uyghur or Cornish, which are struggling for distinction. American Indian languages and cultures were suppressed in boarding schools in the United States and Canada much to the detriment of these peoples. The effects of the suppression of Irish can still be felt today.

To the world's ethnic minorities an imposed language would be tantamount to an imposed culture. The Bahá'í writings appear to envision a language that is willingly supported and learned.

This passage from Shoghi Effendi refers the voluntary, or de-facto, adoption of a single language to the distant future:

 * What Bahá'u'lláh is referring to in the Eighth Leaf of the Exalted Paradise [Tablets of Bahá'u'lláh, p. 68] is a far distant time, when the world is really one country, and one language would be a sensible possibility. It does not contradict His instruction as to the need immediately for an auxiliary language.
 * From a letter written on behalf of Shoghi Effendi to an individual believer, March 16, 1946
 * republished in Lights of Guidance, p. 340

Another possible interpretation is to say that "reduced to one" refers not to all languages, but only to the languages which would be necessary to learn. This preserves the idea of "unity in diversity."

MARussellPESE 19:29, 25 October 2005 (UTC)

Unitas Multiplex
"Unitas Multiplex" was introduced because it is the original latin term for "unity in multiplicity", which is analogous to unity in diversity. It is a fundamental tennt of the enlightenment philosophy of Leibniz, specifically his project to develop an auxiliary language known as the characteristica universalis. There have been many different developments of this approach in contemporary philosophy and science. An interesting application is in the work of Systems Ecology, ecological economics & ecological engineering. Sholto Maud 23:19, 16 March 2006 (UTC)
 * Firstly, this is the english wikipedia. Secondly the article is about the Baha'i idea of language policy which includes among it keeping the diversity of language, and comes from the writings of Baha'u'llah.  Thirdly, characteristica universalis is already in the "see also" section. -- Jeff3000 04:47, 17 March 2006 (UTC)

 * No it's not offensive, and I find it interesting that the idea has existed for so long, but it's place is not in this article, because this article is about what the Baha'i Faith teaches about language policy, not what others think about it. -- Jeff3000 13:42, 17 March 2006 (UTC)

There seems to be some tunnel vision as it relates to understanding Baha'u'llah's concept of an international auxiliary language. Some important quotes are:

"A world language will either be invented or chosen from among the existing languages and will be taught in the schools of all the federated nations as an auxiliary to their mother tongue."(Shoghi Effendi, The Proclamation of Baha'u'llah, p. xi)

"In the schools of each nation the mother tongue will be taught, as well as the revised Universal Language."(Abdu'l-Baha, Abdu'l-Baha in London, p. 94)

"In order to facilitate complete understanding between all people, a universal auxiliary language will be adopted and in the schools of the future two languages will be taught -- the mother tongue and this international auxiliary tongue which will be either one of the existing language or a new language made up of words from all the languages..."(Abdu'l-Baha, Divine Philosophy, p. 84)

"Thus it would be needful to know two languages only, the mother tongue and the universal speech." (Abdu'l-Baha, Paris Talks, p. 156)

Is it possible that Baha'u'llah was not suggesting the creation of a completely new language, like others have done with Esperanto and suggested with characteristica universalis? What if Baha'u'llah was suggesting something entirely different--an AUXILIARY to our own mother tongues? So that instead of learning an entirely new language, we only need to learn common modifications to our own native languages that make it possible for those who speak different languages to understand what we are saying...starting with a common script. Could this be what is meant by a "revised" universal language, a "universal speech", and a language that is made up of words from all languages? This understanding of Baha'u'llah's Message would suggest the creation of an auxiliary grammatical structure that encompasses all languages, rather than adding more newly constructed languages to the mix. It would create an overarching unity out of the diversity. (Jkhalilprince (talk) 14:18, 7 May 2009 (UTC))

name change
Are there any objections to moving this page to Universal Auxiliary Language. It currently redirects here, and Bahá'í Faith and language policy sounds funny. There really isn't a "language policy" in the Baha'i Faith. Cuñado  -  Talk  10:15, 24 May 2006 (UTC)

 * Never liked this title anyway, but "Universal Auxiliary Language" is perhaps too generic. How about Baha'i Faith and auxiliary language? MARussellPESE 12:53, 24 May 2006 (UTC)
 * Yes I like "Baha'i Faith and auxiliary language". Note that there is already an article called International Auxiliary Language that has nothing to do with the Baha'i Faith. -- Jeff3000 13:50, 24 May 2006 (UTC)

Wikiproject:Conlanging
Should this be under Wikiproject Conlanging? I can do stuff ! (talk) 06:04, 24 January 2024 (UTC)


