text:
Talk:Feasibility study

Readability of Article
I recently recommended Wikipedia for research for my students who are aged 16-18. They found this particular article very difficult to comprehend. Having run the text of this article through a readability formula test, the results showed that the text required graduate level reading skills to read and comprehend the article. Is there anyone who feels they are able to address this issue? One of the problems raised included the length of sentences and vocabulary that may be suitable for a wide audience including students who have limited vocabulary and interest in the subject.

 * There's a special version of wikipedia written for those whose grasp of english is shaky. The articles are much easier to read, relying on simple vocabulary and grammatical constructs. Go to "simple.wikipedia.org". yandman  17:41, 12 November 2006 (UTC)

 * I agree with yandman in that I am 17 and found this article to be easy to comprehend and sufficiently readable. Although, as this relates to an Australian Year 12 Software Design and Development course (or at least in my case it does), it is entirely possible that others may have difficulty in understanding it. Is it likely that the article would be referred to for other reasons? If so, keep it as it is, otherwise edit it accordingly. Xoddera 07:29, 6 March 2007 (UTC)

 * Thank for this articles, which are very usefull and readable even for those who do not belong to english mother tongue countries.Youssef —Preceding unsigned comment added by 77.42.129.119 (talk) 08:55, 13 May 2008 (UTC)

How to write a Feasibility Study
A section on how to write one would be very helpful for IPT students. I'm not so sure how myself. TerrorBite 23:34, 8 May 2006 (UTC)

Cleanup
Tagging for cleanup. The article seems to be written casually, ramble on, and make no point in particular. --Chris (talk) 13:26, 1 June 2006 (UTC)

Schedule Feasibility is written two times. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 85.225.226.233 (talk) 10:32, 2 September 2008 (UTC)

check feasibility
for a RND project using linux as a platform, PHP and perl as language, AI concepts, 2 years time, budget is 80 lakh, man power is 2 developers is the project feasible ??

Categorization
Tried to categorize the article. I put in Business_process, as I considered this a process control technique, but someone might come up with something better.

TELOS
Shouldn't a feasibility study follow five factors called TELOS? They are:

 * Technological Feasibility - does the technology exist?
 * Economic Feasibility - Is it affordable, do the benefits outweigh the costs?
 * Legal Feasibility - is there any legal impediment (e.g. the DPA)
 * Operational Feasibility - how will the new system affect people's working lives?
 * Schedule Feasibility - can the new system be implemented in the desired time-frame?

Some of those heading are on the article but not in that order. arsenalwwerulz 16:28, 23 March 2007 (UTC)

 * I changed the order around, to be TELOS, but retained the original extras DanielFaulknor (talk) 06:59, 24 May 2009 (UTC)

 * The TELOS model was first presented in 2007 by James A. Hall in his book, "Accounting Information Systems." You should probably give him credit. Kortoso (talk) 17:38, 5 August 2015 (UTC)
 * Actually, Heathcote may have come up with it first. Kortoso (talk) 17:52, 5 August 2015 (UTC)

Technology >> Information Technology
The article as written equates "technology" ("the usage and knowledge of tools, techniques, crafts, systems or methods of organization in order to solve a problem or create an artistic perspective") with "information technology" ("the acquisition, processing, storage and dissemination of vocal, pictorial, textual and numerical information"). This neglects, for example, evaluating the feasibility of a proposed aircraft, bridge, or manufacturing plant.

This use of the term "technology" is far too restrictive. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 67.119.13.144 (talk) 00:41, 10 February 2011 (UTC)

 * Absolutely agree. I think this is easily fixed by stripping out the IT-specific terms; I took a stab at it. JustinTime55 (talk) 18:09, 11 October 2012 (UTC)

Is there any standard for Feasibility Studies?
Dear Wikipedia Contributors, please accept my kindest greeting. I have unsuccessfully looked for standards related to Feasibility Studies or Analysis. Can anyone point me into the right direction? (I am a Computer Engineering and currently working on a project that requires me to use standards throughout the whole process as much as possible.)

Regards.

George Rodney Maruri Game (talk) 01:32, 28 February 2015 (UTC)

"Feasibility study topics echo"
"Feasibility study topics echo" appears to be a redundant heading. Unless there's any objection, I am going to remove it and promote all its sub-heads. Kortoso (talk) 17:42, 5 August 2015 (UTC)

Prefeasibility study?
We don't have a topic (or redirect) for this, although many articles refer to such, and it's a common option for cos. with large projects and/or limited finances and/or difficult environmental concerns. Perhaps all 3 and more! Anyway, as time & energy permit, I'm thinking the best approach is to write a paragraph here, and set it up as a redirect from the many existing refs to Prefeasibility studies. I've contributed to a couple myself, back in the day.

Here are a couple of articles on the topic: --Pete Tillman (talk) 15:54, 6 November 2017 (UTC)
 * What are Prefeasibility and Feasibility Studies? For investors new to the resource sector, one of the most important things to know is what prefeasibility and feasibility studies are.
 * The Difference between Pre-feasibility Study and Feasibility Study. Chemical engineering context.

External links modified
Hello fellow Wikipedians,

I have just modified 2 external links on Feasibility study. Please take a moment to review my edit. If you have any questions, or need the bot to ignore the links, or the page altogether, please visit this simple FaQ for additional information. I made the following changes:
 * Added archive https://web.archive.org/web/20081221092721/http://www.uky.edu/Ag/AgEcon/pubs/ext_other/feasibility_study.pdf to http://www.uky.edu/Ag/AgEcon/pubs/ext_other/feasibility_study.pdf
 * Added archive https://web.archive.org/web/20080916131105/http://www.rurdev.usda.gov/rbs/pub/sr58.pdf to http://www.rurdev.usda.gov/rbs/pub/sr58.pdf

When you have finished reviewing my changes, you may follow the instructions on the template below to fix any issues with the URLs.

Cheers.— InternetArchiveBot  (Report bug) 08:53, 30 December 2017 (UTC)

title: Talk:Feasibility study


text: User talk:81.218.17.222

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: User talk:81.218.17.222


text:
Pterospermum

Pterospermum is a genus of flowering plants in the mallow family Malvaceae. Its species are tropical trees that range from southern China across tropical Asia.

Traditionally included in the family Sterculiaceae, it is included in the expanded Malvaceae in the APG and most subsequent systematics. Pterospermum is based on two Greek words, "Pteron" and "Sperma," meaning "winged seed."

Some species are grown ornamentally while others are valued for their timber.

Species
To date, the following species names have been resolved:

 * 1) Pterospermum acerifolium (L.) Willd.
 * 2) Pterospermum aceroides Wall. ex Kurz
 * 3) Pterospermum angustifolium Tardieu
 * 4) Pterospermum argenteum Tardieu
 * 5) Pterospermum aureum S.K.Ganesan
 * 6) Pterospermum blumeanum Korth.
 * 7) Pterospermum borneense S.K.Ganesan
 * 8) Pterospermum burmannianum Hochr.
 * 9) Pterospermum celebicum Miq.
 * 10) Pterospermum cinnamomeum Kurz
 * 11) Pterospermum cumingii Merr. & Rolfe
 * 12) Pterospermum diversifolium Blume
 * 13) Pterospermum elmeri Merr.
 * 14) Pterospermum elongatum Korth.
 * 15) Pterospermum fuscum Korth.
 * 16) Pterospermum glabrum S.K.Ganesan
 * 17) Pterospermum grande Craib
 * 18) Pterospermum grandiflorum Craib
 * 19) Pterospermum grewiifolium Pierre
 * 20) Pterospermum harmandii Hochr.
 * 21) Pterospermum havilandii S.K.Ganesan
 * 22) Pterospermum heterophyllum Hance
 * 23) Pterospermum jackianum Wall. ex Mast.
 * 24) Pterospermum javanicum Jungh.
 * 25) Pterospermum kingtungense C.Y.Wu ex H.H.Hsue
 * 26) Pterospermum lanceifolium Roxb. ex DC.
 * 27) Pterospermum littorale Craib
 * 28) Pterospermum longipes Merr.
 * 29) Pterospermum megalanthum Merr.
 * 30) Pterospermum megalocarpum Tardieu
 * 31) Pterospermum mengii P.Wilkie
 * 32) Pterospermum menglunense H.H.Hsue
 * 33) Pterospermum merrillianum S.K.Ganesan
 * 34) Pterospermum mucronatum Tardieu
 * 35) Pterospermum niveum S.Vidal
 * 36) Pterospermum obliquum Blanco
 * 37) Pterospermum obtusifolium Wight
 * 38) Pterospermum obtusifolium Wight ex Mast.
 * 39) Pterospermum parvifolium Miq.
 * 40) Pterospermum pecteniforme Kosterm.
 * 41) Pterospermum proteus Burkill
 * 42) Pterospermum reticulatum Wight & Arn.
 * 43) Pterospermum rubiginosum B.Heyne ex G.Don
 * 44) Pterospermum semisagittatum Buch.-Ham. ex Roxb.
 * 45) Pterospermum stapfianum Ridl.
 * 46) Pterospermum suberifolium (L.) Raeusch.
 * 47) Pterospermum subpeltatum C.B.Rob.
 * 48) Pterospermum sumatranum Miq.
 * 49) Pterospermum thorelii Pierre
 * 50) Pterospermum truncatolobatum Gagnep.
 * 51) Pterospermum wilkieanum Doweld
 * 52) Pterospermum xylocarpum (Gaertn.) Oken
 * 53) Pterospermum yunnanense H.H.Hsue
 * 54) Pterospermum zollingerianum S.K.Ganesan

title: Pterospermum


text:
Jan Kasprowicz

Jan Kasprowicz (12 December 1860 – 1 August 1926) was a poet, playwright, critic and translator; a foremost representative of Young Poland.

Biography
Kasprowicz was born in the village of Szymborze (now part of Inowrocław) within the Province of Posen, to an illiterate peasant family. From 1870 he studied in Prussian gymnasia in Inowrazlaw (Inowrocław), Posen (Poznań), Oppeln (Opole), Ratibor (Racibórz), and in 1884 graduated from Saint Mary Magdalene Gymnasium in Poznań. He studied philosophy and literature in German universities in Leipzig and Breslau. During his studies he began having articles and poetry published, working with various Polish magazines. For his activities in socialist circles he was twice arrested by Prussian police and spent half a year in prison.

After his release from prison, at the age of 28 Kasprowicz moved to Lwów, where he spent the next 35 years of his life. He worked as a journalist and critic of literature and theatre, working for two years in the editorial department of the newspaper, the Polish Courier (Kurier Polski) and for the following four years (1902–1906) editorializing for the newspaper, the Polish Word (Słowo Polskie). At the same time, with unusual productivity, Kasprowicz wrote and had published his own works and poetry, to critical acclaim.

