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Sociology of the family

Sociology of the family is a subfield of the subject of sociology, in which researchers and academics study family structure as a social institution and unit of socialization from various sociological perspectives. It can be seen as an example of patterned social relations and group dynamics.

Quantitative
Quantitative studies in family sociology usually rely on data from survey research, or official [[Vital statistics (government records)
 * vital statistics]] and national census surveys. For example, in the United States, the national census occurs every 10 years, supplemented by the American Community Survey, the Current Population Survey and other surveys in between. These are conducted by the U.S. Census Bureau. Their data provides statistics on trends in household and family composition, and is reported in the Families and Living Arrangements series. This includes childcare, children, child support, families and households, fertility, grandparents and grandchildren, marriage and divorce, and same-sex couples.

Qualitative
Another method is ethnographic or participatory observation research of families, which usually reduces the sample size to have a more intimate analysis of the conjugal or other family structure. In general, a qualitative approach to research is an excellent way to investigate group dynamics and family relationships. Specifically, qualitative research on the topic of families is particularly useful when looking at: 1) deeper meanings about family interactions and relationships 2) learning more about the insider views about relational processes and observing interactions 3) looking at the family from within a greater context and 4) providing a voice for marginalized family members (e.g. case of abuse). Often, qualitative data is able to provide ample data that is rich and meaningful, especially for structurally diverse families.

Sociology of interracial intimacy
The construction of race in Western society and, to a degree, globally, has led to a distinct view of interracial intimacy. Although interracial relationships and marriages have become far more popular and socially acceptable in the United States and Western Europe since the Civil Rights era, these unions continue to be viewed with less than total acceptance by significant portions of the population. More historically, American Families by Stephanie Coontz treats the difficulties these couples went through during the time before Loving v. Virginia, when interracial marriage bans were declared unconstitutional. These bans functioned to enforce the one-drop rule and reenforce identity and privilege. Internationally, the far right continues to promote ideas of racial purity by working against the normalization of interracial couples and families.

Pre-modern family life and religious discourse
Historically, religious discourses have played a significant role in constituting family members and constructing particular forms of behavior in families, and religion has been particularly important in discourses on female sexuality. An example of the role of religion in this respect was the 'witchcraft craze' in Medieval Europe. According to Turner, this was a device to regulate the behavior of women, and the attack on women as witches was principally "a critique of their sexuality". "Women were closely associated with witchcraft, because it was argued that they were particularly susceptible to the sexual advances of the devil. ... Women were seen to be irrational, emotional and lacking in self-restraint; they were especially vulnerable to satanic temptation."

Turner argues that attempts to regulate female sexuality through religious discourse have, in the case of Western Europe, to be understood in the context of concerns about managing private property and ensuring its continuity. Thus, for the land-owning aristocracy, the point of marriage was to produce a male heir to the property of the household. Since child mortality was common, women had to be more or less continuously pregnant during their marriage to guarantee a living male heir. Furthermore, this heir had to be legitimate, if disputes over inheritance were to be avoided. This legitimacy could only be ensured by the heads of households marrying virgins and ensuring the chastity of their wives for the duration of the marriage. Equally, daughters had to be sexually pure if they were to be eligible for marriage to other property-holding families. Such marriages were prompted solely by the need to produce children and had none of the elements of eroticism and sexual compatibility of contemporary marriages.

In pre-modern Europe, these interests were reflected in the character of marriages. They were private, arranged contracts that could be easily dissolved in the event of child production being compromised by the woman's infertility or infidelity. With the entry of the Church into marriage arrangements, different definitions of marriage emerged. Lifelong marriages were demanded, but with a concern to regulate sexuality, particularly the sexuality of women.

Sociology of marriage
Judeo-Christian belief system marriage is modeled after the Genesis story of Adam and Eve and its framework of a lifetime commitment between man and woman. The married couple produces children, constituting the nuclear family. Some sociologists now dispute the degree to which this idealized arrangement has and does reflect the true structure of families in American society. In her 1995 article The American Family and the Nostalgia Trap, sociologist Stephanie Coontz first posited that the American family has always been defined first and foremost by its economic needs. For instance, in colonial times families often relied on slaves or indentured servants to support themselves economically. The modern "breadwinner-homemaker model", argues Coontz, then has little historical basis. Only in the 1950s did the myth of the happy, nuclear family as the correct family structure arise.

"The modern family is increasingly complex and has changed profoundly, with greater acceptance for unmarried cohabitation, divorce, single-parent families, same-sex partnerships and complex extended family relations. Grandparents are also doing their bit."

To paraphrase the quote, family structure is changing drastically and there is a vast variety of different family structures.

Yet Coontz argues in Marriage, A History that during the 20th century, marriages have become increasingly unstable in the United States as individuals have begun to seek unions for the ideals of love and affection rather than social or economic expediency. This transition has blurred the division of labor within the breadwinner-homemaker model, such that maintenance of the household and childcare, called the "second shift", are now topics for debate between marital partners. Sociologist Arlie Russell Hochschild argues in The Second Shift that despite changes in perceptions of the purpose of marriage and the economic foundations for marriage, women continue to do the bulk of care work to the detriment of the American family. Hochschild illustrates the ways in which an unequal division of the second shift undermines family welfare by reducing marital equality and spousal satisfaction.

Today we see a modified version of a homemaker and breadwinner marriage where the woman adopts a breadwinner role but is still expected to take care of the home. This is considered to be a neo-traditionalist, where one believes that a woman is expected to work if she desires but only if it does not interfere with her real domestic job at home. Consequently, this forces women into disadvantaged career opportunities that are structured around the primary obligation to be a homemaker and reasserts the gender labor market inequality.

Families and marriage have increasingly become areas where gender matters. However, it is important to note that gender differences in marriage have too often been perceived as merely an "individual struggle and depoliticized by reducing social inequalities to differences".

The marriage market: determining who marries whom
There are many theoretical models to describe how people determine whom to marry. An important gender-focused approach is an intersectional approach that combines education level and gender. Men and women operate in a "marriage market" that is influenced by many competing factors. One of the most decisive factors is education level. Studies have shown that men and women tend to marry partners that have attained a level of education similar to their own. In the study by Bruze, Svarer, and Weiss, low education is defined as a high school education or less, medium education is defined as vocational education, and high education is defined as a college education (2015). Marriages depend on the expectations of two people and are "formed and terminated" based on those expectations. Consequently, individuals "are selected into and out of the marriage market on the basis of their education". The most distinct marital trend is that men with low education are slowly selected out of the marriage market, instead remaining single. The driving force behind this process is that a marriage in which both partners or only the husband have low education end with divorce at a substantially higher rate than marriages where both partners or the husband do not have low education. Young women with medium education levels tend to have the highest rates of marriage. Highly educated men tend to marry highly educated women. Moreover, men and women who have attained high levels of education delay marriage past the age when other individuals typically marry. This trend becomes stronger with age: the proportion of men with high educations who are married to women with similarly high educations reaches 64% when the men are 46 years old.

Another important intersectional factor to consider in relation to gender and marriage is marriage markets. Marriage market means how economics affects who marries, whose bonds endure and what this means for future generations of workers and parents. Analyzing marriage markets as they pertain to marriage has several benefits. First, marriage market conditions are forces that influence marriage from outside they subjects affect, which means they impact the general trends of marriage decisions. In other words, individual circumstances cause people to make decisions about their marriages that might be specific to their personal situation; marriage markets impact all peoples' decisions about marriage from a macro level, which means stead incomes and job make for sound marriage. In addition, Job stability benefits both employers through greater productivity and families though more cohesion. Second, marriage market conditions may capture many economic influences. Empirical findings indicate that financial stability is an important requisite for marriage. In weak marriage markets (when there is high unemployment) couples who would like to get married may delay doing so due to unemployment or financial troubles. Furthermore, even couples that are already married may face doubts about the future economic status of themselves or their partners, which can create marital instability. Conversely, strong labor markets (when unemployment is low) may improve the employment situation and financial situation of either partner, which may facilitate marriage and increase economic stability. Thus, when marriage markets are strong and unemployment is low, marriage may be perceived as more attractive to individuals than when marriage markets and weak and unemployment is high.

Intersection of class and gender
Social class interacts with gender to impact the male-female dynamic in marriage, particularly with respect to "temporal flexibility at work and home". Research shows that class advantaged men and women use their class privilege and the flexibility it provides them in ways that support conventional gender roles. Conversely, men and women who do not have access to such flexibility and control of their time are pressured to weaken conventional gender expectations regarding marriage, family, and jobs. Gertsel and Clawson conducted a study in which they collected data from four groups of paid care workers, divided by class and gender (2014). The two class-advantaged groups were nurses and doctors. The nurses were almost exclusively women and the doctors were almost exclusively men. This group had a number of choices about work hours and their ability to utilize family-friendly workplace policies. The two class-disadvantaged groups were female nursing assistants (CNAs) and male emergency medical technicians (EMTs). The class-disadvantaged group had fewer choices regarding their work hours and faced greater constraints in flexibility and control of their time. Women in particular need flexible work hours in order to meet the inflexible demands that marriage and a family place upon them, as traditional gender expectations stipulate that the woman be the primary caregiver. The results of this study demonstrate that class, intersecting with gender, influences the ability of men and women to obtain and utilize flexibility with their time.