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Paradoxides

Paradoxides is a genus of large to very large trilobite found throughout the world during the Middle Cambrian period. One record-breaking specimen of Paradoxides davidis, described by John William Salter in 1863, is 37 cm. The cephalon was semicircular with free cheeks ending in long, narrow, recurved spines. Eyes were crescent shaped providing an almost 360° view, but only in the horizontal plane. Its elongate thorax was composed of 19–21 segments and adorned with longish, recurved pleural spines. Its pygidium was comparatively small. Paradoxides is a characteristic Middle-Cambrian trilobite of the 'Atlantic' (Avalonian) fauna. Avalonian rocks were deposited near a small continent called Avalonia in the Paleozoic Iapetus Ocean. Avalonian beds are now in a narrow strip along the East Coast of North America, and in Europe.

Description
The exoskeleton of Paradoxides is large to very large, relatively flat, and about one and a half times longer than wide, with greatest width across the genal spines. The cephalon is close to semicircular with long genal spines developed from the posterolateral corners of the cephalon. Depending on species the facial sutures are of variable length behind the palpebral lobes. The preocular sections of the facial suture follows a slight S-curve and intersect the anterior cephalic margin in front of the eye. Four pairs of glabellar furrows are usually present, the posterior two pairs (1p and 2p) are transglabellar. 3p and 4p furrows short with 4p commonly directed forwards and outwards to intersect axial furrows opposite maximum glabellar width. Palpebral lobes are short and of variable length. Hypostoma in some species is fused with the rostral plate, e.g. in Paradoxides davidis, a character that distinguishes the genus from all other trilobites, except in some Cambrian Corynexochida such as Oryctocephalus and Fieldaspis.

Thorax consists of 19–21 segments; axis about as wide as each of the pleurae, excluding pleural spines which curve backwards and slightly increase in length towards posterior. Spines on rear thoracic segment twice as long, often more, than associated pleurae and extending well beyond the pygidium.

Pygidium is small with one or two axial rings and may be partially or completely fused to the last thoracic segment. The axis does not reach the rear margin of the pygidium and defines a U-shaped pleural field.

Ontogeny
The larval development (or ontogeny) of Paradoxides was already described by Barrande (in 1852). The earliest stage (protaspis) is a disc with three pairs of spines on the margin. Genal spines are placed at half-length and directed at about 45° outward and backward, curving slightly further backwards and almost a third of the diameter of the protaspis long. Sharply pointed intergenal spines, about 50% of the disc diameter long, are positioned at the back of the future cephalon, are straight and pointing backwards and 15° outward. These spines will have disappeared in adult specimens. The first of future thoracic spines are placed immediately next to the intergenal spines and curve to a parallel with the midline. The front of the glabella almost reaches the front and consists of four sets of lobes divided by a furrow on the midline in the frontal two-thirds, and furrows between them. The most backward set consisting of two central and two lateral lobes. Further backwards is the final element of the glabella, one central occipital lobe that carries a small node, and two lateral occipital lobes. The axis is terminated with three rings of somewhat decreasing width. Midlength of the side of the most glabellar lobes run semicircular eyelobes parallel to the margin of the exoskeleton, ending near the base of the intergenal spine

Behaviour
Like in many early trilobites, the thorax of Paradoxides consists of so-called nonfulcrate segments, that allow the animal to roll, providing protection from front, rear, top, and bottom, while leaving access to the soft ventral side of the animal from each of the sides.

Complete specimens of Paradoxides have been found with the librigenae and fused rostral-hypostomal plate. In moulting, the body was arched above the substrate, with the anterior border at the front and posterior pleural spines dug into sediment. Stretching the body would then result in rupturing the sutures in the cephalon and flipping off the librigenae including the rostral-hypostomal plate. After moulting the animal would exit moving forward from its old exoskeleton.

Specimens of Paradoxides have been found containing intact Peronopsis trilobites between glabella and hypostome and where the gut would have been, and these are assumed to have not been food items of the large trilobite, but instead either scavenged on its digestive track, or found shelter.