In 1904 he received a doctorate from Lwów University for his treatise, the Lyrics of Teofil Lenartowicz (Liryka Teofila Lenartowicza). In 1909 at Lwów University he became the head of the Department of Comparative Literature, a department founded for him to run.

The largely self-taught Kasprowicz mastered the classical Latin and Greek languages, as well as French and English. His works included critically acclaimed translations of great literary works:
 * Greek (Aeschylus, Euripides)
 * English (Shakespeare, Marlowe, Lord Byron, Shelley, Keats, Tagore, Swinburne, Wilde, among others)
 * German (Goethe, Schiller)
 * French (Vauvenargues, Bertrand, Rimbaud, Maeterlinck)
 * Italian (d'Annunzio)
 * Norwegian (Ibsen)
 * Dutch (Heijermans)

Nature gifted Kasprowicz with good health and a strong constitution. Stanisław Lem wrote of him: "He had in his bearing the originality of a gypsy and the hustle of a journalist, which, over time, allowed him to earn the money he needed, gave him the good humour of a friend, and - even then - a professorial gravity." He was - with a notable group of friends - a frequent guest at the pubs and wineries of Lwów, especially the famous winery and wine bar of Stadtmueller still present at the market, number 34.

His first marriage — to Teodozja Szymańska in 1886 — dissolved after a few months. In 1893 he married Jadwiga Gąsowska. In 1899 she dramatically left him and their daughters for the writer Stanisław Przybyszewski. In 1911, he was married again, this time to the much younger Maria Bunin, a Russian girl whom he met on a train from Rome to Naples while on one of his artistic travels. She was the daughter of the Tsarist general, Victor Bunin.

In 1921-22 he was rector of Lwów University.

In the last twenty years of his life, Kasprowicz more and more frequently visited the Tatra Mountains. In 1923 he permanently settled in the villa, "Harenda", between Poronin and Zakopane, where he died on 1 August 1926.

Reception
Kasprowicz's work has been compared to Arthur Rimbaud and Percy Bysshe Shelley. In his Diary, Witold Gombrowicz characterized Kasprowicz as follows: "wholemeal bread, a pigeon's soul, a sincere singer... But also: a peasant-traitor, a false peasant, an unnatural nature, a manufactured simplicity. Kasprowicz, having left the peasant and transformed himself into an intellectual, nevertheless wanted to remain a peasant - as an intellectual".

Works

 * (1889) Poezje (Poems)
 * (1890) Chrystus (Christ)
 * (1891) Z chłopskiego zagonu (From Rustic Field)
 * (1894) Anima lachrymans i inne nowe poezje (Anima lachrymans and another new poems)
 * (1895) Miłość (The Love)
 * (1898) Krzak dzikiej róży (The Briar's Bush)
 * (1901) Ginącemu światu (To The Perishing World)
 * (1902) Salve Regina (Hail Holy Queen)
 * (1908) Ballada o słoneczniku (The Ballad About Sunflower)
 * (1911) Chwile (Moments)
 * (1916) Księga ubogich (The Book of The Poor)
 * (1921) Hymny (The Hymnal)

title: Jan Kasprowicz


text:
Androstachys

Androstachys johnsonii, the Lebombo ironwood, is a medium-sized Afrotropical tree species, and the sole member of the genus Androstachys in the Picrodendraceae. It is slow-growing, evergreen to deciduous, and dioecious, with flowers that are wind-pollinated. It is native to southeastern Africa and Madagascar, where it generally occurs gregariously on rocky hillsides, particularly in hot and dry situations. It produces a hard, durable wood which is of economic interest. Its specific name commemorates W. H. Johnson, a 19th-century Director of Agriculture in Mozambique. Four related species which are native to Madagascar, are usually placed in genus Stachyandra.

Uses
Its timber is of economical interest. The wood is extremely hard and durable. It is widely exploited in southern Mozambique, where it is known as simbirre. Here it is used for flooring, for which it is well-suited, and is commonly traded for pillars of huts and fences. South African tourist operators in Mozambique used it extensively for building structures near or in sea water. It is also traded as mecrussé in Mozambique, but rarely so, presumably due to a lack of supply.

Range and habitat
Within southern Africa, it occurs in Limpopo Province, Mpumalanga and Eswatini. It is commonly found at altitudes up to 1000 m. It forms dense shrub-like thickets and thrives in hot and dry climates with well drained soils, especially on rocky hillsides or along seasonal watercourses.

Description
It is described as a medium-sized, evergreen tree growing up to 20 m high. It is characterised by a rough bark with a whitish, woolly, hair like covering on the new growth. The leaf blades are 3–9 × 2–7 cm and are oppositely paired at right angles. They are ovate to heart-shaped with both the apex and base rounded. The upper surfaces are shiny and are a green to blue-green color, beneath the surface is covered in dense, white, woolly hairs.

Flowers
Flowering time is October–November. Flowers axillary, unisexual and vary in both arrangement and appearance. Male flowers are yellow and are arranged in a 3-flower cluster up to 3 cm long. Central flowers are longer than the laterals with their pedicel being 1–1.3 cm long versus the lateral length of 5–6 mm. Sepals; greenish petals that the form the calyx of the flower differ in number; 5 in central flower and 2-3 in laterals. The bulbous base or receptacle of flower from which its organs grow are 2 cm long in central; 1.5 cm in laterals. Stamens up to c. 50 in central c. 35 in lateral, filaments of lowest stamens up to 1 mm long, anthers 3 x 0.5 mm covered in fine silky hairs in early development and then smooth, lacking hairs with maturation. Yellowish thecae of anthers. Female flowers are yellow and are at the end of a long, white hairy stalk. Pedicels are 1–1.5 cm long, extending to up to 3 cm  long in fruit; sepals 7–8 × 2–2.5 mm and are an ovate-leaf shape, blunt tapering or sometimes split at apex, minutely ruffled with fine hairs on edge and base; otherwise smooth. Ovary is c. 3 mm in diameter, oval in shape, densely covered in fine white woolly hairs. Styles c. 7 mm long with fine hair covering, stigmas are globe shaped.

Fruit
The fruit is bright green at first and ripens to a light yellow or reddish brown and is covered in fine bristle-like hairs. It is a 3-lobed capsule, 8–10 x 12–13 mm in size, and is easy to detach. The seeds are chestnut brown in colour, with a long, shallow, linear ridge. Their dimensions are 6.5–7(8) x 4.5–5(6) x 2–3 mm.

title: Androstachys


text:
Unreformed House of Commons

The "unreformed House of Commons" is a name given to the House of Commons of Great Britain (after 1800 the House of Commons of the United Kingdom) before it was reformed by the Reform Act 1832, the Irish Reform Act 1832, and the Scottish Reform Act 1832.

Until the Act of Union of 1707, which united the Kingdoms of Scotland and England to form Great Britain, Scotland had its own Parliament, and the term can be used to refer to the House of Commons of England (which included representatives from Wales from the 16th century). From 1707 to 1801 the term refers to the House of Commons of Great Britain. Until the Act of Union of 1800 joining the Kingdom of Ireland to Great Britain (to form the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland), Ireland also had its own Parliament. From 1801 to 1832, therefore, the term refers to the House of Commons of the United Kingdom.

6th century to 1066
The Witenagemot was the forerunner political institution (that of Anglo-Saxon England) which operated from before the 7th century in at least the Kingdom of Wessex until the 11th century by which time the Kingdom of England was long-established. It was an assembly of the ruling class whose main function was to advise the king; composed of the most key noblemen in England, ecclesiastic and secular. The institution is thought to represent an aristocratic development of the ancient Germanic general assemblies, or folkmoots. In England, by the 7th century, these ancient folkmoots had developed into convocations of the land's most powerful and important people: ealdormen, thegns, and senior clergy, to discuss matters of national and local significance.

Through missionaries (later made saints) sent by Gregory the Great (such as Augustine of Canterbury and Paulinus of York) the seven Anglo-Saxon Kingdoms, mainly with quasi-Witenagemots, officially converted to the church, by the mid-7th century. The panoply of Anglo-Saxon monarchs were then free to arrange marriages into European royalty, which were likewise, from then, became more autocratic while feudal. The role of a consulting forum, overall, declined. In England, cross-sea Viking Kingdoms made raids and soon invasions – such times and places of conflict favoured stronger leadership, and effective autocracy. None more so than the Danelaw, among whose rulers were Cnut the Great, Sveyn Forkbeard and Cnut of Northumbria.

1066 to 1265
The latter's semi-relatives, being the people (predominantly men) of the Norman Conquest, swept aside the remnants of the witenagemots and replaced most of the nobility, while continuing to seize and defend settled lands, vassal states, abroad. These early Norman monarchs thus had an invasive military state ethos, and as conquerors, did not wish to consult with those conquered.

The Normans regularly seized on an orthodoxy of medieval times which ended with ascendant Roundhead philosophies at the start of the Age of Enlightenment. This was, as taught and professed by established people, that sovereignty (including the rulers of ancient tribes and modern kingdoms) was a birthright, by divine grace. Reciting the more worldly origin of kingship: upward from the people, seeing a King's glorification, crowning and ongoing assent to his rulership by successful men-of-arms, most transparent in the Anglo-Saxon Heptarchy, became High Treason. The divine narrative is seized upon in sermons, the practice of orders of chivalry and the words and symbolism throughout coronation ceremonies. Leaders of the church preached that every true and Christian King, who would thus obey God's will and never irreparably defy God, had God's strong blessing. The King (or Queen) was "the Lord's anointed", due obedience from the people. The King however had a duty to act as good shepherd of his people to avoid misery and ruin. Such events were often cited as proof of an evil, illegitimate King by a challenging foreign- or nobility-sponsored kinsman pretender to the throne. Such power struggles placed de facto, but not de jure limits on monarchy. At such times there were few trite constitutional conventions and the calling of a counsel or parliament was no longer routine.

Very wealthy nobility aligned with foreign powers, for example, completely thwarted a cross-kingdom powerhold for the $18 3/4$-year reign of Stephen, King of England. This period, the much later-dubbed Anarchy of the 12th century, was foremost among semi-coups and great compromises. These confirmed practical limits on the non-church wealth and power a monarch could seize. From the Magna Carta of 1215 it was becoming accepted, in writing that could be construed as binding law, that a King's duties included the duty to respect and take counsel from feudal magnates.

1265 to 1649
Parliament emerged from such consultations (or parleys), representatives of local communities (the Commons) being added to those of the Lords (peers; senior bishops and all those ennobled, whether for loyalty or gallantry, who generally already had wealth and influence) – a process aided by the practical consideration that it was easier for the King to collect the taxes he needed if the people consented to pay them.