Furthermore, gender shapes the particular variety of flexibility demanded. In advantaged occupations, both men and women are able to acquire the flexibility they so desire. However, they choose to use the control that this affords them in different manners. Women cut back on paid work hours and take leaves to handle domestic labor and child-care. In other words, they make job sacrifices. On the other hand, men are less likely to utilize family-friendly policies to make work sacrifices; they spend less at home and more time working. In essence, both men and women of class-advantaged occupations use the flexibility that their status provides them to "enact neotraditional gender expectations".

Moreover, men also have a workplace advantage because employers portray fathers as more committed, productive, and responsible than men without children. Working-class men tend to emphasize bread winning masculinity while middle-class men focus on the traditional gender-based division of labor. On average fathers spend about forty-three hours a week working for pay and eighteen hours per week on the house and kids. Ultimately, this comes out to fathers doing about two-thirds of the paid work and one-third of the unpaid work.

Class-disadvantaged men and women do not have the same temporal flexibility that allows them to make decisions on how to allocate their time. They face stricter constraints on their work hours and policies, thus making it impossible for them to choose whether to spend more time at work or more time at home. For example, even if a class-disadvantaged woman wanted to spend less time at work and more time with her children or in the home, she might not be able due to the inability to get time off from work or take a leave of absence.

Notably, five out of six mothers would join the workforce if they had sufficient child care while they were away from home. In America, the average cost of infant care is about $9,589 a year and childcare for young children under the age of four will cost about 64% of full-time minimum wage workers' earnings in one single year. For this reason, low income families will save money by leaving one parent at home outside of the workforce to care for the children. Individuals who specialize in unpaid labor in the household may feel subordinated to the breadwinner because they feel they have minimal voice in their relationship or financial decisions. Additionally, women who take time out of the workforce to raise their young children will lose out on wages, benefits, and social security contributions. To illustrate this, mothers who take three or more years off of work for their family have about 37% decrease in income, this is also considered to be the "mommy tax". Of course, this is less noticeable among women who are married to breadwinners because they are willing to share their income and wealth with their stay at home spouse.

Thus, class-disadvantage makes it more difficult for both men and women to adhere to traditional gender expectations. The researchers showed that class advantage is used to "do gender" in traditional ways, while class disadvantage may lead to a violation of traditional gender expectations in a way that "undoes gender". Today we see a shift in gender roles with twice as many stay at home fathers then there were two decades ago. Four out of five of the stay at home fathers report that they are only home due to disabilities, illness, in school, unemployed or retired. But race also plays a factor in employment for fathers. African American, Hispanic, Asian men and men with limited education are more likely to stay at home than white highly educated men.

Gender and work-family balance in marriage
Research indicates that three principal factors predict how well men and women perceive their work-life balance in marriage: job characteristics, family characteristics, and spillover between work and family. Job characteristics determine workers' freedom to balance multiple demands and obligations in their marriage. As demonstrated by Gertsel and Clawson, higher-level occupations are generally more accommodating to family life than are lower level occupations (2014). Furthermore, the number of hours worked and the work spillover into family life are the most telling predictors of perceived imbalance in marriage. Keene and Quadagno found a greater likelihood of perceived imbalance when work duties caused men or women to miss a family event or make it difficult to maintain their home (2004).

Additional research by Keene and Quadagno suggests that the gender expectations that men should prioritize their work lives and women should prioritize their marriage and home life no longer exist. However, there persists an unequal division of labor in the home between men and women. One theoretical approach to explain this concept is the "gender similarity" approach, which "predicts that the convergence in men's and women's work and family demands should lead to a convergence in attitudes toward work and family responsibilities and feelings of work-family balance". In contrast, the "gender differences" approach stipulates that "normative differences between men and women remain, with the family still primarily defined as women's sphere and paid work as men's domain". There is empirical evidence in support of both theories. Some research supports the convergence of men's and women's work experiences: both men and women make adjustments in their marriage and personal lives to meet their employer's expectations, while also making adjustments at work to maintain their marital and family obligations. However, the analysis from the abovementioned study supports the gender differences model. Gender differences exist in the division of household labor and chores, with men working more hours and women spending more time on domestic and child-care responsibilities.

On average mothers spend twenty-five hours a week working for pay and thirty-two hours doing unpaid work. The introduction of parenthood changes the gender division of labor between men and women both inside and outside the home. Dual parent households allocate household work and paid work efficiently to maximize family income. As a result, women are left to specialize in unpaid household work because women are presumed to be more efficient at childcare and generally earn less than men in the labor force. Many women either minimize, shift or completely dismiss their initial career or education aspirations when anticipating parenthood. Consequently, this forces women into disadvantaged career opportunities and reasserts the gender labor market inequality.

Trends
The divorce rate in western countries has generally increased over time. Divorce rates have however started to decrease over the last twenty years. In the US, the divorce rate changed from 1.2 per 1000 marriages in 1860 to 3.0, 4.0, and 7.7 in 1890, 1900, 1920. The rate has since declined, to 5.3, 4.7, 4.1, and 3.7 per 1000 marriages in 1979, 1990, 2000, and 2004 respectively. The divorce rate in the United States fell 21 percent from 2008 to 2017, as people married at later ages and higher levels of education.

The following are several possible causes for the modern increase in rate of divorce:

 * Individualism: In today's society, families spend more time apart than they do together. Some individuals in a family focus more on personal happiness and earning income to support their family that it consumes the time actually spent with their family.
 * Feelings are no longer mutual: Many people end marriages because they are no longer satisfied by sexual needs or merely because they have lost feelings for one another. This often happens when one partner finds a more exciting relationship and chooses to move forward with that new relationship. In some cases, a partner may even commit adultery which also may result in a divorce as a partner discovers their partner being unfaithful to them.
 * Women have become more independent: Now that women have equal rights and have proven over time that they have the potential and ability to support themselves, women find it much easier to leave unhappy marriages. They are also more work-focused, thus giving them less time to cope with their relationship.
 * Stress: Stress is a big factor in marriages. Working to support a family, while trying to stabilize finances is a big factor in stress. Also, with both partners working (in most cases), leaves less "family time" which makes raising children difficult. This often happens in the stage where couples are raising young children.
 * Socially acceptable: In today's generation, divorce is now more socially acceptable. Now, instead of discouraging a divorce in an unsatisfying relationship, it is more widely accepted and sometimes even encouraged. Not only is it now more acceptable, but it is also easier to get a divorce legally than it was in previous years.

Parents: Falling out of love
Many scholars have attempted to explain why humans enter relationships, stay in relationships and end relationships. Levinger's (1965, 1976) theory on divorce is based on a theoretical tradition consisting of three basic components: attractions, barriers and alternatives. Attraction in this theory is proportional to the rewards one gets from the relationship minus the cost of the relationship. All the things that can be seen as gains from the relationship such as love, sex, companionship, emotional support and daily assistance are the rewards of the relationship. The costs would the negative aspects of the relationship such as domestic violence, infidelity, quarrels and limitations on personal freedom. Generally people tend to stay in high rewards and low cost relationships. However, the reverse situation, that is, a costly marriage with few benefits does not automatically lead to divorce. Couples must overcome barriers such as religious beliefs, social stigma, and financial dependence or law restrictions before they successfully dissolve their marriage.

Another theory to explain why relationships end is the "Mate ejection theory", by Brian Boutwell, J.C. Barnes and K.M Beaver. The mate ejection theory looks at the dissolution of marriage from an evolutionary point of view, where all species seek to successfully reproduce. According to this theory there are gender differences in the process of ejection. For example, a woman will be more upset when her husband emotionally cheats on her and a man will be more upset when his wife physically cheats on him. The reason for this stems from evolutionary roots, a man emotionally cheating on his wife equates to a loss or reduction in resources for the wife to raise the children whereas an act of physical infidelity by the wife threatens the husband's chance to pass on his genes to the next generation via reproduction. Both these circumstances call for mate ejection. "Ancestral conditions that favored the dissolution of a mateship constituted a recurrent adaptive problem over human evolutionary history and thus imposed selection pressures for the evolution of strategic solutions." Put differently, the capability of emancipating themselves from certain relationships could have conferred a fitness benefit for ancestral humans.

Effect of divorce on children
Three longitudinal studies on divorce: The Marin County Project (the clinical study of 60 families that began in 1971), The Virginia County Study (a series of longitudinal studies on marriage, divorce and remarriage) and The Binuclear Family Studies of 98 families have helped expand the literature on divorce. The Binuclear study was based on the findings from the Marin County Project and Virginia County Study. This research has been used to understand the implications of divorce on children later on in life.