Reassigned species
A number of species previously assigned to the genus Paradoxides have since been transferred to other genera:

 * P. armatus = Metadoxides armatus
 * P. boltoni = Arctinurus boltoni
 * P. carolinaensis = Pteridinium
 * P. expectans = Luhops expectans
 * P. loveni = Centropleura loveni
 * P. harlani = Acadoparadoxides harlani
 * P. sacheri = Acadoparadoxides sacheri
 * P. oelandicus = Acadoparadoxides (Baltoparadoxides) oelandicus
 * P. pinus = Acadoparadoxides (Baltoparadoxides) pinus
 * P. insularis = Eccaparadoxides insularis
 * P. torelli = Eccaparadoxides torelli
 * P. bidentatus Eccaparadoxides bidentatus
 * P. lamellatus = Eccaparadoxides lamellatus
 * P. pusillus = Eccaparadoxides pusillus
 * P. opanol = Eccaparadoxides opanol
 * P. kjerulfi = Holmia kjerulfi
 * P. nevadensis = Olenoides nevadensis
 * P. rotundatus = P. (Hydrocephalus) rotundatus
 * P. torosus = Metadoxides torosus
 * P. hicksii = Mawddachites hicksii
 * P. brachyrhachis = Mawddachites? brachyrhachis
 * P. sedgwickii = Plutonides sedgwickii
 * P. haywardi = Plutonides haywardi

Distribution
Fossils of Paradoxides have been found in Canada (New Brunswick, Newfoundland and Labrador), Colombia (Duda Formation, El Dorado, Meta), the Czech Republic, Denmark, France, Italy, Morocco, Norway, Poland, the Russian Federation, Spain, Sweden, Turkey, the United Kingdom, and the United States (Alaska, Massachusetts, South Carolina).

title: Paradoxides


text:
Praetorian prefecture of Illyricum

The praetorian prefecture of Illyricum (praefectura praetorio per Illyricum; ἐπαρχότης/ὑπαρχία [τῶν πραιτωρίων] τοῦ Ἰλλυρικοῦ, also termed simply the prefecture of Illyricum) was one of four praetorian prefectures into which the Late Roman Empire was divided.

The administrative centre of the prefecture was Sirmium (375–379), and, after 379, Thessalonica. It took its name from the older province of Illyricum, which in turn was named after ancient Illyria, and in its greatest expanse encompassed Pannonia, Noricum, Crete, and most of the Balkan peninsula except for Thrace.

Administrative history
Unlike the other three "classical" prefectures that are mentioned in the Notitia Dignitatum (Gaul, the Italy-Africa and the East), the early administrative history of Illyricum as a prefecture during the 4th century involved its abolition, re-establishment and division several times.

Initially the territories comprising the later praetorian prefecture of Illyricum belonged to the Prefecture of Italy, Illyricum and Africa. It was as established as a praetorian prefecture in its own right during the dynastic struggles between the sons of Constantine the Great which followed his death in 337. It seems that the three dioceses of Macedonia, Dacia and Pannonia were first grouped together in a separate praetorian prefecture in 347 by Constans by removing them from the praetorian prefecture of Italy, Africa and Illyricum (which then became the praetorian prefecture of Italy and Africa) or that this praetorian prefecture was formed in 343 when Constans appointed a prefect for Italy.

It remained in existence until 361, when it was abolished by emperor Julian, and then revived under Gratian between 375 and 379. In that year the Diocese of Pannonia (Illyricum occidentale, "Western Illyricum") was again added to Italy as the "Diocese of Illyricum", while Macedonia and Dacia (Illyricum orientale, "Eastern Illyricum") were briefly ruled directly by Theodosius I from Thessalonica. During the years 384–395 they were again incorporated in the Italian prefecture, except a short period in 388–391, when the two dioceses formed a separate prefecture.

Only after the death of Theodosius in 395 and the division of the Empire did the Illyricum assume the permanent form which appears in the Notitia, incorporating the dioceses of Macedonia and Dacia, with Thessalonica as capital. However, the Western Empire, especially during the regency of Stilicho, continued claim them until 437 when, as part of the dowry of Licinia Eudoxia, Valentinian III recognized the East's sovereignty over the prefecture. On this occasion, it appears that the prefecture's capital was moved to Sirmium (437–441), although the realization of such a move is debated, as the northern Balkans were at the time ravaged by invasions. Likewise, the intention of Justinian I to move the capital to his new city of Justiniana Prima in the 540s remained unfulfilled.

Following the Slavic invasions in the 6th and 7th century, most of the Balkan hinterland was lost by the Byzantines, who only retained control of the parts of Thrace nearest Constantinople, Thessalonica and its environs, and some coastal strips in Greece. A praetorian prefect (ὕπαρχος) is attested in the sources as governor of Thessalonica as late as the first years of the 9th century, one of the last survivals of the old Constantinian administrative system in the entire Empire. At that point however, the wars with the rising power of Bulgaria necessitated a reorganization of the provinces, and Thessalonica was constituted as a distinct theme under a strategos sometime before 840.