The emergence of petitioning in the reign of Edward I of England (1272-1307) contributed to beginnings of legislative power for the Parliament of England.

Representative men summoned by emerging custom, thus convention, fixed upon two to be selected by each (Parliamentary) borough and two knights of each shire (county). The latter evolved into any two men whom the fairly wealthy of the county selected. The latter electorate became standardised to forty shilling freeholders. Immediately from this, there followed a relative elite who could vote for and lobby both types of representative, so enjoyed plural voting, a relative elite who had single voting, and most other men with no right to vote.

Court-attending or royally-invested nobles and the Western church created and perpetuated much historiography – including shrines and hagiography of "good kings" – such as to Edward the Confessor and Edmund the Martyr. Elaborate royal tombs and regular prayers for the dead were features of Windsor Castle, Westminster Abbey and Bury St Edmunds. Until about 1350, King Edmund the Martyr, (pope) Gregory the Great, and King Edward the Confessor were regarded as English national saints, but Edward III preferred the more war-like figure of Saint George, and in 1348 he established the Order of the Garter, him as its patron. At Windsor Castle, its chapel of Saint Edward the Confessor was re-dedicated to Saint George, who was acclaimed three years later patron of the English race or people, where he was revered in later stories and folklore. Such a narrative was orthodoxy in the semi-autocratic reign of Henry VIII – who executed a series of his leading advisors and is used today as a slur for any excessive power, "Henry VIII power", in statute. Laden with wealth from the disappropriated church, he avoided Parliamentary dissent.

The limits of this stance were reached by Charles I of England. Found to be a "tyrant, traitor, murderer, and public enemy to the good people of the nation", his 67 Commissioner-strong trial ordered his beheading after the Civil War, following much Parliamentary sidelining, particularly taxing the people against Parliamentary will. When given the opportunity to speak, Charles refused to enter a plea, claiming that no court had jurisdiction over a monarch. He believed that his own authority to rule had been due to the divine right of kings given to him by God, and by the traditions and laws of England when he was crowned and anointed, and that the power wielded by those trying him was simply that of force of arms. Charles insisted that the trial was illegal, explaining, "No learnèd lawyer will affirm that an impeachment can lie against the King ... one of their maxims is, that the King can do no wrong."

Composition of the House
The House of Commons consisted entirely of men, increasingly of great wealth only, and from 1688 until reform entirely of Anglicans, except in Scotland. Women could neither vote nor stand for election. Members were not paid, which meant that only men of wealth could represent their counties or boroughs. Candidates had to be electors, which meant that in most places they had to have land, mills or businesses.

Virtually all members representing county seats were landed gentry. Many were relatives or dependants of peers. Others were squires with little or no blood relation to other members. These independent country gentlemen were often the chief source of opposition to government and royal edict, since they had little motivation to gain government favour through their votes.

Boroughs also sometimes selected local squires, but more were merchants or urban professionals such as lawyers. A large number of borough members were sponsored into office by the government and thus gave it support: these cronies were known as "placemen", and it was a long-standing objective of parliamentary reformers to eliminate them in the House of Commons. Some were men of little means, in debt or insolvent, who agreed to become placemen for government funds. All 18th century governments depended on this corrupt element to maintain their majorities. Some boroughs were under the control of particular ministers or government departments. Thus those representing the Cinque Ports were, by custom, dependants of the Admiralty and spoke for the interests of the Royal Navy.

There was no direct religious restriction on the right to vote. In practice most Catholics were prevented between the reign of Elizabeth I and the Papists Act 1778, as they could not own or inherit land, making them unable to meet the property requirement. Prominent "recusant" Catholic families such as that of the Duke of Norfolk, until this rule became redundant, circumvented this.

Even after 1778, eligibility for election to the House was restricted by the fact that members had to take an Anglican oath to take their seats. This excluded Catholics, non-Anglican Protestants (English Dissenters), Jews and atheists (This restriction did not apply to Presbyterians in Scotland, where the Church of Scotland was the established church.).

It is a widely held view that the quality of members of the Commons declined over the 250 years before its reform in 1832. This view was one of the stimulants for reform. Sir John Neale could say of the county members in the reign of Elizabeth I: "It was not sufficient for candidates to belong to the more substantial families ... They usually had to show some initiative and will." In the boroughs, he wrote, "competition tended to eliminate the less vigorous, less intelligent and unambitious." This would not be accepted as a description of the situation in the reign of George III, when it was frequently said that the Commons was full of lazy time-servers, talentless dependants of peers, and corrupt placemen and government agents.

The numerical dominance of country gentlemen pervaded. In 1584 they comprised 240 members in a House of 460. Two hundred years later this proportion had hardly changed, even though the social composition of Britain had changed greatly.

The proportion of non-affiliated by blood members declined; sons or close relatives of peers rose at least fourfold. In 1584 only 24 members were sons of peers; by the end of the 18th century this number had risen to about 130 (out of 659, i.e. 19.7%), a fourfold rise in percentage.

In the 18th century about 50 members held ministerial or similar government offices. These included some whom today would be career civil servants: the Secretary of the Admiralty, for example. Other members were given ceremonial court appointments, usually sinecures, as a means of ensuring their loyalty. These included such archaic posts as eight Clerks of the Green Cloth and a dozen Grooms of the Bedchamber, aside from clerkships in government departments, posts which usually involved no actual work. This was not necessarily regarded as corrupt – in an age when Members received neither payments nor pensions, a sinecure was regarded as a legitimate reward for service, but it also served to keep the recipient loyal.

More clearly corrupt was the payment of secret pensions to Members by the Treasury. In 1762 sixteen Members were thus secretly in the pay of the government.

Opposition rhetoric at the time, however, tended to exaggerate the corruption of the 18th century House of Commons and the extent to which governments controlled the House by corrupt means. John Brooke's studies of division lists led him to comment: "The majority of Members voting with Government held no office and did so through honest conviction." The lists show, he said, "that Members were given office because they voted with Government, not that they voted with Government in order to obtain office." As he points out, at a time when there were no formal political parties and hence no party discipline in the House, governments had to resort to other expedients to secure a majority and allow the continuity of government.

English county members
England had been divided into counties (or shires) since Anglo-Saxon times. These formed the cornerstone of representation, from 1265. Two knights of the shire were chosen to represent each. Before 1536 England had 39 (see list below), thus electing 78 "knights". These "knights" were local landowners who could enjoy courtesy style peerages from their living father or grandfather but lacked a proper peerage (in which case they would be members of the House of Lords). Since Wales was formally annexed to England in 1536, each of the 12 Welsh counties elected one "knight". Monmouthshire, part of the Welsh Marches, became an English county, electing two members, thus making for 92 county members.

To be a candidate or elector for a county seat, a man had to own (not rent) freehold property valued for the land tax at two pounds a year. (Women could neither vote nor be elected.) This was known as the 40 shilling freehold. (There were 20 shillings to the pound). This rule was established by the Electors of Knights of the Shires Act 1429, and as the value of money gradually declined, a slowly increasing number of landowners were admitted to the franchise. By the early 19th century, for example, Yorkshire had more than 20,000 electors, while Kent, Lancashire and Somerset had nearly 10,000 each. By 1831 the English county electorate was estimated at about 190,000.

Such members were usually elected without a vote save amid great party strife. In every county was a group of landowning families and these would informally agree on who would stand for the county at an election. Members were often relatives or allies of the peers who owned large portions of the county or its industries. Some counties were represented by the same two or three families for centuries (such as the Lowthers of Westmorland). Sometimes a county would not see a contest for generations. Nottinghamshire, for example, did not see a contested election between 1722 and 1832. Exceptions were Middlesex, an odd concentration of big city merchants, financiers and industrialists for a county – it had several notable contests and the 1784 to 1812 unbroken returns of William Wilberforce for Yorkshire.

English borough members

Even in medieval times a significant proportion of the King's revenue came from taxes paid by people living in towns, and thus the House of Commons had representatives of boroughs as well as counties from an early date. A borough was a town which usually, but not always, had a Royal charter giving it the right to elect two members (known as burgesses) to the House of Commons, though some very ancient boroughs were acknowledged as having prescriptive rights. Five English boroughs elected only one member, while two boroughs – the City of London and the double borough of Weymouth and Melcombe Regis in Dorset – elected four members each. From the 16th century 12 boroughs in Wales elected one member each.

Mediaeval kings could and did grant and revoke charters at their pleasure, often to create seats in the House for their supporters, and frequently regardless of the size or importance of the town. Thus there were "rotten boroughs" (boroughs with very few voters) from very early times, but they increased in number over the years as many old towns lost population. The two most famous examples were Old Sarum, which by the 18th century had no residents at all, and Dunwich in Suffolk, most of which had fallen into the sea. The number of English boroughs fluctuated over time, until the last new borough charter was issued in 1674. From then on the number was fixed at 203, electing 405 members (see list below).

The franchise for borough seats varied enormously. In some boroughs, virtually all adult homeowners could vote. In others, only a handful of landowners could vote. In others, the default maintained, members were chosen by its corporation (council), usually elected by a small group of property owners.

The types of borough franchise were as follows:

 * Householder boroughs:
 * These were commonly known as "potwalloper" boroughs, because (it was said) anyone who owned a hearth which could boil a pot could vote. In these boroughs all resident male householders who were not receiving alms or poor relief could vote. There were about 12 of these boroughs, including Northampton which had over 1,000 voters even in the 17th century, Preston, others of note, ranging to St Germans in Cornwall, which had only 20 voters.
 * While the householder boroughs were in theory the most democratic, they were in practice very corrupt, notorious for bribery of voters by candidates and their patrons, frequently with liquor, which made for riotous and expensive elections. At Aylesbury in 1761, the successful candidate simply paid the electors five pounds each for their votes. Sometimes the voters banded together and openly sold the borough to the highest bidder. This usually meant that only the rich and the corrupt could win these dozen seats.

 * Freeman boroughs:
 * These were boroughs in which the franchise was restricted to "freemen of the borough". There were roughly 92 of these, the largest single group of boroughs. The property qualifications to be a freeman varied widely from place to place. The City of London had about 7,000 freemen in the 18th century, and about 25 other freeman boroughs had at least 1,000 electors, but about 30 boroughs had fewer than 200 electors, and these boroughs were in practice under the control of the town corporation.
 * In practice the larger freeman boroughs were the most democratic part of the unreformed political system. They were contested at most elections, and the contests were frequently about political issues rather than just about who had the most money to spend. Some of these boroughs were corrupt, and others were controlled by aristocratic patrons, but many freeman boroughs valued their independence. Bristol, the seat of Edmund Burke, was the most notable of these. Most of the larger county towns such as Chester, Gloucester, Leicester, Norwich, Nottingham, Worcester and York were of this type. But some large instances, such as Cambridge, had small and undemocratic electorates because the right to be a freeman was tightly constrained.