Judith Wallerstein's research on the effect of divorce on children (based on the Marin County Project) suggests that, "children with divorced parents often reach adulthood as psychologically troubled individuals who find it difficult to maintain satisfying relationships with others". Quantitative research done by other scholars supports Wallerstein's conclusion. It has been shown that children with divorced parents have an increased risk of: experiencing psychological problems, having troubled marriages, divorcing and having poor relationships with parents especially the father. Wallerstein, however, has a disputed an "extreme version" of her theory where she claims that the difference between the children with divorced and continuously married parents is dramatic and pervasive.

One opponent of Wallerstein's conclusions is Mavis Hetherington, who argues that the negative effects of divorce on children have been exaggerated and that most children grow up without long-term harm. Hetherington's data showed that 25% of children with divorced parents reach adulthood with a serious social, emotional or psychological problem, compared to 10% of children with continuously married parents. 75% of the children grow up to be well-functioning adults.

Twenty years after the 98 families from the binuclear study were interviewed, 85% of the offspring from these families were interviewed. Of those, 23% had completed postgraduate training, 33% had completed college, 31% had completed post-secondary training, 10% had received their high school diplomas and the majority (85%) of the interviewed children were employed.

Effects of technology
In the past few decades, technology has drastically advanced, and with it, so has its effect on society. Dr. Schoppe-Sullivan studied the effects technology, particularly social media, had on parents and the way they raise their children. She studied approximately 2oo dual-income families who had their first child between 2008 and 2009, observing how social media pressured them in their roles as parents. What she found was an increased level in confidence from the fathers and the opposite effect in mothers; fathers felt more confident after viewing other parents on social media, while mothers were worried after viewing posts depicting ideal or perfect family photos or concerned with the comments they would receive on their posts from others criticizing their parenting. This led directly into increased levels of stress and lower confidence, which affected the children's reactions to their parents, altering the behavior of the children.

Contemporary theories surrounding motherhood
Mothering is the social practice of nurturing and caring for dependent children. It is a dynamic process of social interactions and relationships. Mothering is typically associated with women since it is typically women who mother their children. However, "not all women mother, and mothering as nurturing and caring work is not inevitable the exclusive domain of women". Some argue that Mothering as a female role is a social construction that is highly influenced by gender belief systems. The roles associated with motherhood are variable across time and culture.

Universalist approach
The universalist approach to motherhood is aimed at conceptualizing the work that mothers do. This approach identifies mothers through what they do, rather than how they feel. Mothers share a set of activities known as "maternal practice", that are universal, even though they vary as individuals and across cultures. These activities include nurturing, protecting, and training their children. An individual's mothering actions are shaped by their beliefs about family, individuality, the nature of childhood, and the nature of their child. These are also often shaped by their own childhood and past experiences with children. The dynamic interactions between the mother and child create deep and meaningful connections.

Particularistic approach
The particularistic approach to mothering suggests that the role of a mother, their activities, and understandings cannot be separated from the context in which they live. According to this theory, mothering takes place within "specific historical contexts framed by interlocking structures of race, class, and gender" Furthermore, a mother's strategies and meanings that she develops are influenced by different social locations, such as the intersections of regional and local political economy with class, ethnicity, culture, and sexual preference.

Conventional notions of motherhood
Motherhood ideology is influenced by the idealization of the family structure and perpetuates the image of a heterosexual couple with children. Some sociologists refer to this as the "bourgeois family", which arose out of typical 16th- and 17th-century European households and is often considered the "traditional Western" structure. In this family model the father acts as the economic support and sometimes disciplinarian of the family, while the mother or other female relative oversees most of the child-rearing.

In East Asian and Western traditional families, fathers were the heads of the families, which meant that his duties included providing financial support and making critical decisions, some of which must have been obeyed without question by the rest of the family members. "Some Asian American men are brought up under stringent gender role expectations such as a focus on group harmony and filial piety, carrying on their family name and conforming to the expectations of the parents."

The mother's role in the family is celebrated on Mother's Day. Anna Reeves Jarvis was a woman who originally organized Mother's Work Day's protesting the lack of cleanliness and sanitation in the work place. Jarvis died in 1905 and her daughter created a National Mother's Day to honor her mother. Mothers frequently have a very important role in raising offspring and the title can be given to a non-biological mother that fills this role. This is common in stepmothers.

Deviancy discourses
There are many cultural contradictions and diverse arrangements and practices that challenge the intensive mothering ideology. However, they are considered deviant discourses since they do not conform to the script of full-time motherhood in the context of marriage. These include single mothers, welfare mothers, minority mothers, immigrant mothers, and lesbian mothers. These types of motherhood categories are not mutually exclusive. Furthermore, women who cannot or choose not to be mothers deal with many internal and external pressures.

Motherhood statistics
In the United States, 82.5 million women are mothers of all ages, while the national average age of first child births is 25.1 years. In 2008, 10% of births were to teenage girls, and 14% were to women ages 35 and older. In the United States, a study found that the average woman spends 5 years working and building a career before having children, and mothers working non-salary jobs began having children at age 27, compared to mothers with salary positions, who became pregnant at age 31. The study shows that the difference in age of child birth is related to education, since the longer a woman has been in school, the older she will be when she enters the workforce.

Sociology of fatherhood
According to anthropologist Maurice Godelier, a critical novelty in human society, compared to humans' closest biological relatives (chimpanzees and bonobos), is the parental role assumed by the males, which were unaware of their "father" connection.

In many cultures, especially traditional western, a father is usually the husband in a married couple. Many times fathers have a very important role in raising offspring and the title can be given to a non-biological father that fills this role. This is common in stepfathers (males married to biological mothers). In East Asian and Western traditional families, fathers are the heads of the families, which means that their duties include providing financial support and making critical decisions, some of which must be obeyed without question by the rest of the family members.

As with cultural concepts of family, the specifics of a father's role vary according to cultural folkways. In what some sociologists term the "bourgeois family", which arose out of typical 16th- and 17th-century European households, the father's role has been somewhat limited. In this family model the father acts as the economic support and sometimes disciplinarian of the family, while the mother or other female relative oversees most of the child-rearing. This structure is enforced, for example, in societies which legislate "maternity leave" but do not have a corresponding "paternity leave".

However, this limited role has increasingly been called into question. Since the 1950s, social scientists as well as feminists have increasingly criticized gendered arrangements of work and care, and the male breadwinner role, and policies are increasingly targeting men as fathers, as a tool of changing gender relations.

Science of parenting
Described as 'the science of male parenting', the study of 'father craft' emerged principally in Britain and the United States (but also throughout Europe) in the 1920s. "Male adjuncts to Maternity and Infant Welfare Centers – reacted to the maternal dominance in infant welfare and parenting in interwar Britain by arguing that fathers should play a crucial role in the upbringing of children." Were such a study to be conducted into the science of female parenting, it would be called mother craft.

The words 'ma ma' and 'mom', usually regarded as terms of endearment directed towards a mother figure, are generally one of the first words a child speaks. While 'da da' or 'dad' often precede it, this does not reflect a stronger bond between the father and child than that of the mother and child, it is merely simpler to pronounce than 'mummy' or 'mum' which require greater control over the mouth muscles. Children tend to remember 'daddy' more because, according to research, they are more exciting to the child.

Contemporary theories
A number of studies have been given to the American public to determine how men view and define fatherhood. Specifically, studies have focused on why men choose to become fathers and the relationship between fatherhood and contemporary masculinity. Not surprisingly, recent research on fatherhood is framed by identity theory and has focused on the salience, centrality, and importance of the father identity in men's lives, especially as it may be linked to men's involvement with their children. According to identity theory, the more salient and central the identity, the more likely individuals are to engage in behaviors associated with it. Salience refers to the readiness to act out an identity in a particular situation. Centrality refers to the importance of an identity in relation to other identities. The centrality of the father identity is usually held at a higher level (as opposed to brother, husband, etc.) due to the gendered expectation that men must be "good" fathers. Men who view their role as a father central and crucial to who they are as a person are more likely to engage with their children and strive to participate in responsible fatherhood. Men who fail to successfully become fathers or are unable to have children view the lack of fatherhood as a threat to their masculinity. As a result, the threat to masculinity serves as a driving force for men to possibly become fathers because they never want to be seen as infertile or effeminate.

Men who do not choose fatherhood
Studies on men who choose not to be fathers often focus on how the role of fatherhood is crucial to masculinity and a man's central identity. Many men blame economic difficulties, cultural differences, and life situations as potential factors that deter them from fatherhood.

Economic difficulties, see economic problem, serve as a primary explanation for men to avoid fatherhood. For men, it is difficult to separate occupational success from fatherhood because financially providing for one's family has been central to the identity of being a father in the United States. As a result, a complex relationship is formed between economic struggles and the importance of fatherhood. Men who are not employed or have low earnings often feel as if they have failed as both fathers and men. On the other hand, men who have a low socioeconomic status find fatherhood very appealing because it gives them a measure of accomplishment denied to them by the occupational world.

In terms of the cultural importance of fatherhood, white men and men of color have differing views on fatherhood that can affect how many of these men participate in fatherhood.

Lastly, some men blame life situations as the primary factor for their decision not to pursue fatherhood. Life situations are defined as an individual's relationship status (single or married) and their age. Studies have shown that men who are older and married tend to be more likely to pursue fatherhood. It has been proposed that men continue to view marriage, work and fatherhood as a "package deal" meaning that lacking one of these components, like work or marriage, may result in the decision not to have children.