List of known praefecti praetorio per Illyricum

 * Vulcacius Rufinus (347–352)
 * Quintus Flavius Maesius Egnatius Lollianus Mavortius (355–56)
 * Anatolius (−360)
 * Florentius (360)
 * Sextus Claudius Petronius Probus (c.364)
 * Quintus Clodius Hermogenianus Olybrius (378–379)
 * Vettius Agorius Praetextatus (384, also Praetorian Prefect of Italy)
 * Flavius Eutychianus (396–397)
 * Anatolius (397–399)
 * Herculius (408–410)
 * Leontius (412–413)
 * Flavius Junius Quartus Palladius (416–421, also Praetorian Prefect of Italy)
 * Gessius (some time between 421 and 443)
 * Flavius Anthemius Isidorus (424)
 * Flavius Simplicius Reginus (435)
 * Eubulus (436)
 * Thalassius (439)
 * Apraeumius (441)
 * Eulogius (c. 451)
 * Valentinianus (452)
 * Callicrates (468–469)
 * Iohannes (472)
 * Basilides (529)

title: Praetorian prefecture of Illyricum


text:
Wongan Hills, Western Australia

Wongan Hills is a town in the Shire of Wongan-Ballidu, in the Wheatbelt region of Western Australia. The town is approximately 182 km north of the state capital Perth, at an altitude of 286 metres.

The town is named for a nearby range of hills that are found to the north-west of the town, also named Wongan Hills, which was first recorded in 1836 by Surveyor General of Western Australia John Septimus Roe.

History
The area was settled by the 1900s, and in 1911 the town was gazetted and named after the range. "Wongan" is derived from the Indigenous Australian name "wangan-katta", "wanka" and "woongan". "Katta" is known to mean "hill", but the meaning of "wongan" is uncertain. It may be related to "kwongan", an indigenous word for sandplain, or "whispering", in which case "wongan katta" would mean "whispering hills" (katta is a word for hill).

In the early 1900s, poet Lilian Wooster Greaves lived with her family at Wongan Hills. Her book of poetry includes a number of prose and poetry items relating to living there at the time of World War I.

In 1925, an agricultural research station was established about 5 km north of the town, which assisted in the diversification of and improvements in farm practices through the state. The area is a prosperous agricultural region with activities focused on sheep, grain and pig-farming.

Construction of a grain silo commenced in 1933 as part of the bulk handling scheme that had been introduced by the government and managed by Cooperative Bulk Handling.

As part of Easter celebrations in 2009, a 1.8 by cross was laid out in a bare paddock using 460 half-tonne hay bales with the aid of GPS receivers. The cross was set alight on Good Friday night and was the end of a pilgrimage conducted on Easter Saturday.

Climate
Wongan Hills historically had a Mediterranean climate (Köppen Csa) however drying associated with widening of the Hadley cell has shifted the area in recent times to a hot semi-arid climate (BSh). The climate is similar to Northern Hemisphere areas on the southern Mediterranean Sea, such as Tripoli or Gaza City, though Wongan Hills' inland location produces hotter, less arid summers and cooler winters than those localities. Summers are hot to sweltering and generally arid, though occasionally tropical cyclones from the Indian Ocean will affect the region after moving inland, whilst winters are comfortable with cold nights and occasional showers.

title: Wongan Hills, Western Australia


text:
Pontifical Academy of Arcadia

The Accademia degli Arcadi or Accademia dell'Arcadia, "Academy of Arcadia" or "Academy of the Arcadians", was an Italian literary academy founded in Rome in 1690. The full Italian official name was Pontificia Accademia degli Arcadi.

Foundation
The beginnings of the Accademia degli Arcadi date to February 1656, when a literary circle formed under the patronage of Queen Christina of Sweden, who had abdicated the Swedish crown in 1654, converted to Catholicism, and taken up her residence in Rome, where she spent much of the rest of her life. There she became a significant patron of music and opera, with composers including Alessandro Scarlatti, Alessandro Stradella and Arcangelo Corelli dedicating works to her. After her death in 1689, the academy was established in her memory and elected her as its symbolic head (basilissa, the Greek term for 'Queen'). For the next two hundred years, the Academy remained a leading cultural institution. The first solemn gathering of the Arcadians was held on the Janiculum hill, in a wood belonging to the Reformed Minorites, on 5 October 1690. The Accademia degli Arcadi was so-called because its principal intention was to reform the diction of Italian poetry, which the founders believed had become corrupt through over-indulgence in the ornamentation of the baroque style. Under the inspiration of pastoral literature, the conventions of which imagined the life of shepherds, originally supposed to have lived in Arcadia in the golden age, divinely inspired in poetry by the Muses, Apollo, Hermes and Pan, the Academy chose as its emblem the pipe of Pan with its seven unequal reeds.