 * Scot and lot boroughs:
 * These were 37 boroughs in which the franchise was restricted to those paying scot and lot, a form of municipal taxation. These boroughs ranged in size from the most democratic borough of all, Westminster, which had 12,000 famously radical voters in the late 18th century and was held by the Whig leader Charles James Fox, down to a rotten borough such as Gatton in Surrey, which in 1831 had two voters. Some of these boroughs were in practice owned by aristocratic patrons or notoriously corrupt.

 * Corporation boroughs:
 * These 27 boroughs restricted the right to vote to members of the borough corporation. In none of them was the electorate larger than 60, and in most it was much smaller. Apart from Salisbury and Bath, they were mostly small towns. As a result, these boroughs were rarely contested, since the corporation members usually decided among themselves who would be elected. They were usually known as "pocket boroughs" because they were frequently "in the pocket" of a wealthy patron, although they were not as corrupt as the rotten boroughs.

 * Burgage boroughs:
 * In these 29 boroughs, the right to vote was attached to ownership of certain properties known as burgages – whoever owned a certain house or field had a vote in the borough. Since burgage properties could be bought and sold, these were the easiest boroughs for wealthy patrons to control. In a small burgage borough, a patron who bought all the burgages had absolute control. At election time he would simply convey the burgages to his relatives and friends, and thereby in effect nominate two members of Parliament. These boroughs included the notorious Old Sarum, which had no resident voters at all. As a result, these boroughs were rarely contested, and even more rarely successfully contested.

 * Freeholder boroughs:
 * In the remaining six boroughs, the right to vote was held by all freeholders. This was in theory quite democratic, but since they were all small towns none of them had electorates larger than 300 even in 1831.

It is not possible to calculate the size of the borough electorate with any accuracy, since many boroughs were rarely contested, and no records were made of eligible voters unless there was a contest. As well, many people owned property in more than one borough and could thus vote more than once (this was called plural voting). The total English electorate is thought to have increased from about 338,000 in the late eighteenth century to some 439,000 at the time of the Reform Act, (or perhaps about 10% of adult males). Of that total, around 45% - 188,000, or slightly less - were in 1831 eligible borough voters.

There was no secret ballot. Until the Ballot Act of 1872, the voter openly declared his vote at the Hustings, a public occasion, where it was recorded. That meant that the patron who dominated a borough knew how the qualified electors had voted. Even if the franchise was broad, as in a potwalloper or scot and lot borough, a small electorate could be controlled by a combination of patronage, bribes and threats. The relatively democratic constituencies combined a broad franchise with a numerous electorate.

University members
The two ancient universities of Cambridge and Oxford elected two members each from 1603. The franchise was restricted to holders of doctoral and master's degrees, which excluded the great bulk of graduates (mostly Anglican clergy) holding bachelor's degrees. Both universities had about 500 electors in the 18th century, rising to 800 by 1832, but at most elections a much smaller number actually voted. After the Act of Union of 1801, Dublin University also elected one member.

Welsh members
The twelve Welsh counties elected one member each, on the same franchise as English counties. Since Wales was much poorer than England, however, the county electorates were much smaller. The Welsh county electorate was about 19,000 in 1800. The twelve Welsh boroughs also elected one member each. Until the late 18th century all of them were very small towns. The franchises for the Welsh boroughs were freemen, scot and lot and corporation but in practice they were under the control of local patrons and contested elections were rare.

Scottish members
The Act of Union of 1707 brought 45 Scottish members to the House of Commons, of which 30 were elected by the 33 Scottish counties, while 15 were elected from the Scottish boroughs (called burghs in Scotland). The electoral system which had operated in the Scottish Parliament since its creation was preserved for the election of Scotland's representatives at Westminster.

Twenty-seven counties elected one member each (this included Orkney and Shetland, which were strictly speaking not counties but fiefs of the Crown, but were treated as if they were a county). The six smallest counties were grouped together into three groups of two (Buteshire and Caithness, Clackmannanshire and Kinross-shire, and Nairnshire and Cromartyshire), with one of each pair electing a member at alternate elections.

The Scottish county franchise was even more restrictive than for the English counties. A voter either had to own land worth the equivalent of two pounds sterling "of old extent" – meaning that the land had to have had that value since the creation of the Scottish Parliament in the 13th century – or to hold as a Crown tenant land to the value of 35 pounds sterling. This restricted the franchise to a handful of wealthy landowners, small privileged sets who might not even represent the county's true landed wealth. In most counties there were fewer than 100 voters, and in some even less: in Sutherlandshire the Duke of Sutherland owned almost the entire county, and all the voters were his tenants, while in Orkney and Shetland there were seven voters in 1759. The total Scottish county electorate was fewer than 3,000 in 1800.

The 15 Scottish burghs consisted of the city of Edinburgh, where the 33 members of the city corporation elected a member, and 14 groups of four or five smaller burghs, each group electing one member between them. The franchise in the groups of burghs was held by the corporations of each of the burghs making up the group, the corporations being self-co-opting oligarchies. Each burgh corporation would choose a delegate, and the delegates would then meet to elect the member. The representation tended to rotate among the burghs in each group. Since most of the burghs were little more than villages, the leading county families could usually bribe the corporation members to get their nominees elected.

Government patronage in Scotland early ensured a docile parliamentary following; and by mid-century the government of the day could usually count on a solid phalanx of Scottish supporters. Subsequently under Pitt, Henry Dundas, the Scottish agent of the Tory party, had little difficulty in manipulating the Scottish representation in similar fashion, spending government funds and using Indian patronage to ensure that Tories were elected. This was one reason why the Scottish members were unpopular at Westminster, being regarded as corrupt even by the standards of the day, as well as uncouth.

On the eve of Reform, Lord John Russell estimated that a Scottish electorate of some 3,600 would undergo an increase of around 60,000 voters. Later figures suggest an increase from 4,579 to 64,447 voters actually took place. Either way, G. M. Trevelyan's conclusion seems justified that "The Reform Bill, in England an evolution, in Scotland was a revolution, veiled in the form of law".

Irish members
The Act of Union of 1801 brought 100 Irish members to the House of Commons. The 32 Irish counties elected two members each, while 33 boroughs elected 35 members (all elected one member except Dublin and Cork, which elected two). The remaining seat was given to Dublin University. The franchise in the counties was the same as for England, and the total Irish county electorate, at about 220,000 in 1801, was actually larger than the English county electorate (Ireland had a larger population relative to England than it has today, and had a larger rural gentry). But the franchise was drastically raised in 1829 when Catholics were allowed to sit in the House of Commons, in order to deprive the mass of Irish Catholics of the vote and minimise the impact of this concession.

In 1801, Ireland had about one-third of the population of the United Kingdom (5.5 million people lived in Ireland and 10.5 million in Great Britain) but only 15% of the MPs (100 of 658) were Irish.

Of the Irish boroughs, only Dublin, Cork, Kilkenny, Londonderry and Waterford had a mass electorate. Belfast's member was elected by the city corporation and the seat was never contested.

The exclusion of Catholics from the House of Commons was of most consequence in Ireland, where 80% of the population were Catholic. At the time of the Act of Union, the Irish were promised that the restriction on Catholics would be lifted but this promise was broken because of the opposition of George III. This meant that except in the Protestant northern counties, most Irishmen, no matter how wealthy, were excluded from politics until Catholic Emancipation was finally achieved in 1829.

Unrepresented towns
Since the distribution of seats in the House of Commons among the boroughs was based on medieval demography and economy, much in it was already anomalous under 18th century circumstances. Thus for example $1/undefined$ of the House was elected by only five counties in South West England (Cornwall alone having 44 Members due to rotten and pocket boroughs); while almost $1/undefined$ of boroughs consisted of (often decayed) seaports.

With the industrial revolution of the early 19th century, the numbers and weight of those outside the system increased further. While an uninhabited hill such as Old Sarum in Wiltshire elected two members of Parliament, cities including Manchester, Birmingham, Leeds, Sheffield, Bolton, Bradford and Huddersfield had no direct representation. Residents of these cities who met the 40 shilling freehold test could vote in their respective counties, and this explains why the county electorate in industrial counties like Yorkshire and Lancashire grew rapidly, but the bulk of the fast-growing urban middle class remained voteless.

In addition, Glasgow in Scotland – which grew into a major industrial and commercial centre in the 18th century, increasing in numbers from some twelve thousand to eighty thousand – although technically represented in the House of Commons, was part of a district of burghs that meant it was in practice without representation, and since none of its citizens met the county franchise none of them had a direct vote. Some other industrial towns which elected members but with a very narrow franchise were in the same situation: Wigan, for example, had 10,000 people in 1800 but only 100 electors, while residents of the fast-growing London suburbs which later became known as the commuter belt were also unrepresented unless they met the county franchise to vote in Middlesex, Essex, Hertfordshire, Surrey or Kent.

Movements for reform

The English Civil War of the 1640s produced a series of debates over reforming the electoral system – involving the franchise, the distribution of the House of Commons seats, and the abolition of the House of Lords. At the Putney Debates of 1647, radicals led by Thomas Rainborough argued for manhood suffrage; conservatives, led by Oliver Cromwell and Henry Ireton, maintained that the vote should rather go only to those they regarded as having a 'stake' in the country. The Cromwellian system that eventually emerged featured a modest increase in the franchise, and a sharp reduction in the overall number of seats, with a shift in balance to county over borough members. There was also a redistribution of borough seats from the West and South-West to Eastern England.

With the Restoration of the monarchy of 1660, however, came a restoration of the pre-revolutionary system in its entirety, thereafter sanctified as the Ancient Constitution; and the Glorious Revolution of 1688 saw no attempt to re-open the question. There followed a long period during which any challenge to the system of representation was equated with republicanism and treason; and the political classes remained largely content with the alliance of landowners, urban merchants, and small town electorates which underpinned it.

A reform movement began in the mid-18th century, with the Yorkshire Association attempting to increase county representation at the expense of the rotten boroughs; but with the failure of Pitt's Reform Bill of 1785 it came to an end. Thereafter new reformist strands arose, with Nonconformists looking to improve their civil position through Parliamentary reform, a radical working-class campaign which demanded manhood suffrage (or even universal suffrage), and support from some in the Whig party like Fox and Earl Grey through the Society of the Friends of the People (1792). However Tory resistance, and the English reaction against the excesses of the French Revolution, stifled all real attempts to raise the issue until the end of the Napoleonic Wars in 1815.