It has also been proposed that married men feel as if they are expected to pursue fatherhood as a part of their marriage though they personally may not want to have children. On the other hand, men who are single and younger do not feel the same desire because they are not "prepared" to emotionally and financially support a child.

Alternate family forms
The number of married couples raising children has decreased over the years. In Canada, married and common law couples with children under the age of 25 represented 44% of all families in 2001. This statistic has lowered since 1991, when married and common law couples raising children under the age of 25 represented 49 percent of all Canadian families. There are various family forms which are becoming increasingly popular in society.

Single parent families
In Canada, one parent families have become popular since 1961 when only 8.4 percent of children were being raised by a single parent. In 2001, 15.6 percent of children were being raised by a single parent. The number of single parent families continue to rise, while it is four times more likely that the mother is the parent raising the child. The high percentage of mothers becoming the sole parent is sometimes due to the result of a divorce, unplanned pregnancy or the inability to find a befitting partner. Children who are raised by a single parent are commonly at a disadvantage due to the characteristics of parenting. A mother and father both make significant contributions to the development of a child, therefore one parent's ability to raise a child on her or his own may be hindered.

Cohabitation
A residence containing an unmarried couple is called cohabitation. This type of family style is becoming increasingly accepted in Canada and has increased from 8% in 1981 to 16.4% in 2001. In the last few decades, living with your significant other has become normalized in society. Cohabitation has drastically increased in the United States within the last 50 years, increasing by nearly 900 percent. Data from a 2012 Census showed that 7.8 million couples are living together without first getting married, compared to 2.9 million in 1996. And two-thirds of couples married in 2012 shared a home together for more than two years before their marriage.

Gay and lesbian couples
Gay and Lesbian couples are categorized as same sex relationships. In 1989, Denmark was the first nation to allow same sex couples to get married and to provide equal rights to all citizens. After this many nations began to allow same sex marriages to occur such as Canada and Spain (2005). A United States Supreme Court ruling mandated that same sex marriage is constitutional and therefore allowed in all 50 states in the United States (2015).

Child-rearing by same-sex couples
Children of same-sex couples either come from past relationships or through other opportunities like adoption or artificial insemination. From the data collected in the 2000 U.S. Census, it was suggested that more than 250,000 children in the United States were being raised by lesbian and gay couples. In the 2010 U.S. Census, it was reported that 20% of lesbian and gay couple or partnership households are raising children (115,064 out of 594,000 same-sex households). The trend of child-rearing amongst gay and lesbian couples or partnerships is on the rise. Also, the support from the general public for gay and lesbian couples or partnerships to raising children is at its all-time high since the 1990s. In 1994, the idea of homosexual partnerships parenting children evenly divided Americans for support. When Americans were asked, "Do you think homosexual couples should or should not have the legal right to adopt a child", 28% of Americans said they should, and 65% said they should not. In 2003, the idea of homosexual partnerships parenting children evenly divided Americans for support. When Americans were asked the same question about the right of homosexual partnerships to raise children through adoption, 49% of Americans said they should, and 48% said they should not. In 2014, Americans were asked a very similar question. The results were almost more polarizing than the results found in 1994. Twenty years later, 63% of Americans said lesbian and gay couples or partnerships, and 35% said they should not.

There are no federal laws prohibiting the adoption of a child by a homosexual couple or partnership. But there are some states, one being Florida, that depend on the opinions of the county judge in charge of the case, and county judges base their decisions on "the best interest of the child", in regards to child adoption by same-sex couple. The "best interest of the child" seems to be the driving force behind the push back and reasoning for the remaining lack of support for homosexual couples or partnerships adopting or raising children. The central argument in the debate for legal rights, policies and overall support is related to the idea of same-sex couples raising children is the well-being of children raised in those families. There are concerns like about the mental, emotional and even the social development of children who are raised in same sex couple or partnership households. There has been a plethora of research conducted that provides insight into a range of issues, including the personal development, gender development, peer relationships, and family relationships of children with same-sex parents.

Research suggests that sexual identities (including gender identity, gender-role behavior, and sexual orientation) develop in much the same ways among children of lesbian mothers as they do among children of heterosexual parents. Evidence also suggests that children of lesbian and gay parents have normal social relationships with peers and adults. There have also been studies of other aspects of personal development (including personality, self-concept, and conduct) that similarly reveal few differences between children of lesbian mothers and children of heterosexual parents. These differences are not significant but are noticeable. For example, there was a study that examined and compared particular behaviors and ideas/belief performed by sons and daughters of lesbian mothers. Studies found that 53% of the daughters of lesbian mothers aspired to pursue careers as physicians, attorneys, and engineers compared with only 21% of the daughters of heterosexual mothers. The sons of lesbian mothers also tended to be less aggressive and more nurturing than the sons of heterosexual mothers. The general concern about homosexual couples or partnerships parenting children does not have any grounds for their argument, "children who grow up with one or two gay and/or lesbian parents fare as well in emotional, cognitive, social, and sexual functioning as do children whose parents are heterosexual. Children's optimal development seems to be influenced more by the nature of the relationships and interactions within the family unit than by the particular structural form it takes."

Chosen or fictive kin
Others who are not related by blood or marriage, but have a significant emotional relationship are variously called fictive kin, chosen kin, or voluntary kin. For example, a close family friend that one would refer to as an aunt or uncle, but shares no genetic or marital relationship.

Sociology of childhood
The values learned during childhood are important in the development and socialization of children. The family is considered to be the agency of primary socialisation and the first focal socialisation agency.

History
Since the 2000s, a new subfield, sociology of childhood has gained increasing attention and triggered numerous empirical studies as well as intensive theoretical disputes, starting in the Scandinavian and the English-speaking countries. A different approach was adopted in Europe and the United States, with European sociologists more interested in actively promoting children's rights. Up to this time, sociology had approached children and childhood mainly from a socialization perspective, and the emergence of the new childhood sociological paradigm ran parallel to the feminist critique of sociological traditions. Childhood sociologists attacked the "adultocentric" approach and the "separative view" of sociology towards children. Not surprisingly, then, the key works in the sociology of childhood are quite interdisciplinary, linking history, cultural studies, ethnomethodology, and pedagogy. Key texts include James and Prout's Constructing and Reconstructing Childhood (1990/1997), James, Jenks and Prout Theorizing Childhood (1998) and Prout's The Future of Childhood (2005). On methodological issues in research with children see Research with Children, edited by Christensen and James (2008).

Recent trends
The current Sociology of childhood is organized around three central discussions:

The child as a social actor: This approach derives from youth sociology as well as ethnography. Focusing on everyday life and the ways children orient themselves in society, it engages with the cultural performances and the social worlds they construct and take part in. Theory and research methodology approach children as active participants and members of society right from the beginning. Thus they are neither analyzed as outsiders to society nor as merely 'emergent' members of society. Therefore, the sociology of childhood distinguishes itself from the established concepts of socialisation research and developmental psychology of the last decades.

The generational order: The second approach centers on socio-structural and socio-theoretical questions concerning social equality and social order in a society, which categorizes their members by age and segregates them in many respects (rights, deeds, economical participation, ascribed needs etc.). These issues can be summarized under the overall concept of the generational order. Thus the categorization of societal members by age is far from being an innocent representation of natural distinctions, but rather a social construction of such a "natural truth". It is, therefore, a relevant component of social order and deeply connected to other dimensions of social inequality. Social and economic changes and socio-political interventions thus become central topics in childhood sociology. The analysis of these issues has increased awareness of the generational inequality of societies.

The Hybridity of Childhood: This discussion is more critical (though not dismissive) of the social constructionist approaches that have dominated the sociology of childhood since the 1990s. More open to materialist perspectives, it seeks an interdisciplinary path that recognizes the biological as well as the social and cultural shaping of childhood and holds open the possibility of an interdisciplinary Childhood Studies emergent from current multi-disciplinary efforts. This scholarship has two important influences. Firstly, a so-called 'new wave' of childhood studies, heavily influenced by Alan Prout's (2005) seminal book The Future of Childhood. In this work, Prout examines how childhoods are not merely constructed socially – via discourses, laws or institutions – but materially, through toys, food and medicines. Since then, sociologists such as Nick Lee have offered important analyses of the ways in which the 'entanglements' between children and non-human materialities and technologies have become ever-more important to the governance and regulation of children's lives, through what he terms the 'biopoliticisation' of childhood. Secondly, nonrepresentational approaches to children's geographies have offered a commensurate and (arguably) broader series of approaches that move beyond social constructivism. Scholars such as Peter Kraftl, John Horton and Affrica Taylor have been particularly influential in examining how childhoods are produced and experienced through complex intersections of emotion, affect, embodiment and materiality. Somewhat problematically, there has been relatively little overlap between these two strands of scholarship, despite their sharing common conceptual foundations in the work of post-structuralism, new materialism and posthumanism. Nevertheless, during the mid-2010s, a so-called 'spatial turn' in childhood and education studies saw increasing cross-fertilisation between these fields and the take-up of children's geographers' work by sociologists and others. Therefore, the prospects for cross-disciplinary scholarship around hybridity, spatiality and a 'new wave' remain very promising – perhaps most evident in a recent volume by Julie Seymour, Abigail Hackett and Lisa Procter.