The fourteen founders selected as the first Custode di Arcadia or president of the academy, Giovanni Mario Crescimbeni who was the author of a history of Italian poetry and of various literary works. The Arcadians resolved to return to the fields of truth, always singing of subjects of pastoral simplicity and drawing their inspiration from Greco-Roman bucolic poetry. The ideal parameters for the artistic work were simplicity and a sense of measure and beauty. Common to all the poets was the desire to oppose the poetry of the Marinists, and return to classic poetry, embracing also the recent rationalist influence of Descartes. Norms and rituals of the academy took their cue from classic and pastoral mythology, as in the custom of assuming 'pastoral' names (Crescimbeni, for example, chose that of 'Alfesibeo Cario'). The fourteen founder members included the librettist Silvio Stampiglia and the poet Vincenzo Leonio.

Orsini Gardens & Beyond
In 1692, the meetings were transferred to the gardens of Duke Orsini on the Esquiline hill; in 1696, to the Farnese Gardens on the Palatine. Finally, the generosity of John V of Portugal, one of its members under the name of Arete Melleo, enabled the society to secure (1723) on the Janiculum a site known as the Bosco Parrasio or (Parrasian Grove). Here they held their meetings on summer days, in winter moving to the Teatro degli Arcadi in the Palazzo Salviati. In 1696 the Accademia admitted seven musicians including Giovanni Bononcini.

While the academy was still on the Palatine, its Statuto or Constitution was drawn up. This constitution (the work of co-founder Gian Vincenzo Gravina) was modelled on the ancient Roman laws of the 'Twelve Tables', and was engraved on marble. Differing tendencies soon asserted themselves, following the ideas of the two founders: that of Gravina stood in the tradition of Homer and Dante, while that of Crescimbeni was more influenced by Petrarch. Because of these differences, Gravina left to found the Accademia dei Quirini in 1711. Despite this loss, Arcadia retained its vigour in the following years, and created colonies in many cities of Italy. Many noblemen, ecclesiastics, and artists held membership in it to be an honour, and very soon it numbered 1,300. Much of what they produced, however, was either mediocre or pretentious (an example is Saverio Bettinelli's disparagement of Dante), although the Academy did receive some endorsement for its attack on the redundant Rococo style, then dominant in art and literature.

The celebrated opera librettist Pietro Metastasio (1698–1782), although he had his own differences with Arcadia, was a student of Gravina's and a leading light of the academy's second generation. His works, of which the best remembered might be Il Re Pastore because of its setting by Mozart, may represent the closest thing to a justification of the program that Arcadia achieved.

In 1795, the academy admitted the Italian Diodata Saluzzo Roero, as one of its first female members, but some evidence does exist for earlier female members. In the 17th century, the poet Maria Antonia Scalera Stellini was elected a member, and the 1721 edition of the Academy's publication included work by Caterina Imperiale Lercari Pallavicini. Margherita Sparapani Gentili Boccapadule was also a member.

Anti-Arcadian Reaction
A violent anti-Arcadian reaction soon developed, and, starting from the early 19th century, Arcadianism began to be regarded as a late and unconvincing expression of the ancien régime. After the end of the French Revolution, the Academy strove to renew itself in accord with the spirit of the times, without sacrificing its traditional system of sylvan associations and pastoral names. The Academy no longer represented a literary school, but a general interest in the classics and figures like Dante came to be greatly honoured by its members. Furthermore, the Academy's field of endeavour was enlarged to include many branches of study, including history and archaeology. The new Arcadian revival was marked by the foundation (1819) of the Giornale Arcadico. In 1925 the Academy was renamed to become the Arcadia – Accademia Letteraria Italiana, a historical institute.

Legacy
The Accademia degli Arcadi counted among its members some of the principal literary men and women of the time, including Carlo d'Aquino, Carlo Alessandro Guidi, Petronilla Paolini Massimi, Benedetto Menzini, librettist Pietro Metastasio, Francesco Redi Paolo Rolli, and linguist Clotilde Tambroni, among others. The famous composer George Frideric Handel is known to have often attended the meetings and symposia of the Arcadians when studying in Italy, under the patronage of Ruspoli, a leading member of the Academy. There is an interesting account of the Academy's history and program in Goethe's 'Italian Journey'.

The archives of the academy are currently housed in the Biblioteca Angelica, next to the church of Sant'Agostino in Rome. The paintings are housed in the Palazzo Braschi.