With peace came a renewed call for reform in the shape of the spreading Hampden Clubs, but government reaction called a swift halt to them, and soon the pamphleteer William Hone concluded that "Parliamentary reform is not perhaps dead, but it is dying".

1822-3 saw agricultural distress leading to a short-lived movement for strengthening the counties at the expense of the boroughs. The disenfranchisement for corruption by Lord Liverpool's of Grampound in Cornwall, when the borough's patron had been convicted of bribery, saw its two seats given to Yorkshire, which thus elected four county members from 1826 to 1832. A few years later East Retford was also disfranchised but its seats were transferred to the neighbouring hundred of Bassetlaw rather than to one of the new cities.

As late as 1829, however, parliamentary reform remained a marginal issue for most people, both inside and outside parliament. Even those - like county landowners in those counties which contained the unrepresented cities, such as Yorkshire, who were increasingly finding themselves outvoted in their own counties by urban voters, or Whigs like Lord John Russell - who favoured reform, did so not for democracy, but to make the system a better reflection of national interests (that is to say, property), rather than numbers. This, and not a desire for democracy, was why most Whigs and even some Tories turned against the old system during the 1820s.

End of the unreformed House

The issue which brought parliamentary reform to the forefront once more was Catholic Emancipation in 1829, which removed barriers to Roman Catholics being elected to the House of Commons, and which led many Anglican conservatives, the Ultra-Tories in particular, to favour abolition of the rotten boroughs so as to make Parliament more truly representative of (Anglican) county, squire and parson. Similarly, it was a Tory, Thomas Attwood, who in 1830 founded the Birmingham Political Union to press for reform. The accession of a new, and less hide-bound monarch precipitated a general election, which – galvanized by news of the French Revolution of 1830 with its middle-class power-brokers – produced a swing of 30 seats against Wellington's Government, to a coalition (including the Ultras) on 15 November.

Earl Grey formed a ministry pledged to reform. In March 1831, the bill passed second reading by a single vote; forces were about balanced. When a hostile amendment was passed by eight votes, Grey sought and was granted a dissolution of parliament, asking for a fresh mandate in April 1831. At this election the Whigs won a landslide – a result that, as Elie Halevy put it, "by its condemnation of the existing franchise went near to justify the plea of its Tory defenders". In 35 of the 40 English counties they won both seats and in the boroughs where electors were able to decide they made an almost clean sweep. Of the 230 seats the Tories held after that election, most were in rotten or "closed" boroughs or else in Scotland, which had almost no broad-based electorates. By one reckoning, the Tories seats held 50,000 voters, while the four Whig members for Yorkshire held 100,000 voters. After the decisive electorate's mandate, the House of Lords rejected the Second Reform Bill. A barrage of popular protests and a constitutional crisis followed, before the King's agreement to create the necessary number of new peers to pass the Reform made the Lords give way, and the Great Reform Act was passed.

The Reform Act extended the franchise from about 435,000 to about 652,000 voters in Great Britain. Setting itself out explicitly as a final settlement of the reform process, it disfranchised many rotten boroughs (56 boroughs were abolished, while another 30 were reduced from two members to one), gave seats to new boroughs and additional seats to the more populous counties, reformed the electoral system in Scotland, and introduced a uniform borough franchise. While pockets of landlord influence, voter deference, corruption, and pocket boroughs were left and still a far cry from universal suffrage of men (perhaps 1 in 5 of whom could vote in 1833), the Great Reform Act was – at least to Whig and Radical historians like G M Trevelyan – the decisive step in ending the old system.

title: Unreformed House of Commons


text:
Sistema de Inteligencia Nacional

Sistema de Inteligencia Nacional (National Intelligence System, SIN) is the official denomination of the Argentine national intelligence community.

The National Intelligence System consists of the following agencies and its dependencies:
 * Secretaría de Inteligencia (Secretariat of Intelligence, S.I)
 * Escuela Nacional de Inteligencia (National Intelligence School, ENI)
 * Dirección de Observaciones Judiciales (Directorate of Judicial Surveillance, DOJ)
 * Dirección Nacional de Inteligencia Criminal (National Directorate of Criminal Intelligence, DNIC)
 * Dirección Nacional de Inteligencia Estratégica Militar (National Directorate of Strategic Military Intelligence, DNIEM)

The National Intelligence System came online with the 2001 Intelligence Reform Law 25.520.

title: Sistema de Inteligencia Nacional


text:
Håkan Loob

Håkan Per Loob (born 3 July 1960) is a Swedish former professional ice hockey player for Färjestad BK of the Elitserien and the Calgary Flames of the National Hockey League (NHL). He is the head of European Scouting for the Calgary Flames after resigning as president of Hockey Operations for Färjestad. Considered one of the greatest Swedish hockey players of all time, he was inducted into the International Ice Hockey Federation Hall of Fame in 1998, and the Swedish ice hockey Hall of Fame in 2012. The Elitserien created the Håkan Loob Trophy, awarded to the league's top goal scorer, in his honour in 2005 and Färjestad has retired his jersey number 5.

Loob joined Färjestad in 1979 and was a member of the team that won the Swedish championship in 1981. He won the Guldpucken as Swedish player of the year in 1982–83 after setting single-season records of 42 goals and 76 points - which remain SHL records. He moved to North America following that season to join the Flames, who had selected him with a ninth-round pick at the 1980 NHL Entry Draft. Loob was named to the NHL All-Rookie Team in 1983–84 and in 1987–88 was named a first team All-Star after becoming the first Swedish player to score 50 goals in one NHL season. He won the Stanley Cup with Calgary the following year, after which he chose to return to Sweden.

Rejoining Färjestad in 1989, Loob won consecutive Guldhjälmen awards in 1991 and 1992 as the Elitserien's most valuable player as selected by his fellow players. He retired in 1996 to become the club's general manager. He managed Färjestad to four Elitserien titles in 11 seasons before being elevated to team president. Internationally, Loob represented the Swedish national team on several occasions. He was one of the first three members of the Triple Gold Club, signifying that he has won the Stanley Cup, the World Championship (in 1987 and 1991) and an Olympic gold medal (1994).

Early life
Loob was born on 3 July 1960 in Gotland, where he grew up in the small town of Slite. Loob is of Estonian descent. Loob's grandparents, together with their children, including Loob's father, Paul, fled to Gotland in a small boat across the Baltic sea from the island Kihnu during the German occupation of Estonia in 1944. Loob started playing ice hockey at the age of five, when an artificially frozen rink was constructed near his home. Loob was an active athlete in his youth, involved in tennis, handball, football, and sailing, and was one of Sweden's best table tennis talents, winning the Tommy Sport Cup in 1971 at age eleven. At age 15 Loob made his senior debut for IK Graip, and quit all other sports to focus on hockey.

Färjestad BK
Loob began with third division clubs IK Graip Slite and Roma IF Romakloster in 1975–76 and 1976–77 respectively before spending two seasons with second division club Karlskrona IK. He moved up to the Elitserien when he joined Färjestad BK, with whom he scored 15 goals and 19 points in 36 games in 1979–80. He scored 23 goals the following season as Färjestad won its first Le Mat Trophy as Elitserien champion. In 1982–83, Loob set Elitserien records by scoring 42 goals and 76 points. He continues to hold those records today.

Calgary Flames
The Calgary Flames selected Loob with a ninth-round pick, 181st overall, at the 1980 NHL Entry Draft. They were not able to convince him to join the club until the 1983–84 NHL season when, after his record setting season in the Elitserien, Flames' General Manager Cliff Fletcher referred to him as the "[Wayne] Gretzky of Sweden". Loob scored 30 goals and 55 points in his first NHL season, and was named to the NHL All-Rookie Team.

Loob improved to 37 goals in 1984–85, which was enough to tie him for the team lead with fellow Swede Kent Nilsson. He led the team outright in 1985–86 with 31 goals, and won the Molson Cup as the Flames player with the most three-star selections. Loob struggled the following year due to a shoulder injury that required surgery to fix at the end of the 1986–87 season. He scored only 18 goals while his 44 points were well below the 67 he had scored the previous season.

Returning to the lineup healthy for 1987–88, Loob became the first Swedish player in NHL history to score 50 goals in one season. As of the end of 2019–20 NHL season, he is still the only Swede to accomplish the feat. He also set a Flames franchise record by scoring five hat tricks during the season. He finished sixth in league goal scoring, while his 106 points was ninth in that category. Loob was named to the First All-Star team on the right wing, and was the winner of the Viking Award as the top Swedish player in the NHL as voted by his fellow Swedes. Loob scored 27 goals in 1988–89, but added 58 assists for the Flames. He added 8 goals and 17 points in the playoffs to help the Flames win their first Stanley Cup in franchise history. In the Cup clinching game against the Montreal Canadiens, Loob started a quick passing play with Joe Nieuwendyk on a three-on-one rush that set up Lanny McDonald's final NHL goal and gave the Flames a lead they would not relinquish.

During the 1989 Stanley Cup playoffs, Loob made it known that he was considering a return to Sweden. He later revealed that he and his wife had made the decision almost a year before and that he declined a large contract offer the team offered to entice him to stay. Loob wanted his children to grow up in Sweden, however, and after the Flames won the Stanley Cup, he announced he was returning to Färjestad for the 1989–90 season.

Return to Färjestad
In his first season back in Sweden, Loob scored 22 goals in 40 games for Färjestad and led the league with 53 points. He improved to 33 goals in 1990–91 while his 66 points again led the Elitserien. He won the Guldhjälmen ("Golden Helmet") as the most valuable player of the league as voted by the players. He won a second consecutive Guldhjälmen in 1991–92 and led the league in scoring for a third consecutive season. At 37 goals, Loob also led the league in goal scoring. He played another four seasons with Färjestad, retiring in 1996.

Loob ended his playing career as the Elitserien's all-time leading goal scorer with 305 goals combined between the regular season and playoffs. The league created the Håkan Loob Trophy in his honour and awards it to the leading goal scorer. Färjestad retired his jersey number 5 and named him the team's general manager for the 1996–97 season. He served in the role for 11 seasons, during which the team reached the final of the Elitersien playoffs eight times and won four championships. Two of the titles came in his first two seasons as general manager, 1996–97 and 1997–98. He added a third in 2001–02, and the fourth in 2005–06. Loob was promoted to team president in 2008.

In January 2017, it was announced that he would quit as Färjestads BK's director of sport at the end of the 2016–2017 season.