Gender and childhood
There has been much research and discussion about the effects of society on the assumption of gender roles in childhood, and how societal norms perpetuate gender-differentiated interactions with children. Psychologists and sociologists suggest that self-gender identity is a result of social learning from peers, role modeling within the family unit, and genetic predisposition. The sociological implications are as follows:

Peer interactions:

There are significant gender differences in the relationship styles among children which particularly begin to emerge after early childhood and at the onset of middle childhood around age 6 and grow more prevalent with age. Boys tend to play in larger groups than girls, and friends of boys are more likely to become friends with each other which, in turn leads to more density in social networks among boys. Boys also have more well-defined dominance hierarchies than girls within their peer groups. In terms of dyadic relationships, girls are more likely to have longer-lasting relationships of this nature, but no literature suggests that girls engage in more dyadic relationships than boys. Girls are also more prosocial in conflict situations and are better at collaborative work and play than boys. They also spend more time in social conversations than boys and are more likely to self-disclose among their peers than boys. On the other hand, boys are more likely than girls to engage in organized play such as sports and activities with well-defined rules. One theory suggests that because of this, boys have more opportunities to exhibit their strength and skill and compare theirs to that of their peers during these competitive activities. Girls' peer groups are characterized by strong interpersonal relations, empathy for others, and working towards connection-oriented goals, while boys focus more on asserting their own dominance in the peer group and agenda-oriented goals.

Significant social differences also exist between boys and girls when experiencing and dealing with social stress. Boys experience more social stress among their peers than girls in the form of verbal and physical abuse, but girls experience more social stress through strains in their friendships and social networks. To deal with social stress, girls do more support-seeking, express more emotions to their friends, and ruminate more than boys. Boys use humor as a distraction from stress and seek less emotional support within their friendships and social networks.

Family interactions:

Overall, the literature implies that the biological gender of children affects how parents interact with them. Differentials in interaction range from the amount of time spent with children to how much parents invest financially in their children's futures. On average, fathers tend to exhibit more differential treatment than mothers, and fathers tend to be more invested in families with sons than families with daughters in terms of both time and money. However, the association of gender with father investment has been weakening over the years, and the differentials are not large. Parents tend to enroll their daughters in more cultural activities than their sons (e.g. art classes, dance classes, and musical instrument lessons), and tend to be more invested in school-related parent involvement programs for their sons than their daughters.

Sons and daughters are not only treated differently by their parents based on gender, but also receive different benefits from their parents based on gender. Parents, both fathers and mothers, may be less invested in their daughters' higher education than their sons' and tend to save more money on average in anticipation for their sons' enrollment in educational institutions after high school graduation. However, this may not lead to more academic or work success for sons later in life. Parents are also more likely to underestimate daughters' abilities in math and science while overestimating that of sons. Daughters also, on average, also do more housework than sons, which reflects gendered divisions in the workplace and household in society.

Sibling relations, unlike parental relations, show no consensus in the literature about being gender-differentiated in interactions and benefits. However, sex-minority siblings may have more difficulty receiving necessary sex-specific treatment from parents.

Current tasks
Questions about socialization practices and institutions remain central in childhood research. But, they are being dealt with in a new, more sociological way. To analyze socialization processes means, therefore, to reconstruct the historically and culturally varying conceptions, processes and institutions of disciplining and civilization of the offspring. In addition, the strategies of habitus formation and the practices of status (re-)production are considered. The sociology of social inequality and the sociology of the family and private life are, therefore, important fields for childhood sociologists. Children's own action, their resistance, cooperation, and collective action among peers has to be taken into account. Meanwhile, widespread anthropological assumptions concerning a universal human nature, based on a view of individual and society as opposed to each other, should be omitted from the conceptual repertoire of sociological childhood research. They are the legacy of the older socialization approach and they legitimate some forms of childhood and education practices as indispensable and even as a "natural" requirement of society, while devaluing others. In this way they generally legitimate western middle class childhood and mask inequality and the interests of social order.

Journals

 * Family Matters by Australian Institute of Family Studies,
 * International Journal of Sociology of the Family
 * Journal of Family History
 * Journal of Marriage and Family
 * Journal of Family Issues

title: Sociology of the family


text:
User:Cdyson37/Sandbox

Yes there is sand here...

Useful tidbit [ add new section]

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: User:Cdyson37/Sandbox


text:
User talk:Objktv

reference cited in ssnp article
i found the reference cited in the ssnp article at the following address

http://past.thenation.com/doc/20050103/irwin

and it does not state "and its ideology drew heavily on the European fascists of the period, especially Benito Mussolini. "

it is an article about a lebanese poet (adonis) and the only refernce to fascism in it is "The charismatic Sa'ada put forward quasi-fascistic arguments for the future destiny of a Greater Syria "

? —Preceding unsigned comment added by Objktv (talk • contribs) 25 Aug 2005

 * My sincere apologies. I didn't have the article in front of me, and that's where I thought this came from. I'll try to do some research and back it up with a citation. -- Jmabel | Talk 21:55, August 25, 2005 (UTC)

title: User talk:Objktv


text:
King Street (Roman road)

King Street is the name of a modern road on the line of a Roman road. It runs on a straight course in eastern England, between the City of Peterborough and South Kesteven in Lincolnshire. This English name has long been applied to the part which is still in use and which lies between Ailsworth Heath, in the south and Kate's Bridge, in the north. The old road continued to Bourne thence north-westwards to join Ermine Street south of Ancaster. This part of Ermine Street is called High Dike. In the south, King Street joined Ermine Street close to the River Nene, north of Durobrivae. The whole is I. D. Margary's Roman road number 26. (Margary pp. 232–234)

Route
Archaeological work has revealed more of its length than is in use nowadays. Its course is regarded as having run from the boundary between Ailsworth and Castor, at the north-west corner of Normangate Field, just north of the River Nene (TL113980). This is where it left the Roman Ermine Street, north-west of Durobrivae in what was by the end of the 2nd century, an extensive industrial region producing tiles, metalwork and particularly, pottery.

To the south of this point, Ermine Street runs along the edge of The Fens; but to the north, lies further inland. King Street continued the course nearer the fen edge. While Ermine Street crossed the Welland near the natural ford at Stamford, King Street crosses at Lolham Bridges, which required more engineering.

At Kate's Bridge, the road crossed the River Glen. Until the 1820s the road still used the same crossing point despite the river's having moved from it at some time, probably well over a thousand years before. At Park Wood, the road appears to have come close to the Car Dyke but this is not well supported by evidence. From near Thurlby crossroads, the Roman line headed straight for the point at which Bourne Abbey was later built on.

In this length, there are points where the road seems to show in the modern landscape - for example, here. In the south, the modern road lies on the Roman one which continued through Elsea Wood and along the field boundary to its north. The Car Dyke lies to the east and the boundary between Elsea Wood and Math Wood seems to lie along the edge of the 2nd century road verge, which was cleared for security. The carriageway, the Car Dyke and the Math Wood boundary are all parallel here. When allowance is made for the now-missing outer works of the Car Dyke, the carriageway lies halfway between the other two features.

North of Bourne, little of the road is still in use but it has left its mark in the form of property boundaries and soil marks. This section is sometimes called the 'Long Hollow Road' because some of it runs along the bottom of the Long Hollow, a broad, shallow valley which is the upper part of the basin of the River East Glen.

From Bourne Abbey, it passed along Meadowgate, then by Cawthorpe to Clipseygap Lane, Hanthorpe and the Roman town at Stainfield. On the boulder clay ridge, it forms boundaries of woods before, in the East Glen valley, its line is picked up by a minor road at Hanby. It passed through the small Roman town at Sapperton and up the Long Hollow to Ropsley Heath whence it is more or less closely followed by a modern road to its junction with Ermine Street, a kilometre south of the Roman town of Ancaster. The road can be seen as a soil mark in The Long Hollow, just right of centre in this aerial photograph.

Economic significance
Ermine Street was one of the strategic roads built in the 1st century, early in the period of the Roman occupation of Britannia. The features of King Street are consistent with its having formed part of a development of the region along with the Car Dyke, in the reign of Hadrian (117–138). It may well have been a result of his visit to Britannia in 122; fairly early in his reign and just after he had spent time sorting out the Limes between the Rhine and the Danube.

From Bourne, the tidal waterway known to archaeologists as the Bourne–Morton Canal and to the Middle Ages as the Old Ea, seems to have given Bourne access by boat to the sea, which lay only at the far end of Bourne North Fen. This meant that the products of the fen and coast such as salt and animal products such as fowls, meat, wool, fish and leather, could be brought across the fen which would normally have obstructed such traffic. This trade may be enough to explain the six Roman roads which radiated, directly or separating a short distance away, from the site. The Long Hollow Road and King Street were two of these, linking respectively, north and south, into the trunk road system by way of Ermine Street.