Atti e memorie dell'Accademia letteraria italiana was published by the academy.

title: Pontifical Academy of Arcadia


text:
Talk:Emperor Kinmei

Title format
There is a standard format for the titles of articles on monarchs, and there is no reason for Emperor Kimmei to be exempt from this. Just as Emperor Go-Toba of Japan and Richard II of England are listed as such, so should this article be moved back to "Emperor Kimmei of Japan". LordAmeth 12:07, 19 August 2005 (UTC)

Kinmu versus Kimmu
Re: explanatory spelling note in first paragraph, see discussion thread at Talk:Emperor Temmu. --Tenmei (talk) 19:03, 28 January 2009 (UTC)

Epoch of Dates
Are the given dates CE or BCE or what? 72.228.150.44 (talk) 05:55, 11 February 2009 (UTC)

Gravesite?
Is the gravesite known, or not? The article originally said it was not, providing a source (in Japanese). But then an editor removed "not", without changing the reference. Presumably, the source says it is not. Would someone fluent in Japanese like to check? Aridd (talk) 19:36, 16 March 2011 (UTC)

Move discussion in progress
There is a move discussion in progress on Talk:Emperor Jimmu which affects this page. Please participate on that page and not in this talk page section. Thank you. —RMCD bot 03:58, 12 August 2013 (UTC)

Move discussion in progress
There is a move discussion in progress on Talk:Emperor Kammu which affects this page. Please participate on that page and not in this talk page section. Thank you. —RMCD bot 14:00, 11 October 2013 (UTC)

Minor consistency-edit
I changed one instance of "Paekche" to "Baekje" to maintain internal consistency in terminology. I assume no one will object to this. 82.176.221.176 (talk) 09:43, 2 May 2019 (UTC)

Lead image
MOS:LEADIMAGE states that: Lead images should be natural and appropriate representations of the topic and Lead images are not required, and not having a lead image may be the best solution if there is no easy representation of the topic. Given that many of the drawings of Japanese emperors were made centuries after they lived, and the pictures of the legendary emperors certainly don't depict them accurately, I think such images should be removed from the lead. These are essentially random drawings. Векочел (talk) 22:30, 11 May 2024 (UTC)

 * Historically, the act of depicting the faces of emperors was considered impolite in Japan. For this reason, portraits of emperors, especially in ancient times, are scarce. However, in modern times, it is worthwhile to include such portraits in encyclopedias because they aid in a clear understanding of history.
 * Therefore, the removal of portraits of Japanese emperors without their consent should be stopped. 薔薇騎士団 (talk) 07:53, 13 May 2024 (UTC)
 * @Векочел @薔薇騎士団 I don't fully agree with either of your arguments.
 * Consider Jesus; we have no idea how Jesus actually looked, yet we use a later painting of him (almost certainly inaccurate) because that's the common image people have in their head for Jesus. That's ok per MOS:LEADIMAGE.
 * I don't like the current pic for Emperor Kinmei only because 1. there's no adequate image caption to explain the drawing and 2. I don't know if that depiction is popular or accepted by scholars.
 * Any drawing we use for Kinmei should have a caption explaining that it's a posthumous portrayal and why it's a somewhat reasonable representation of him. Who drew the image? When was it drawn? Did they base it on any historical information (if any) about his appearance? Without this information the drawing is useless, but if it had the information I think it's possibly fine. 104.232.119.107 (talk) 01:13, 19 July 2024 (UTC)
 * The portrait of Emperor Kinmei was painted by Kotaro Miyake, and the original painting is featured in the online archive of Waseda University in Japan, which recognizes its certain academic value. As noted above, this portrait is one of the first to be painted under Western influence, as it was considered impolite to paint portraits of emperors in Japan until the late 19th century. 薔薇騎士団 (talk) 08:44, 19 July 2024 (UTC)
 * Ok, I think the image is acceptable with this description. It would be a nice bonus if there was context about what other possible images we could use, but that's more of a nice-to-have rather than a need. 104.232.119.107 (talk) 14:40, 19 July 2024 (UTC)

title: Talk:Emperor Kinmei


text:
Talk:Emperor Kōtoku

Untitled
There is a standard format for the titles of articles on monarchs, and there is no reason for Emperor Kotoku to be exempt from this. Just as Emperor Go-Toba of Japan and Richard II of England are listed as such, so should this article be moved back to "Emperor Kotoku of Japan". LordAmeth 12:08, 19 August 2005 (UTC)

title: Talk:Emperor Kōtoku


text:
Kurt Wenner

Kurt Wenner is an American artist known for his 3D pavement art shown internationally.

Early life and education
Wenner was born in Ann Arbor, Michigan in 1958, but grew up in Santa Barbara, California. He attended Rhode Island School of Design and ArtCenter College of Design in California. While at ArtCenter he was recruited to work for NASA at the Jet Propulsion Laboratory, creating conceptual art.

In 1982, he left his job at NASA to focus on his art and moved to Italy.