International
Internationally, Loob first skated for the Swedish junior team at the European Junior Hockey Championship in 1978. He then won bronze medals with the Swedish team at both the 1979 and 1980 World Junior Championships. He finished third in tournament scoring in 1980 with nine points (seven goals, two assists) and was named an all-star. He debuted with the senior team in 1982, scoring three goals in eight games for the Swedish team that finished fourth in the World Championship, but won a silver medal in the European Championship, which counted results amongst only participating European nations.

Loob appeared in his first best-on-best world tournament at the 1984 Canada Cup, where his ten points in eight games was second in team scoring, one behind Kent Nilsson. He scored two goals and two assists in the two game final series, which Sweden lost to Canada. A shoulder injury prevented Loob from playing in the 1987 Canada Cup, but he did appear at the 1987 World Championship. He scored nine points in eight games to help Sweden win its first World Championship in 25 years. He made two additional world championship appearances, winning a silver medal at the 1990 tournament and a second gold in 1991. In the concurrently held European championships, Loob and the Swedes won gold in 1990 and silver in 1991.

The 1992 Albertville Games marked Loob's first Winter Olympic appearance. He averaged one point per game in eight games, including four goals, for the fifth place Swedes. He returned two years later for the 1994 Winter Olympic tournament at Lillehammer, Norway. Loob scored nine points in eight games, and Sweden met Canada for the gold medal. The game went into overtime tied at 2–2, and after that failed to decide the contest, the gold medal was decided for the first time in Olympic history by a shootout. The shootout went seven rounds, until Peter Forsberg scored the winning goal for Sweden. By virtue of winning the Olympic gold, Loob joined teammates Mats Näslund and Tomas Jonsson to become the first three members of the Triple Gold Club as winners of a Stanley Cup championship, a World championship and an Olympic championship. Loob was inducted into the International Ice Hockey Federation Hall of Fame in 1998.

Playing style
Standing five-foot, nine inches tall, and weighing 170 pounds, Loob arrived in Calgary facing skepticism about his ability to cope with the rougher style and smaller ice surface of the NHL compared to what he was used to in the Elitserien. Opinion around the NHL in the early 1980s was that Swedish players were "soft"; teammate Colin Patterson credited Loob with changing that perception. He was a vocal leader, unafraid to speak to his teammates when he felt it necessary. He was a strong skater with "dazzling technique", and former Calgary linemate Joe Nieuwendyk said Loob was a key reason for his own early success in the NHL: "He just had such a great amount of skill. He could do things none of the rest of us could. The luckiest thing that happened to me was getting put on Hakan Loob’s line my first full year in Calgary. He helped me so much, starting my career the right way. A big reason why I scored 50." Nieuwendyk added that Loob could "put pucks into areas, make plays, nobody else would dream of".

Personal life
Loob's older brother Peter was also a hockey player. The brothers played together briefly with Färjestad and Peter appeared in eight NHL games with the Quebec Nordiques. Håkan and his wife Marie have three children, Henrik, Niclas, and Isabelle. Their children are why the family chose to return to Sweden in 1989. Loob always intended to return home following his playing days, but felt that Henrik's assimilation into North American culture was problematic. He wanted his family to grow up in Sweden.

title: Håkan Loob


text:
Dirección Nacional de Inteligencia Criminal

Dirección Nacional de Inteligencia Criminal (National Directorate of Criminal Intelligence, DNIC) is an Argentine intelligence agency, part of the National Intelligence System. It used to depend on the Secretaría de Seguridad Interior (Secretariat of Interior Security), which itself depends on the Ministry of Interior; currently, the DNIC depends from the National Ministry of Security. The DNIC is not a division of the Secretaría de Inteligencia (SIDE), which has its own Directorate of Interior Intelligence.

Creation
The Dirección Nacional de Inteligencia Criminal (National Directorate of Criminal Intelligence, DNIC) was initially created by the 1992 Interior Security Law 24.059 as Dirección Nacional de Inteligencia Interior (National Directorate of Interior Intelligence, DNII).

In December 2001, as the new Intelligence Reform Law 25.520 passed, the National Intelligence System was created, and Article 47/48 renamed the old DNII to its current name.

At the time of the writing of the 1992 Interior Security Law 24.059, the National Aeronautical Police (Policía Aeronáutica Nacional, PNA) was controlled by the Argentine Air Force, therefore, the handling of its information was done by military intelligence. In 2005, after the Southern Winds Narcobags Scandal, President Néstor Kirchner dissolved the PNA, and created a civil organism similar to the National Gendarmerie and the Naval Prefecture, the Airport Security Police (Policía de Seguridad Aeroportuaria, PSA). DNIC also handles intelligence from the mentioned organism that has inherited from the military-controlled PNA.

Function
Its mission, as detailed on Article 16 of the 1992 Interior Security Law 24.059, is to be a federal agency within the Ministry of Interior to strategically coordinate and direct the functions and operations of the intelligence services of the Federal Police, the National Gendarmerie, and the Naval Prefecture.


text:
DNIC

DNIC can stand for:

 * Data Network Identification Code
 * Diffuse noxious inhibitory controls
 * In Christianity, Dominus Noster Iesus Christus (and other grammatical variants; "Our Lord Jesus Christ")
 * In biochemistry, dinitrosyl iron complex
 * DoD Network Information Center

Law enforcement organizations

 * National Police of Honduras
 * Direcção nacional de investigação criminal (Angola)
 * Dirección Nacional de Investigación Criminal (Argentina)

title: DNIC


text:
Minnesota Transracial Adoption Study

The Minnesota Transracial Adoption Study examined the IQ test scores of 130 black or interracial children adopted by advantaged white families. The aim of the study was to determine the contribution of environmental and genetic factors to the poor performance of black children on IQ tests as compared to white children. The initial study was published in 1976 by Sandra Scarr and Richard A. Weinberg. A follow-up study was published in 1992 by Richard Weinberg, Sandra Scarr and Irwin D. Waldman. Another related study investigating social adjustment in a subsample of the adopted black children was published in 1996. The 1992 follow-up study found that "social environment maintains a dominant role in determining the average IQ level of black and interracial children and that both social and genetic variables contribute to individual variations among them."

Background and study design
On measures of cognitive ability (IQ tests) and school performance, black children in the U.S. have performed worse than white children. At the time of the study, the gap in average performance between the two groups of children was approximately one standard deviation, which is equivalent to about 15 IQ points or 4 grade levels at high school graduation. Thus, the average IQ score of black children in the U.S. was approximately 85, compared to the average score of white children of 100. No detectable bias due to test construction or administration had been found, although this does not rule out other biases. The gap is functionally significant, which makes it an important area of study. The Minnesota Transracial Adoption Study tried to answer whether the gap is primarily caused by genetic factors or whether it is primarily caused by environmental and cultural factors.

The study was funded by the Grant Foundation and the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development.

By examining the cognitive ability and school performance of both black and white children adopted into white families, the study intended to separate genetic factors from rearing conditions as causal influences in the gap. "Trans racial adoption is the human analog of the cross-fostering design, commonly used in animal behavior genetics research.... There is no question that adoption constitutes a massive intervention" (Scarr & Weinberg, 1976, p. 726).

Scarr and Weinberg studied black, white, Asian, indigenous American, and mixed-race black/white children adopted by upper-middle-class white families in Minnesota. The average IQ of the adopting parents was more than one standard deviation above the population mean of 100. The biological children of these parents were also tested. The sample of adopted children was selected by eligible parents contacting the researchers for participating following a newsletter call. The geographical origin of the adopted children was not uniform. All except one white adopted child was adopted in-state. Black and interracial children came from twelve states; Asian and indigenous American children came from Minnesota as well as from Korea, Vietnam, Canada and Ecuador.

As Scarr & Weinberg (1976) note, transracial adoption studies only control for family environment, not social environment. For example, children who are socially identified as black may still be subject to racial discrimination despite being raised by white parents. Yet, it was previously known that adoption into upper-middle class white families has a positive influence on the IQ and school performance of white children.

The study showed significant differences in adoption patterns of mixed-race black/white and black adopted children as was noted by Scarr and Weinberg (1976):

"It is essential to note, however, that the groups also differed significantly (p < .05) in their placement histories and natural mother's education. Children with two black parents were significantly older at adoption, had been in the adoptive home a shorter time, and had experienced a greater number of preadoption placements. The natural parents of the black/black group also averaged a year less of education than those of the black/white group, which suggests an average difference between the groups in intellectual ability. There were also significant differences between the adoptive families of black/black and black/white children in father's education and mother's IQ."

Results
The children were first tested in 1975 at age 7. In 1985, 196 of the original 265 children were retested at age 17. The data showed mixed adoptees scoring slightly lower than white adoptees with gaps of 3 and 7 points at ages 7 and 17, while black adoptees scored 15 and 17 points below white adoptees at ages 7 and 17.

The adopting parents of 12 of the interracial children wrongly believed that their adopted children had two black parents. The average IQ of these 12 children was not significantly different from the scores of the 56 interracial children correctly classified by their adoptive parents as having one black and one white parent.

Some have suggested that differing pre-adoption experiences, including age at adoption, explain the racial patterns in the results. Lee (2009) argues against this interpretation, saying that there is no evidence from other studies that variables such as age at adoption exert an effect on IQ lasting until late adolescence. In the Minnesota study, the proportion of IQ variance associated with pre-adoption variables declined from .32 to .13 between ages 7 and 17.

The average difference in IQ scores between the testing at age 7 and testing at age 17, seen in all groups, may be due to the use of different IQ tests. The original study used Stanford–Binet Form L-M, WISC or WAIS tests, depending on age, while the follow-up used WISC-R or WAIS-R. Weinberg, Scarr and Waldman describe the effect of this change in test:

"Declines in IQ scores have been documented when individuals are retested on a revised form of an original measure, as well as when a test used at a first administration was normed earlier than a test used at a subsequent administration (see Flynn, 1984, for a review). For example, the decline in Full-Scale IQ score from the WAIS to the WAIS-R averaged 6.8 points across a number of studies (reviewed by Sattler, 1988) and was 7.5 points in a sample of 72 35- to 44-year-olds tested as part of the standardization of the WAIS-R (Wechsler, 1981). This is precisely the test combination used for adoptive parents in our study."

Furthermore, the data needed to be corrected for the Flynn effect as stated by Ulrich Neisser:

"Everyone involved in this debate is well-aware that such comparisons must be corrected for the Flynn effect: Mean scores on all standard IQ tests seem to rise steadily at about 0.3 points per year. In the Minnesota study, where the tests used in the follow-up were generally not the same as those that had been given the first time, these corrections are complex and must be made on an individual basis. Until they have been made–Waldman et al. reported that they are in progress–raw figures like those above are relatively meaningless."