Construction
In an archaeological excavation of the road at the southern edge of Bourne (TF098193), where it ran across a margin between Kellaways clay and the argillaceous (clayey) Kellaways sand, it was found that the construction of the carriageway had been done by digging two parallel shallow trenches into the subsoil and over-filling them with gravel ballast so as to form kerbs. Coarse sand was used to form the carriageway between them. This was a skilful use of the available materials as south of Kate's Bridge, the road passes over such minerals but little but rather friable Cornbrash is available near the excavated site. Clearly, this part of the road was constructed from the south, northwards and the materials carried along it. However, further north, in the Long Hollow, cornbrash from Sapperton TF019239, seems to have been used (Lane p. 23.) Again, the use is north of the source.

B.B. Simmons has spent much time excavating a roadside Roman town in the parish of Sapperton. His publications are listed in Lane's Ropsley and Humby book. The latter (plates 7a & b) also shows aerial photographs of the road as a soil mark around TF003367. This is the same mark as appears in photo 4 below.

Aerial photographs

 * King Street meets High Dyke (Ermine Street) near Ancaster.
 * High Dike (Ermine Street) and King Street meet at the top of this photograph.
 * Soil mark of King Street in the Long Hollow, near the A52.
 * By Ropsley Heath quarry.
 * The small roadside Roman town at Sapperton is centred on the long, green field.
 * Road, soil marks and field boundaries at Lenton.
 * Soil marks in the bare field at top centre and in the long field west of the airfield.
 * Woodland boundaries on the chalky till near Kirkby Underwood.
 * Property boundaries from Stainfield Roman town north-westwards.
 * Stainfield Roman town and Clipseygap Lane, Hanthorpe.
 * Clipseygap Lane and soil mark.
 * The road, heading northwards turns aside from its Roman course as it meets Elsea Wood. The white patches towards the eastern edge of the field to the east of the road are the ploughed-out banks of the Car Dyke.
 * The present road runs up the picture while the old turnpike bridge over the Glen is to its east. Until the 1820s the road northward descended from it to the tight turn seen under the crop in the pale field. McAdam took the tight bend out and in the 1970s, his new line was projected across a new bridge.
 * The northern end of the modern King Street.
 * The Maltby Drive houses are built on the Urns Farm early English cemetery, dated around the year 500. This was at the limit of the English advance into Britain at the time when the Dux Bellorum known as Arthur held the spread of settlement back for fifty years by his battles, beginning at the mouth of the Glen.
 * Lolham Bridges. The diagonal brown feature is the London to Edinburgh railway.
 * The junction between the two roads, Ermine Street and King Street, which are here, both defunct (just west of Station Road).

title: King Street (Roman road)


text:
Birgit Friggebo

Birgit Irma Gunborg Friggebo (born 25 December 1941) is a Swedish politician and member of the Liberal People's Party. Born in Falköping, she married economics professor Bo Södersten in 1997.

Friggebo was Minister for Planning in the Ministry of Housing between 1976 and 1978 and Minister for Housing between 1978 and 1982. Between 1991 and 1994 she was Minister for Culture (including immigration issues). She was a member of the Swedish Parliament between 1979 and 1982 and yet again between 1985 and 1997. From 1998 to 2004, she was the governor for the County of Jönköping.

Legacy
As Minister for Housing, she removed the need for a planning approval to build small sheds under 15 square meters of area. Such sheds are now popularly known as "friggebod", a pun on her surname, bod meaning shed.

As Minister for Culture and Immigration, she appeared in a televised debate held in Rinkeby on the serial sniper John Ausonius's reign of terror. During the debate she stood up and tried to get the crowd consisting mostly of non-white immigrants to sing "We Shall Overcome". The incident was widely regarded as an embarrassment and a public relations debacle and showed the alienation felt by many immigrants vis-à-vis the centre-right coalition government.

title: Birgit Friggebo


text:
Talk:The Gateway (student magazine)

Staff
So I added a staff listing (useful information) and it was deleted as a vanity link. I'm a bit unclear as to why that was. Comments? User:dkaszor

 * A student newspaper's staff change annually, and with extremely rare exceptions aren't notable outside the university campus itself. Bearcat 17:08, 26 August 2005 (UTC)

 * By that logic, the list of board members should be removed as well, as it also changes anually. But I'm too lazy to actually do it myself. User:nick.wiebe

Proposed merger
The paper is a significantly large enough precence on campus to warrent a separate page, no need for a merge. User:dkaszor

 * I don't support a merge; this has been discussed before (as a general issue, not specifically pertaining to The Gateway) and I remain of the opinion that student newspapers are as legitimately notable as any other publication. Any other newspaper or magazine with a per-issue circulation of 11,000 would be allowed an article, so I don't see why student newspapers should be held to a different standard. Bearcat 17:08, 26 August 2005 (UTC)

Editors-in-chief
I deleted the listing of the editor-in-chief history, but my edit was reverted. As such, I figure we should debate the matter here. I consider the section to be ugly, irrelevant, non-notable, disproportionately large, and only for vanity purposes. Gateway editors are typically not notable outside of campus, the editor-in-chief included. If anyone can provide a decent reason for leaving the information in, I'll oblige. Otherwise, If I get no response, I'll delete the section again.--96.52.132.224 (talk) 06:49, 19 August 2008 (UTC)

 * I think its really interesting to add the Editors-in-chief history section! I think it adds to the history of the journal and enhances the overall article YamYamRulez (talk) 23:06, 27 September 2022 (UTC)

title: Talk:The Gateway (student magazine)


text:
The Deep End (Madrugada album)

The Deep End is the fourth album by Norwegian rock band Madrugada. Recorded at Sound City studios in Los Angeles and produced by George Drakoulias, It was released on EMI Records in February 2005. Featuring some of their most accessible songs to date, the album cemented the bands' place as one of Norway's most successful of all time.

This album has been released with the Copy Control protection system in some regions.

The album has sold 90,000 copies in Norway.

Track listing
All tracks written by Høyem and Madrugada, except 10 & 12 by Burås, Høyem and Madrugada.
 * 1) "The Kids Are on High Street" – 4:57
 * 2) "On Your Side" – 3:53
 * 3) "Hold on to You" – 6:34
 * 4) "Stories from the Streets" – 5:19
 * 5) "Running Out of Time" – 6:08
 * 6) "The Lost Gospel" – 3:53
 * 7) "Elektro Vakuum" – 4:50
 * 8) "Subterranean Sunlight" – 3:59
 * 9) "Hard to Come Back" – 4:04
 * 10) "Ramona" – 3:55
 * 11) "Slow Builder" – 6:14
 * 12) "Sail Away" – 6:09
 * 13) "Life in the City (Bonus Track)" - 2:58
 * 14) "I'm in Love (Bonus Track)" - 4:27

title: The Deep End (Madrugada album)


text:
Talk:Syrian Social Nationalist Party

bias against the party: *alleged* fascism
if it's officially denied then why include it there? 2A02:E0:8E6F:6C00:C47B:7774:714A:DFDE (talk) 22:26, 4 June 2023 (UTC)

 * Because Nazi organisatons notoriously lie about themselves to avoid scrutiny. The real question is why the box includes that it's officially denied (and the answer is pro-SSNP/Assad editors)69.157.2.238 (talk) 18:52, 15 August 2023 (UTC)
 * The reason it says it's officially denied is because that is the official stance of the party. You can choose to believe that official stance or not, but that's your opinion. For a wikipedia page to be valuable it must include all of the facts, including the statements made by the party as well as claims against those statements.
 * I noticed that you reverted all of my recent edits with the explanation of "Wikipedia is not a soapbox for Nazi sympathizers". Care to explain which parts of my edits were inaccurate? Hopoxal607 (talk) 19:19, 15 August 2023 (UTC)
 * That is absolutely not the official stance of the SSNP, it's simply a statement the SSNP makes towards western audiences to improve its image abroad. The SSNP is extremely supportive of Nazism still and there are plenty of reliable sources demonstrating that fact, but two (now apparently three) POV-pushing editors are clearly going out of their way to ignore the overwhelming quantity of sources verifying that fact. Beyond that, you have removed references to an entirely valid source and tried to create a whole section citing party materials. 69.157.2.238 (talk) 11:56, 16 August 2023 (UTC)
 * If western audiences claim that the party is fascist and the party denies those claims, then the claim that the party is fascist is officially denied. What else would "officially denied" mean?
 * You've also mentioned here that the "SSNP is extremely supportive of Nazism". Can you share evidence of this claim from reliable sources? Hopoxal607 (talk) 16:35, 16 August 2023 (UTC)
 * the SSNP has been critical to the Nazi ideology since the start, proven by Antun Saadeh's speech in June 1935. Durranistan (talk) 21:30, 5 July 2024 (UTC)
 * there's already been several example sources used that have been rejected without discussion by SSNP-sympathetic editors, here's one example:

https://www.newarab.com/news/syrias-assad-hizballah-courting-german-neo-nazi-group — Preceding unsigned comment added by 69.156.106.118 (talk) 01:12, 29 August 2023 (UTC)

 * Going to add that party supporters and the SSNP itself have been directing people towards the Wikipedia page. It's very obvious that many, if not all, of these edits trying to whitewash the party are being done by party supporters abroad. 69.157.3.57 (talk) 01:53, 3 January 2024 (UTC)

Deutschland Uber Alles
This is factually untrue please listen to the SSNP anthem and confirm that it has nothing to do with Deutschland Uber Alles 90.255.134.19 (talk) 19:58, 12 September 2023 (UTC)

Semi-protected edit request on 23 March 2024
Change "...advocates the establishment of a Greater Syrian nation state spanning the Fertile Crescent, including present-day Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, Kuwait, Jordan, Palestine, Cyprus, Sinai, Hatay Province, and Cilicia..."