Career
Wenner learned about the European tradition of street painting after living in Rome for a few months. Wenner added perspective to the street painting work and in turn he created 3D pavement art. His work has been shown in more than 30 countries around the world.

In 2010, Greenpeace called for a ban of genetically modified crops by presenting the European Union members in Brussels with one million signatures on a petition. It was the first time the EU members forced a vote by invoking the 1-million member signature rule. Wenner was asked to create a 3D image to commemorate the historical day when the people of Europe stood up, voicing action for no GMO in their food. Wenner's enormous 3D image (22 by) was at the center of this historical moment.

title: Kurt Wenner


text:
Talk:Emperor Tenji

Title format
There is a standard format for the titles of articles on monarchs, and there is no reason for Emperor Tenji to be exempt from this. Just as Emperor Go-Toba of Japan and Richard II of England are listed as such, so should this article be moved back to "Emperor Tenji of Japan". LordAmeth 12:08, 19 August 2005 (UTC)

Wrong dates
Tenji was not born in 652, but 626. Likewise he died in 672, so his reign can not have continued into the 8th century. 185.153.212.45 (talk) 11:56, 30 August 2023 (UTC)

title: Talk:Emperor Tenji


text:
File:Tom Lehrer Revisited.gif

Summary
Album Cover for the 1959 album Tom Lehrer Revisited, performed by Tom Lehrer

title: File:Tom Lehrer Revisited.gif


text:
Revisited (Tom Lehrer album)

Revisited is a 1960 album by Tom Lehrer, consisting of live recordings of all the songs from 1953's Songs by Tom Lehrer. The CD reissue of the album contains two additional tracks that Lehrer wrote and performed for the PBS television show The Electric Company (and produced and conducted by Joe Raposo).

In October 2020, Lehrer transferred the music and lyrics for all songs he had ever written into the public domain. In November 2022, he formally relinquished the copyright and performing/recording rights on his songs, making all music and lyrics composed by him free for anyone to use.

Track listing

 * 1) "Introduction"  – 3:27
 * 2) "I Wanna Go Back to Dixie"  – 2:56
 * 3) "The Wild West is Where I Want to Be"  – 2:31
 * 4) "The Old Dope Peddler"  – 1:42
 * 5) "Fight Fiercely, Harvard"  – 2:41
 * 6) "Lobachevsky"  – 4:19
 * 7) "The Irish Ballad"  – 5:13
 * 8) "The Hunting Song"  – 1:59
 * 9) "My Home Town"  – 2:58
 * 10) "When You are Old and Grey"  – 2:27
 * 11) "The Wiener Schnitzel Waltz"  – 2:21
 * 12) "I Hold Your Hand in Mine"  – 1:55
 * 13) "Be Prepared"  – 2:39
 * 14) "L-Y"  – 2:11 (CD bonus track)
 * 15) "Silent E"  – 1:30 (CD bonus track)

title: Revisited (Tom Lehrer album)


text:
Roberto Bonano

Roberto Oscar Bonano (born 24 January 1970) is an Argentine retired footballer who played as a goalkeeper.

Already in his 30s, he moved from River Plate to Spain where he spent the remainder of his 17-year professional career in representation of three teams, mainly Alavés.

Bonano earned 13 caps for Argentina, and was part of the squad at the 2002 World Cup.

Club
Born in Rosario, Santa Fe, Bonano represented in his native country Rosario Central and Club Atlético River Plate, winning several titles with the latter including five Argentine Primera División championships. In 2001, at 31, he moved to FC Barcelona, initially as first-choice; he made his La Liga debut on 26 August of that year, in a 2–1 away win against Sevilla FC.

After the emergence of Víctor Valdés from the Catalans' academy, however, Bonano was deemed surplus to requirements and signed with Real Murcia CF, joining Deportivo Alavés in the Segunda División in summer 2004 following his team's relegation. With the Basques, he was instrumental in a 2005 top-flight promotion but, the following campaign, acted second-fiddle to his compatriot Franco Costanzo who also played with him at River, as the season ended in relegation.

Bonano's last year at Alavés was highly turbulent, being suspended by the club's elusive chairman/owner/manager Dmitry Piterman after the latter had had a run-in with teammate Lluís Carreras. He retired at the season's close, aged 38.

International
Bonano represented Argentina at various youth levels. He made his senior debut on 28 December 1996, in a 3–2 friendly loss to Yugoslavia.

Bonano was subsequently picked up for the 2002 FIFA World Cup as a backup to Pablo Cavallero and Germán Burgos, and appeared in 13 matches for his country in four years.