The data, corrected for the Flynn effect, was published in 2000 by John Loehlin in the Handbook of Intelligence. The data showed mixed adoptees scoring lower than white adoptees with gaps of 6.1 and 8.3 points at ages 7 and 17, while black adoptees scored 20.1 and 17.8 points below white adoptees at ages 7 and 17.

The analysis of structured interviews at age 7 and 17 reported by (DeBerry, Scarr & Weinberg 1996) found that about half of the studied black adopted children had adjustment difficulties. They had difficulties becoming competent in both European and African-American reference group orientation but had stronger affinity with the European than with the African-American group. Stronger identification with one or the other group predicted better adjustment.

Interpretations
Scarr & Weinberg (1976) interpreted the results from age 7 suggesting that racial group differences in IQ are inconclusive because of confounding in the study. They noted, however, that the study indicated that cross-racial adoption had a positive effect on black-adopted children. In support of this interpretation, they drew special attention to the finding that the average IQ of "socially classified" black children was greater than that of the U.S. white mean. The follow-up data were collected in 1986, and Weinberg et al. published their findings in 1992; they interpreted their results as still supporting the original conclusions.

Both Levin and Lynn argued that the data support a hereditarian alternative - that the mean IQ scores and school achievement of each group reflected their degree of Sub-Saharan African ancestry. For all measures, the children with two black parents scored lower than the children with one black and white parent, who in turn scored lower than the adopted children with two white parents. Both omitted discussion of Asian adoptees.

Waldman, Weinberg, and Scarr responded to Levin and Lynn. They noted that the data taken of adoption placement effects can explain the observed differences but that they cannot make that claim firmly because the pre-adoption factors confounded racial ancestry, preventing an unambiguous interpretation of the results. They also note that Asian data fit that hypothesis while being omitted by both Levin and Lynn. They argued that, "contrary to Levin's and Lynn's assertions, results from the Minnesota Transracial Adoption Study provide little or no conclusive evidence for genetic influences underlying racial differences in intelligence and achievement, " and noted that, "We think that it is exceedingly implausible that these differences are either entirely genetically based or entirely environmentally based. The true causes of racial-group differences in IQ, or in any other characteristic, are likely to be too complex to be captured by locating them on a single hereditarianism-environmentalism dimension."

In a 1998 article, Scarr wrote, "The test performance of the Black/Black adoptees [in the study] was not different from that of ordinary Black children reared by their own families in the same area of the country. My colleagues and I reported the data accurately and as fully as possible, and then tried to make the results palatable to environmentally committed colleagues. In retrospect, this was a mistake. The results of the transracial adoption study can be used to support either a genetic difference hypothesis or an environmental difference one (because the children have visible African ancestry). We should have been agnostic on the conclusions . . ." Later opinions supported Scarr's reassessment. For example, one group of authors wrote, "Generally, scholars in the field of intelligence see the evidence from this study . . . as consistent with both environmental and genetic hypotheses for the cause of Group IQ score differences . . ."

Loehlin (2000) reiterates the confounding problems of the study and notes that both genetic and environmental interpretations are possible. He further offers another possible explanation of the results, namely unequal prenatal factors: "[O]ne possibility lies in the prenatal environment provided by Black and White biological mothers. The Black-Black group, of course, all had Black mothers. In the Black-White group, virtually all of the birth mothers were White (66 of 68). Willerman and his colleagues found that in interracial couples it made a difference whether the mother was Black or White: The children obtained higher IQs if she was White. They suspected that this difference was due to postnatal environment, but it could, of course, have been in the prenatal one."

A paper from Drew Thomas (2016) found that once corrected for the Flynn effect and attrition in the low IQ white adoptees, the MTRA data showed mixed adoptees scoring slightly lower than white adoptees with a gap of 2.5 points at age 7 and 3.5 at age 17, while black adoptees scored 12.2 and 11.7 points below white adoptees at ages 7 and 17; however, with confidence intervals on the order of ±3 points, these should be taken as rough estimates. Thomas believes that the black-white gap may be explained by differences in pre-adoption environment and age at adoption.

title: Minnesota Transracial Adoption Study


text:
User talk:TheRubal

Southern Cal Trojans Football
Please don't create articles about the players on this team. Wikipedia precedent has been to delete any college players that don't have importance, like Heisman Tropy winners, etc. Zoe 08:08, August 28, 2005 (UTC)
 * I'll add a note that anyone who's gone on to play pro football likely qualifies for an article. MisfitToys 22:40, 23 December 2005 (UTC)

title: User talk:TheRubal


text:
Purpurite

Purpurite is a manganese phosphate mineral with the formula MnPO4, with varying amounts of iron depending upon its source. It occurs in color ranges from brownish black via purple and violet to dark red.

Purpurite forms a series with the iron-bearing endmember heterosite, FePO4.

title: Purpurite


text:
Sulfur sticks

Sulfur sticks are tools used in industrial ammonia refrigeration systems to detect minor ammonia leaks. A sulfur stick is made from a wick which contains particles of sulfur. The sulfur stick is lit and smolders, and the color of the sulfur smoke is used to find the leak. When there is no ammonia present, the smoke is colorless, but the combination of sulfur and ammonia vapors produce a white fog.

title: Sulfur sticks


text: User talk:80.58.9.42

title: User talk:80.58.9.42


text: Category:Donyi-Polo

title: Category:Donyi-Polo


text:
Musée de l'air et de l'espace

The Musée de l'air et de l'espace (English: Air and Space Museum) is a French aerospace museum, located at the south-eastern edge of Paris–Le Bourget Airport, north of Paris, and in the commune of Le Bourget. It was inaugurated in 1919 after a proposal by the celebrated aeronautics engineer Albert Caquot (1881–1976).

Description
Occupying over 150000 sqm of land and hangars, it is one of the oldest aviation museums in the world. The museum's collection contains more than 19,595 items, including 150 aircraft, and material from as far back as the 16th Century. Also displayed are more modern air and spacecraft, including the prototype for Concorde, and Swiss and Soviet rockets. The museum also has the only known remaining piece — the jettisoned main landing gear — of L'Oiseau Blanc (The White Bird), the 1927 aircraft which attempted to make the first Transatlantic crossing from Paris to New York. On 8 May 1927 Charles Nungesser and François Coli aboard L'Oiseau blanc, a 450-hp Lorraine-powered Levasseur biplane took off from Le Bourget. The aircraft jettisoned its main landing gear (which is stored at the museum), which it was designed to do as part of its trans-Atlantic flight profile, but then disappeared over the Atlantic, only two weeks before Lindbergh's monoplane completed its successful solo non-stop trans-Atlantic flight to Le Bourget from the United States.

Other items of interest range include:

 * gilded bronze medallion of the Montgolfier brothers, created in 1783 by Jean-Antoine Houdon (1741–1828)
 * the Biot-Massia glider (1879)
 * an 1884 electric motor by Arthur Constantin Krebs (1850–1935)
 * the rear gondola of the 1915 Zeppelin LZ 113, equipped with 3 Maybach type HS engines
 * a 1916 SPAD VII aircraft by Blériot-SPAD and flown by French flying ace Georges Guynemer in World War I
 * a 1917 Airco DH.9 aircraft by Geoffrey de Havilland (1882–1965)
 * a 1918 Junkers D.I aircraft by Hugo Junkers (1859–1935)
 * a 1961 Dassault Mirage IIIC by Marcel Dassault (1892–1986)
 * an SSBS S3 surface-to-surface ballistic missile commissioned in 1981
 * a 2002 Dassault-Breguet Super Étendard model.

Grand Gallery

 * Antoinette VII
 * Blériot XI
 * Voisin-Farman No 1
 * Santos-Dumont Demoiselle

Between the Wars and Light Aviation Hall

 * Bréguet 14
 * Farman Goliath
 * Oiseau Blanc
 * Nieuport 11

World War II Hall

 * Bücker Bü 181
 * Dewoitine D.520
 * Douglas A-1 Skyraider
 * Douglas C-47 Skytrain
 * Douglas DC-3 cockpit
 * Focke-Wulf Fw 190
 * North American P-51 Mustang
 * Republic P-47 Thunderbolt
 * Supermarine Spitfire Mk XVI
 * V-1 flying bomb

Roundel Hall

 * Dassault Mirage III
 * Dassault Mystère IV
 * Dassault Ouragan
 * North American F-86D Sabre
 * North American F-100 Super Sabre
 * Republic F-84 Thunderjet

Prototype Hall

 * Aérospatiale Ludion
 * Dassault Balzac V
 * Leduc 0.10
 * Nord 1500 Griffon
 * SNCASO Trident
 * Sud-Ouest SO.6000 Triton

Concorde Hall

 * Concorde (two, F-WTSS prototype and Air France F-BTSD)
 * Concorde 001 is featured in its 1973 Solar Eclipse mission livery, with the special rooftop portholes visible.
 * Dassault Mirage IV. The plane number 9 (F-THAH) was used to drop a live nuclear bomb during the Tamouré nuclear test in 1966.
 * Dassault Mirage 4000
 * Eurocopter X3
 * Sud Aviation Caravelle forward fuselage

Tarmac/Exterior Exhibit

 * Boeing 747
 * Ariane 1 (model)
 * Ariane 5 (model)
 * Airbus A380
 * Douglas DC-8
 * Canadair CL-215
 * Lockheed P-2 Neptune
 * Breguet Atlantic
 * Dassault Mercure
 * Transall C-160
 * Dassault Super Etendard
 * SEPECAT Jaguar
 * Dassault Mirage 4000
 * Dassault Rafale A

title: Musée de l'air et de l'espace


text:
Kathy Wemyss

Kathy Wemyss (pronounced 'Weemz') is an Australian rock musician. A multi-instrumentalist, she was a member of Chad's Tree (1989) and The Jackson Code.

Biography
Wemyss was classically trained, due to her Salvation Army upbringing, but in the 1980s and 1990s performed in post punk and rock bands, playing live gigs in inner Sydney. Her groups include, Wet Taxis (1986–1988), Kings of the World (1988–1989), Chad's Tree (1989), The Jackson Code (1989–1990), Pressed Meat & The Smallgoods (1990) and The Blackeyed Susans (1991).

For a rock musician she brought an unusual combination of talents - a classically trained voice; playing the trumpet (her signature instrument); the castanets; and more conventionally, the acoustic guitar.

Her talent as a brass player led her to be invited to play with Midnight Oil on tour in the late 1980s. During the 1990s she was an integral member of The Jackson Code to which she brought all the talents mentioned above, along with her skills as songwriter. Her association with Midnight Oil was briefly revived when she was invited to play with them at the opening ceremony of the Sydney Olympics in 2000.