To "advocates the establishment of a Greater Syrian nation state spanning the Fertile Crescent, including present-day Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, Kuwait, Jordan, Palestine, Israel, Cyprus, Sinai, Hatay Province, and Cilicia"

Original writer does not mention Israel which is a very relevant piece of information in regards to the political climate in the region 2A02:14F:17D:C11E:E16B:D1D1:51C5:C025 (talk) 16:02, 23 March 2024 (UTC)
 * ✅ I added this to the lead. The source for this sentence does not mention any of these states by name, but the geographic boundaries clearly include Israel and it is already mentioned in the body of the article. Thanks. Jamedeus (talk) 18:28, 23 March 2024 (UTC)

title: Talk:Syrian Social Nationalist Party


text:
User talk:Umbrae/Archive 1

Image Tagging Image:Jewelbox bessell.jpg
Thanks for uploading Image:Jewelbox bessell.jpg. I notice it currently doesn't have an image copyright tag, so its copyright status is therefore unclear. Please add a tag to let us know its copyright status. (If you created/took the picture then you can use to release it under the GFDL. If you can claim fair use use  .)  If you don't know what any of this means, just let me know on the image description page where you got the images and I'll tag them for you. Otherwise, see Image copyright tags for the full list of copyright tags that you can use. Thanks so much. --Evil Monkey∴Hello 21:57, 25 August 2005 (UTC)

 * Although the image is from a NASA site, this does not mean it will necessarily be PD, especially if it comes from their Astronomy Picture Of the Day. In the case of the Jewel Box, I think there is an argument that we shouldn't be relying on a fair use image for something that we should be able to get a free license image. Unfortunately, I don't have a telescope or camera designed for astronomical photographs. Evil Monkey∴Hello 19:28, 13 November 2005 (UTC)

title: User talk:Umbrae/Archive 1


text: User talk:81.232.114.186

title: User talk:81.232.114.186


text:
Frederick W. Green (Egyptologist)

Frederick William Green (March 21, 1869 – 1949) was an English Egyptologist, who worked at a number of sites throughout Egypt.

Biography
He was born in London on 21 March 1869. He worked at Hierakonpolis (ancient Nekhen), where amongst other discoveries his team found the Narmer Palette in 1898.

He studied at Jesus College in Cambridge, continuing to study Archaeology and Egyptology under Kurt Sethe in Göttingen and Strasbourg and then excavated sites in and around Egypt with Flinders Petrie and Somers Clarke. He worked with James Quibell at Hierakonpolis from 1897 to 1898 (and alone in 1899).

He later excavated at Eileithyiaspolis with Clarke and Archibald Sayce from 1901 to 1902. He surveyed the topography and monuments of Nubia in 1906 and 1909 to 1910. Nearing the end of his career Green led the Mond excavation of the Bucheum at Armant from 1929 to 1930. He was the Honorary Keeper of the Antiquities at the Fitzwilliam Museum in Cambridge, from 1908 to 1949.

He was an accomplished watercolourist, he produced hundreds of paintings during his travels. In 2009 a collection of 149 paintings, together with childhood drawings and early sketchbooks have surfaced for sale on an online auction site, fully documented before their dispersal.

He died in Great Shelford, Cambridgeshire in 1949.

title: Frederick W. Green (Egyptologist)


text:
Talk:Wasteland

Merge: Wastelands → Wasteland
Seems a bit unnecessary to maintain Wastelands separately, which has only a few entries. Ok to proceed? + m t  21:14, 18 August 2009 (UTC)

What about an actual wasteland?
Isn't a wasteland some kind of uninhabitable area? It seems so from the entry in Wiktionary. When searching Wikipedia for the term, I wasn't expecting to come to a dab page - and I definitely wasn't expecting that this sense of the word wouldn't be listed on it. Mumiemonstret (talk) 18:21, 30 May 2013 (UTC)

title: Talk:Wasteland


text:
Spikelet

A spikelet, in botany, describes the typical arrangement of the inflorescences of grasses, sedges and some other monocots.

Each spikelet has one or more florets. The spikelets are further grouped into panicles or spikes. The part of the spikelet that bears the florets is called the rachilla.

In grasses
In Poaceae, the grass family, a spikelet consists of two (or sometimes fewer) bracts at the base, called glumes, followed by one or more florets. A floret consists of the flower surrounded by two bracts, one external—the lemma—and one internal—the palea. The perianth is reduced to two scales, called lodicules, that expand and contract to spread the lemma and palea; these are generally interpreted to be modified sepals.

The flowers are usually hermaphroditic—maize being an important exception—and mainly anemophilous or wind-pollinated, although insects occasionally play a role.

Lemma
Lemma is a phytomorphological term referring to a part of the spikelet. It is the lowermost of two chaff-like bracts enclosing the grass floret. It often bears a long bristle called an awn, and may be similar in form to the glumes—chaffy bracts at the base of each spikelet. It is usually interpreted as a bract but it has also been interpreted as one remnant (the abaxial) of the three members of outer perianth whorl (the palea may represent the other two members, having been joined together).

A lemma's shape, their number of veins, whether they are awned or not, and the presence or absence of hairs are particularly important characters in grass taxonomy.

Palea
Palea, in Poaceae, refers to one of the bract-like organs in the spikelet.

The palea is the uppermost of the two chaff-like bracts that enclose the grass floret (the other being the lemma). It is often cleft at the tip, implying that it may be a double structure derived from the union of two separate organs. This has led to suggestions that it may be what remains of the grass sepals (outer perianth whorl): specifically the two adaxial members of the three membered whorl typical of monocots. The third member may be absent or it may be represented by the lemma, according to different botanical interpretations.

The perianth interpretation of the palea is supported by the expression of MADS-box genes in this organ during development, as is the case in sepals of eudicot plants.

Lodicule
A lodicule is the structure that consists of between one and three small scales at the base of the ovary in a grass flower that represent the corolla, believed to be a rudimentary perianth. The swelling of the lodicules forces apart the flower's bracts, exposing the flower's reproductive organs.

title: Spikelet


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/The Deep End

 This page is an archive of the proposed deletion of the article below. Further comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page (such as the article's talk page or on a Votes for Undeletion nomination). No further edits should be made to this page.

The result of the debate was keep. --Tony Sidaway Talk 01:49, 31 August 2005 (UTC)

The Deep End
This should simply redirect to the artist mentioned johnpseudo 22:02, 25 August 2005 (UTC)

I have the sneaking suspicion I should have just done this myself...
 * Keep, albums all have pages. Kappa 22:16, 25 August 2005 (UTC)
 * Keep, I don't have a problem with this page. Alf 22:53, 25 August 2005 (UTC)
 * particularly now. "Fast Fingers" Alf 23:14, 25 August 2005 (UTC)

 * Keep, as per Kappa HoratioVitero 23:16, 25 August 2005 (UTC)
 * Note that every one if this user's edits, save for one minor edit to Bible, has been to VfD. Zoe 23:59, August 25, 2005 (UTC)
 * Keep If the artists have their own article, so can the albums. Let it grow.  CanadianCaesar 23:20, 25 August 2005 (UTC)
 * Keep per Kappa, see VFD Precedents. --TheMidnighters 01:38, 26 August 2005 (UTC)
 * Keep but move. Check out what links there, and note that there's a novel, a film, and at least two other albums (Gov't Mule, Spyro Gyra) by that name. Such a common phrase needs a more precise name 66.167.252.85 05:37, 27 August 2005 (UTC).
 * The above discussion is preserved as an archive of the debate. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page (such as the article's talk page or in an undeletion request). No further edits should be made to this page.


text: User talk:70.162.8.160

title: User talk:70.162.8.160


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Cressida Dick

 This page is an archive of the proposed deletion of the article below. Further comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page (such as the article's talk page or on a Votes for Undeletion nomination). No further edits should be made to this page.