Coaching career
From 2011 to 2013, Bonano worked as assistant under Eduardo Berizzo, first with Estudiantes de La Plata then O'Higgins F.C. in Chile. Again in Spain, he was assistant and goalkeeper coach at Carreras' RCD Mallorca.

On 6 July 2015, Bonano reunited with his compatriot Berizzo, joining his staff at RC Celta de Vigo. Two years later, in the same capacity and under the same manager, he signed for Sevilla.

Honours
Rosario Central
 * Copa CONMEBOL: 1995

River Plate
 * Argentine Primera División: Apertura 1996, Clausura 1997, Apertura 1997, Apertura 1999, Clausura 2000
 * Copa Libertadores: 1996
 * Supercopa Sudamericana: 1997

title: Roberto Bonano


text:
Samana

The term Samaná or Samana may mean several things:

Dominican Republic

 * Samaná Province, a province in the Dominican Republic
 * Samaná (town), or Santa Bárbara de Samaná, the capital of Samaná Province
 * Samaná Peninsula
 * Samaná Bay, a body of water in the Atlantic next to the Samaná Peninsula
 * Samaná El Catey International Airport

Other

 * Samana Cay, an uninhabited island
 * Samaná, Caldas, a town and municipality in the Colombian Department of Caldas
 * Samaná Norte River, a river in Antioquia Department, Colombia
 * Samana, India, a town in Patiala district in the Indian state of Punjab
 * Samana (Assembly constituency)
 * Samana Range, a mountain range in Pakistan near Peshawar
 * Samana, Guinea

People

 * Samana,, or śramaṇa, the name for certain wandering ascetics from the Indian subcontinent, one of whom was Gautama Buddha
 * Samana, the mother of Imam Ali al-Hadi
 * Natthaphong Samana (born 1984), Thai footballer

Other

 * Samaná Americans, a community of descendants of 19th century U.S. freed people of color in the Dominican Republic
 * Samaná English, spoken by the Samaná Americans
 * Samana (moth), a genus of moths in the family Geometridae
 * Samana hutia, an extinct species of rodent in the family Capromyidae
 * Samna (film), a 1974 Indian Marathi-language crime drama
 * Śramaṇa or samana, ascetic orders in ancient India including Jains and Buddhists
 * Sramanera, a Buddhist novice
 * Sramanachegas, 1st-century BC Indian philosopher and monk
 * Samanar or samana, term for Jains in Tamil Nadu
 * Samanar Hills, Tamil Nadu, India, holy to the Jains

title: Samana


text:
Parafusulina

Parafusulina is a genus of foraminifera included in the fusulinacean family Schwagerinidae that were extant during the Permian.

The shell, or test, of Parafusulina is elongate, up to 65 mm in length, fusiform to subcylindrical in shape, tapering slightly to the bluntly rounded poles. The proloculus is large, followed by seven to nine gradually enlarging volutions, coiled around a straight to irregular axis. Septa are numerous, intensely and regularly fluted, folds of adjacent septa touching and forming numerous chamberlets above the floor of the chambers. Walls (spirotheca) are composed of an outer tectum and inner alveolar keriotheca and are thin in relation to the size of the test. Tunnels, single in any individual, are low and well defined but are without bordering chomata. Axial fillings are pronounced. Believed to have existed in the Permian period.

title: Parafusulina


text:
User talk:Yuhinfu

Welcome
Welcome!

Hello, and welcome to Wikipedia. Thank you for your contributions. I hope you like the place and decide to stay. Here are a few good links for newcomers: I hope you enjoy editing here and being a Wikipedian! By the way, please be sure to sign your name on talk pages using four tildes (~~~~) to produce your name and the current date, or three tildes (~~~) for just your name. If you have any questions, you can post to the help desk or ask me on my talk page. Again, welcome! -- ZeWrestler  Talk 12:10, 19 August 2005 (UTC)
 * The five pillars of Wikipedia
 * How to edit a page
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 * Manual of Style

title: User talk:Yuhinfu


text:
Kalannie, Western Australia

Kalannie is a small town in the Shire of Dalwallinu, in the Wheatbelt region of Western Australia, approximately 259 km north-east of the state capital, Perth.

Kalannie was gazetted as a townsite in 1929. The name is Aboriginal, and is in a list of names from the York area where the meaning is given as "where the Aboriginals got white stone for their spears".

In 1932 the Wheat Pool of Western Australia announced that the town would have two grain elevators, each fitted with an engine, installed at the railway siding.

The main resources in Kalannie are wheat and gypsum. Kalannie is connected to the narrow gauge rail network from a branch-line on the Amery to Bonnie Rock section. The town is a receival site for Cooperative Bulk Handling.

title: Kalannie, Western Australia