In the early 2000s, she formed her own band called Wemo, for which she composed and sang all the material. Throughout this time she maintained an interest in the indigenous music and culture of the Torres Strait Islands. She became active in academic circles, completing a post-graduate degree at the Sydney Conservatorium of Music which combined her interests in music education, indigenous music and brass instruments. Her interest in the Torres Strait Islands finally led her to resettle there permanently in 2004.

title: Kathy Wemyss


text:
Talk:The Flashbulb

But is he notable? Joyrex 08:13, 28 August 2005 (UTC)
 * I would personally argue yes -- The Flashbulb is rather "up-and-coming" in the electronic music scene right now. I would call the pages for each of his albums rather dubious, however. neckro 22:01, 21 September 2005 (UTC)

title: Talk:The Flashbulb


text:
Wikipedia talk:Articles for deletion/Morgan Turinui

A simple Google search will prove that the facts are correct and the fact that he play's for Australia i believe is sufficient enough for him to be kept on Wikepedia.


text:
Talk:Drill bit sizes

Hmm, are Long series drills a size or a type? The addition of Gun drills spotlights the question further. I'll move Gundrills to Drill bit, and copy Long series drills there also. -- Graibeard 08:14, 28 August 2005 (UTC)

Decimal-fraction equivalents: 0 to 1 by 64ths
This table is way too big, disrupts the page. Fix it, anyone? Greetings, --Janke | Talk 07:34, 6 April 2008 (UTC)

 * Fixed. Broke it out into its own separate "List of" article, called List of decimal-fraction equivalents: 0 to 1 by 64ths. — ¾-10 21:07, 6 April 2008 (UTC)
 * I have proposed that the List of decimal-fraction equivalents: 0 to 1 by 64ths is deleted. Reasoning on the talk page. GameKeeper (talk)

jobber length text is bonk
Text on current page, section 6 is: Jobber-length drill

Jobber-length drills are the most common type of drill. The length of the flutes is between nine and fourteen times the diameter of the drill, depending on the drill size. So a 1⁄2 in (12.7 mm) diameter drill will be able to drill a hole 4 1⁄2 in (114.3 mm) deep since it is nine times the diameter in length. A 1⁄8 in (3.2 mm) diameter drill can drill a hole 1 5⁄8 in (41.3 mm) deep since it is thirteen times the diameter in flute length[citation needed]

Replace 'jobber' with the word 'standard' in both the heading and the text above. New paragraph below.

jobber-lenght drill==

Jobber-lenght drills, or just "jobber drills" are longer than standard and have longer groves extending the depth of the hole possible.

When the author wrote "most common ...", that would be the standard set one would buy, where each larger size is a little longer than the one before, and a set would range from 2 to maybe 4 inches long. I should/shall do some measurements, but the diameter vs how deep a hole (based on the spiral cut) makes sense.

In NJ and PA, Jobber bits or jobber-length-bits are longer, or much longer than standard and permit a deeper hole than the standard bits.

CliffOnTheRoadCliffontheroad (talk) 06:11, 31 May 2016 (UTC)

November 2016 modified text for Jobber Bits. Since there was no "standard size" paragraph, I changed 'common' to 'not common' in the 'jobber bits' paragraph. Citation? My Dad and "common knowledge" I did not check the figures on 'grove length' of standard nor jobber bits, but visually, both have the same length of 'no groves' where it is placed in the chuck. BTW, a 'aircraft lenght' bit has a long shaft with groves only on the last inch or three. Cliffontheroad (talk) 05:38, 24 November 2016 (UTC)

Metric drill bit sizes is incomprehensible by humans
There is a microscopic dot, which apparently means multiplication.

At least give a couple of examples. Even better, list them all! — Preceding unsigned comment added by 73.170.167.183 (talk) 23:18, 25 June 2018 (UTC)

Is the table missing UK drill number sizes?
The number sizes quoted may be applicable to the US, but historically in the UK screw and drill sizes, when quoted using a number scale, increased with increasing number - so a No. 4 drill (or screw) would be small, and a number 8 would be larger. Exmples (approximate dimensions, for masonry drills: 6 - about 4mm, No. 8 about 3/16 inch or 4.5mm, No.9 about 5mm, No.10 about 5.5mm etc.

I cannot find any discussion of this scheme for giving the sizes of drills but it should at least be mentioned as a historical system, in use at least until the 1990s.

Thank you. Alan Curtis81.151.16.193 (talk) 22:32, 12 June 2021 (UTC)
 * I believe that you are confusing wood screw gauge sizes and the number drill series. The latter I believe originated in the UK but has in the UK largely been superseded by the metric system while it is still in use in the US. Both the US and the UK use/used wood screw gauges which increase numerically with size, I have no idea whether they use the same scale but both are unrelated to the number drill series which is the subject of this topic. Clivel 0 (talk) 23:13, 12 June 2021 (UTC)

title: Talk:Drill bit sizes


text:
User:Ben D.

Vandalism
This page has been vandalized 6 times.

Links
My sandbox My edit count 500 newest pages on Wikipedia 50 newest anonymous changes to Wikipedia Criteria for speedy deletion

Articles I've started
András Hadik Athanase Seromba Ngoyo Project 86 (album)

Files I've uploaded
Image:Drawing Black Lines album cover.jpg Image:Project 86 album cover.jpg

Templates I've created
Template:Campaignbox Georgian-Seljuk wars

title: User:Ben D.


text:
Colin Patterson (ice hockey)

Colin Alexander Patterson (born May 11, 1960) is a Canadian former professional ice hockey player who played ten seasons in the National Hockey League (NHL). An undrafted player, he signed as a free agent with the Calgary Flames in 1983 after three seasons of college hockey with the Clarkson Golden Knights. A defensive specialist, Patterson played eight years with the Flames and was a member of their 1989 Stanley Cup championship team. After missing virtually the entire 1990–91 NHL season due to a knee injury, Patterson returned to the NHL for two seasons as a member of the Buffalo Sabres. He retired in 1994 after playing one season in Slovenia for HK Olimpija Ljubljana.

Minor and college
Patterson, a native of Rexdale, Toronto, played minor hockey with the Metro Toronto Hockey League before joining the Royal York Royals of the Ontario Provincial Junior A Hockey League for two seasons. In his second season with the Royals, 1979–80, Patterson recorded 30 goals and 90 points in 41 games. A multi-sport athlete in his youth, Patterson also played lacrosse. He was a member of Canada's bronze medal-winning squad at the 1982 World Lacrosse Championship.

Several American universities expressed interest in Patterson during his junior seasons; he chose to study at Clarkson University and play hockey for the Golden Knights. He played three seasons for Clarkson where he scored 155 points in 99 games. He was named to both the East Coast Athletic Conference second all-star and National Collegiate Athletic Association East first All-American teams in 1982–83. While he was never selected in the NHL Entry Draft, Patterson was discovered by the Calgary Flames after they had sent a scout to Clarkson observe his teammate Jim Laing. The Flames were impressed with Patterson's play and attempted to sign him to a contract. He was reluctant to leave Clarkson before completing his degree, but was convinced to sign with Calgary following his junior season when the Flames agreed to pay for him to continue his studies during hockey off-seasons.

National Hockey League
Calgary assigned Patterson to their Central Hockey League (CHL) affiliate, the Colorado Flames to end the 1982–83 season. He appeared in seven regular season games and three more in the CHL playoffs. The Flames felt that Patterson would benefit from playing with the Canadian national team and at the 1984 Winter Olympics, however Team Canada officials felt he didn't fit the team they were building. The Flames assigned him back to Colorado, intending that he would play the entire 1983–84 season in the CHL. He was recalled to Calgary on October 22, 1983, after only six games for what was expected to be a short stint with the NHL team. Instead, he established a place with Doug Risebrough and Richard Kromm as Calgary's top defensive line and never returned to the minors.

Patterson scored his first NHL goal on October 26, 1983, against goaltender Mike Liut of the St. Louis Blues. He finished with 26 points in 56 NHL games in his rookie season, then scored what were ultimately career highs with 22 goals and 43 points in 57 games in 1984–85. Patterson had 21 goals in the first 40 games of the season before missing 23 games in the second half due to knee and shoulder injuries. While he was regarded as a top defensive forward for the Flames, he was frequently forced out of the Flames' lineup due to injury during his career. Patterson missed time in 1986–87 due to concussions, and played in only 39 of Calgary's 80 games in 1987–88.

Patterson's skills as a defensive forward were recognized in the 1988–89 season when he was named a finalist for the Frank J. Selke Trophy. He played in a career-high 74 games, recorded 38 points and his plus-minus of +44 was the third highest in the NHL. Playing on a line with star scorers Doug Gilmour and Joe Mullen, Patterson was regarded as the team's "unsung hero" and played a grinding role to generate opportunities for his teammates. In the 1989 Stanley Cup Playoffs, Patterson appeared in 22 games and recorded a career high 13 points as the Flames defeated the Montreal Canadiens in the final to win the franchise's first Stanley Cup championship.

Injury problems returned in 1989–90 as, after recording only eight points in 61 games, Patterson's season was ended when he broke his ankle on March 24, 1990. His attempted return for the 1990–91 season was halted when he suffered torn knee ligaments during a pre-season game against the Toronto Maple Leafs. The injury caused him to miss the entire regular season, and he returned to appear in only one playoff game. Unsure how Patterson would return after missing the season, the Flames opted to trade him to the Buffalo Sabres prior to the 1991–92 season. Buffalo acquired him in the hopes that his character and success with Calgary would help the Sabres. Patterson played two seasons in Buffalo and recorded 18 points in 88 games. He then opted to play in Europe for his final professional season in 1993–94. With HK Olimpija Ljubljana of the Slovenian Ice Hockey League, Patterson recorded 32 goals and 83 points in just 14 games.

Patterson finished his playing career with 96 goals and 205 points in 504 games. He has been honoured multiple times by Clarkson University, for whom he served as team captain in his junior season: His uniform number 25 was retired by the school, and he was inducted into Clarkson's Athletic Hall of Fame in 2005. Patterson was also inducted into the Etobicoke Sports Hall of Fame in 2008.

Personal life
Patterson completed his degree in Marketing and management from Clarkson, finishing his final year of studies over three hockey off-seasons. He settled in Calgary with his wife Sherrie and three children. He entered the business world following his playing career and has held executive positions at several companies, including the Montreal Trust Company and then as a vice president with Shaw Cablesystems. He has also served as the president of a fire suppression company, and most recently a general manager with an energy services company. Patterson is also active within the Calgary Flames Alumni Association and often participates in the association's charity events.

title: Colin Patterson (ice hockey)