The result of the debate was keep (no consensus) the non copyvio version. It appears to me that the deletion of the copyvio and the move of the temporary to the main spot has been done already. A bit out of process not to have a VFD tag on the "/temp" article as well, but I'll look the other way... Sjakkalle (Check!)  06:54, 2 September 2005 (UTC)

Cressida Dick
Possible vanity article on not-particularly-noteworthy senior officer of London's Metropolita Police (Ms Dick is Head of the Diversity Directorate). Eddie.willers 22:11, 25 August 2005 (UTC)
 * Comment. The link given is to site which has article word for word, except the line that says "Note that the above has been copied word for word from details elsewhere stored". possible copyvio, but I'm not an expert on those. Alf 22:52, 25 August 2005 (UTC)
 * Keep, but cleanup. I doubt very much that this is a vanity article. Cressida Dick is a known name in the British police. She is one of the most senior female officers in the Met and currently commands Operation Trident. -- Necrothesp 23:27, 25 August 2005 (UTC)
 * Copyvio as per Alf. I will report it now. Capitalistroadster 00:30, 26 August 2005 (UTC)
 * Abstain: I have created a fresh stub Cressida Dick/Temp, and as I do not have any clue to her notability, I am abstaining myself from the voting process.
 * The above discussion is preserved as an archive of the debate. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page (such as the article's talk page or in an undeletion request). No further edits should be made to this page.


text:
Charity, Guyana

Charity is a small township in Guyana, located in the Pomeroon-Supenaam Region No.2, which is part of the Essequibo County.

The government of Charity is managed by the Charity/Urasara Neighbourhood Democratic Council. Charity has a recently constructed Magistrate’s Court. St Francis Xavier Roman Catholic Church is in Charity,

Alfro Alphonso, a businessman in the area, established Charity’s only five-story structure, a landmark in the area.

The fish port at Charity buys from fishermen and sells to the domestic and international markets.

History
In 1640, the area was settled by the Dutch as part of Pomeroon. The cotton plantation Vryden Hope was located at present day Charity. The plantation was later abandoned and in 1840 resettled by Portuguese as a coffee plantation. In 1908, the government of British Guiana bought the lands and started constructing a road along the coast. In 1928, a medical centre opened which was converted to a hospital in 1935.

Charity Market
Charity has a market each Monday, and hosts more than 300 vendors. Most of the produce sold at the market come from the surrounding Essequibo Coast and Pomeroon areas, and merchants from Georgetown sell wares as well.

In 2012, tarmacs were installed to improve the market, but merchants have been slow to move due to perception that street side locations are more competitive. This has led to issues of parking and other strains on the limited infrastructure.

As an active business hub, the area is also inundated with visitors, so the town struggles with waste disposal. Garbage accumulation has led to flooding by blocking the drainage system during rains.

Location
Charity is located on the Pomeroon River which provides a gateway to this part of Guyana's interior and Venezuela. Many Guyanese use this waterway to travel back and forth between Guyana and Venezuela where they work. It is a central focus for the farmers who live in this area. They bring their products to this location and from here it is transshipped to other townships such as Anna Regina and Parika, and to the capital city of Georgetown.

title: Charity, Guyana


text:
Talk:List of University of Wisconsin–Madison people

Greta Van Susteren broadcaster and news analyst
Just a FYI, shes taking a beating in the commentaries because she is featuring the Aruba kidnapping story relentlessly. And getting a 60% jump in her ratings.... I'm not recommending putting analyst in quotes, but....

Greta Van Susteren broadcaster and news analyst
Just a FYI, shes taking a beating in the commentaries because she is featuring the Aruba kidnapping story relentlessly. And getting a 60% jump in her ratings.... I'm not recommending putting analyst in quotes, but..... Oh, and she's an attorney, isn't she. What kind of practice was it?Kyle Andrew Brown 22:04, 25 August 2005 (UTC)

Former Students who never graduated??
So I'd like to include Fred Foster on here, the founder of Electronic Theatre Controls (ETC). He went to the UW, but never finished his degree due to his company taking off. Any suggestions on what to title the section? Ellieilluminate 17:28, 21 December 2005 (UTC)

There are others listed among alumni who did not complete their degrees. John Muir, for one. 69.129.128.19 15:36, 9 February 2006 (UTC)

Lindbergh
I just removed this from the Madison, Wisconsin page:
 * Charles A. Lindbergh entered a mechanical engineering program at the University of Wisconsin in 1920, did poorly, and dropped out to become a barnstormer.

If it's true, it's more detailed than what's on this list. Joshuardavis 01:51, 22 March 2006 (UTC)

System or campus?
I'm confused... is this a list of List of University of Wisconsin people or only "notable people associated with the University of Wisconsin-Madison" campus? Thanks! Sulfur 02:46, 25 April 2006 (UTC)

I've moved this article to List of University of Wisconsin-Madison people. Miaers 21:25, 28 September 2006 (UTC)

Reverted to Re-include Kevin Barret
Kevin Barret is a notable figure, and he demonstrates something about the extent and also the limits of free speech and diversity of enquiry of this campus; his time here is at least a footnote in the history of UW-Madison. Since there are dead or retired people listed here on the basis of their notability, rather than their currency, the precedent seems clear. Clown in black and yellow 20:50, 25 January 2007 (UTC)

Jørgen Mads Clausen
I consider putting him on - is he sufficiently notable? Medico80 17:52, 16 April 2007 (UTC)

Fair use rationale for Image:John Atanasoff.gif
Image:John Atanasoff.gif is being used on this article. I notice the image page specifies that the image is being used under fair use but there is no explanation or rationale as to why its use in this Wikipedia article constitutes fair use. In addition to the boilerplate fair use template, you must also write out on the image description page a specific explanation or rationale for why using this image in each article is consistent with fair use.

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If there is other other fair use media, consider checking that you have specified the fair use rationale on the other images used on this page. Note that any fair use images uploaded after 4 May, 2006, and lacking such an explanation will be deleted one week after they have been uploaded, as described on criteria for speedy deletion. If you have any questions please ask them at the Media copyright questions page. Thank you.BetacommandBot 06:50, 5 June 2007 (UTC)

Breaking Out the Athletics Section
I would like to propose breaking out the athletics section into its own page. If this happens, that page can be broken down by sport. Madmaxmarchhare (talk) 18:54, 26 August 2009 (UTC)

Laura Danly
Laura Danly should be added to this list.

Notable faculty and staff
This section is getting long and we should consider breaking it up by discipline: Science and technology, social sciences, history etc. I *might* do this sometime if there are no objections. PDCook (talk) 21:06, 16 February 2010 (UTC)

Notability and organization
I have added the following comment line to the top of the article:
 * "People on this list should have their own Wikipedia page - please do not add redlinks. Keep the lists alphabetized."

Generally these sorts of lists are made of people who are notable enough to have their own Wikipedia pages. Also, I will be going through this list and alphabetizing the entries. If anyone objects, remove the comment or discuss it here. PDCook (talk) 14:02, 18 February 2010 (UTC)

Yes, alphabetization would be good. Charlie Gorichanaz (talk) 21:52, 26 July 2010 (UTC)

Citations...
Barely any of these are attributed to anything. I was curious when "Deadmau5" attended UW, but his Wikipedia page doesn't mention Wisconsin...but at any rate, the list should be attributed here. Charlie Gorichanaz (talk) 21:56, 26 July 2010 (UTC)

Fictional alumni
I know there have to be more fictional characters that wore the Cardinal and White. I've listed three cartoon characters, the protagonist of a classic fantasy novel, and a TV character; but there have to have been many more dozens that I don't know about because I'm at UW-M (in the computer lab, at the moment). -- Orange Mike  |   Talk  23:45, 26 July 2010 (UTC)

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text:
Fraser's Magazine

Fraser's Magazine for Town and Country was a general and literary journal published in London from 1830 to 1882, which initially took a strong Tory line in politics. It was founded by Hugh Fraser and William Maginn in 1830 and loosely directed by Maginn (and later Francis Mahony) under the name Oliver Yorke, until about 1840. It circulated until 1882, when it was renamed Longman's Magazine.

Editors
In its early years, the publisher James Fraser (no relation to Hugh) played a role in soliciting contributors and preparing the magazine for the press. After James Fraser's death in 1841 the magazine was acquired by George William Nickisson, and in 1847 by John William Parker. In 1863, Thomas and William Longman took over all of Parker's business. Its last notable editor was James Anthony Froude (1860–1874). In 1882, Fraser's Magazine was renamed Longman's Magazine, and was popularised and reduced in cost to sixpence.

Contributors
Among the contributors were Thomas Carlyle, William Makepeace Thackeray, Frances Power Cobbe, Thomas Medwin, James Hogg, William Mudford, Janet Ross and John Stuart Mill. The 1835 group portrait by Maclise misleads in that David Brewster, Samuel Taylor Coleridge, John Gibson Lockhart and Robert Southey, while included, were not substantial contributors. Others who were active at that period were Percival Banks, T. C. Croker, John Galt, John Abraham Heraud, E. V. Kenealy, David Macbeth Moir, Francis Mahony, Robert Willmott and Thomas Wright. Another contributor was William Jardine Smith.

title: Fraser's Magazine


text:
File:Ka-bala.jpg

Illustration of the Ka-Bala game. It was saved from the website linked in the article; this is a comic book style advertisement from the late 1960s that depicts the game and its play. Fair use, and the Transogram company that manufactured the Ka-Bala has been out of business for some time. Not a photo, but promotional material nevertheless.

title: File:Ka-bala.jpg


text: User talk:24.247.174.106

title: User talk:24.247.174.106