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Ukrainization

Ukrainization (also spelled Ukrainisation; Українізація) is a policy or practice of increasing the usage and facilitating the development of the Ukrainian language and promoting other elements of Ukrainian culture in various spheres of public life such as education, publishing, government, and religion. The term is also used to describe a process by which non-Ukrainians or Russian-speaking Ukrainians are assimilated to Ukrainian culture and language.

A light Ukrainization started in as early as the 17th century, after the Cossack Hetmanate was created according to the Treaty of Zboriv in 1649. After a long period of Polonization, the Ukrainians started to earn more rights. Ukraine got its own government, army (although limited to 40000 soldiers), system and the Orthodox church was granted privileges. Practically, for a short period of time the Hetmanate functioned as an almost fully independent state. In 1654, the Cossack Hetmanate became a protectorate of the Russian Empire, which ended with its full absorption to the Russian Empire in 1764. During this period of time, the Ukrainian identity became much stronger than before.

The strong Russification of Ukraine eliminated the Ukrainian language from state institutions, schools, and all spheres of social activity of the people, which limited its functioning and created extremely unfavorable conditions for its development. During the years of the Ukrainian People's Republic, the Ukrainian press was restored, books were printed in Ukrainian, and teaching was carried out in schools founded by the Ukrainian National Academy of Sciences.

At first, the Bolshevik authorities were sceptic about the revival and independence of the non-Russian nations (e.g. Finland, Poland, Lithuania, Ukraine etc.) after the collapse of the Russian Empire. However, after they have noticed that the indigenous peoples of the former Russian Empire had a rather negative view of becoming a part of a new Russian state, the Soviet government started an indigenization policy, which had an influence on all non-Russian peoples of the USSR. The purpose of this policy was to expand the communist party network on the non-Russian lands with the involvement of the indigenous population. As a result, this also caused a short period of Ukrainization, until a reversal happened in the early 1930s.

After the Declaration of Independence of Ukraine in 1991, the government of Ukraine began following a policy of Ukrainization, to increase the use of Ukrainian while discouraging Russian, which has been gradually phased out from the country's education system, government, and national TV, radio programmes, and films. Until 2017, the law "On Education" granted Ukrainian families (parents and their children) a right to choose their native language for schools and studies. This law was revised to make the Ukrainian language the primary language of education in all schools, except for children of ethnic minorities, who are to be taught in their own language and later on bilingual.

In Western historiography, the term Ukrainization refers also to a policy and resulting process of forcing ethnic minorities living on Ukrainian territories to abandon their ethnic identity by means of the enforced assimilation of Ukrainian culture and identity. During the aftermath of World War II, in the Ukrainian SSR this process had been preceded by the expulsion of some ethnic minorities and appropriation of their cultural heritage. "Ukrainization" is also used in the context of these acts.

1917–1923: times after the Russian Revolution
Following the Russian Revolution of 1917, the Russian Empire had dissolved, and the Ukrainians intensified their struggle for an independent Ukrainian state. In the chaos of World War I and revolutionary changes, a nascent Ukrainian state emerged but, initially, the state's very survival was not ensured. As the Central Rada, the governing body, was trying to assert the control over Ukraine amid the foreign powers and internal struggle, only a limited cultural development could take place. However, for the first time in the modern history, Ukraine had a government of its own and the Ukrainian language gained usage in state affairs.

As the Rada was eventually overthrown in a German-backed coup (April 29, 1918), the rule of a Hetmanate led by Pavlo Skoropadskyi was established. While the stability of the government was only relative and Skoropadsky himself, as a former officer of the tsarist army, spoke Russian rather than Ukrainian, the Hetmanate managed to start an impressive Ukrainian cultural and education program, printed millions of Ukrainian-language textbooks, and established many Ukrainian schools, two universities, and a Ukrainian Academy of Sciences. The latter established a Committee on Orthography and Terminology, which initiated a scholarly and methodological research program into Ukrainian terminology.

The Hetmanate's rule ended with the German evacuation and was replaced by the Directorate government of Symon Petlura in the wake of Ukraine's defeat against the Polish during the Polish-Ukrainian war. Ukraine was embroiled in war, with factions including the anarcho-communist Insurgent Army of Nestor Makhno besides the Polish backed Petlura's government. Following Skoropadsky's surrender to Józef Piłsudski in the Treaty of Warsaw, Petlura was installed as the leader of the Ukrainian People's Republic in order to participate in the invasion of the Ukrainian SSR. It was at various times also the scene of fighting of White and Green armies, as well as armed bands that often were not backed by any political ideology (to which some add the previous, in particular 'Green' units). .

1923–1931: early years of Soviet Ukraine

As Bolshevik rule took hold in Ukraine, the early Soviet government had its own reasons to encourage the national movements of the former Russian Empire. While trying to ascertain and consolidate its power, the Bolshevik government was by far more concerned about political oppositions connected to the pre-revolutionary order than about the national movements inside the former empire. The reversal of the assimilationist policies of the Russian Empire was potentially done to help to improve the image of the Soviet government and boost its popularity among the common people.

Until the early-1930s, Ukrainian culture enjoyed a widespread revival due to Bolshevik policies known as the policy of Korenization ("indigenization"). In these years a Ukrainization program was implemented throughout the republic. In such conditions, the Ukrainian national idea initially continued to develop and even spread to a large territory with traditionally mixed population in the east and south that became part of the Ukrainian Soviet republic.

The All-Ukrainian Sovnarkom's decree "On implementation of the Ukrainization of the educational and cultural institutions" (July 27, 1923) is considered to be the onset of the Ukrainization program. The (August 1) decree that followed shortly "On implementation of the equal rights of the languages and facilitation of the Ukrainian language" mandated the implementation of Ukrainian language to all levels of state institutions. Initially, the program was met with resistance by some Ukrainian Communists, largely because non-Ukrainians prevailed numerically in the party at the time. The resistance was finally overcome in 1925 through changes in the party leadership under the pressure of Ukrainian representatives in the party. In April 1925 the party Central Committee adopted the resolution on Ukrainization proclaiming its aim as "solidifying the union of the peasantry with the working class" and boosting the overall support of the Soviet system among Ukrainians. A joint resolution aimed at "complete Ukrainization of the Soviet apparatus" as well as the party and trade unions was adopted on April 30, 1925. The Ukrainian Commissariat of Education (Narkomos) was charged with overseeing the implementation of the Ukrainization policies. The two figures, therefore, most identified with the policy are Oleksandr Shumskyi, the Commissar for Education between 1923 and 1927, and Mykola Skrypnyk, who replaced Shumskyi in 1927.

The Soviet-backed education system dramatically raised the literacy of the Ukrainophone rural population. By 1929 over 97% of high school students in the republic were obtaining their education in Ukrainian and illiteracy dropped from 47% (1926) to 8% in 1934.

Simultaneously, the newly literate ethnic Ukrainians migrated to the cities, which became rapidly largely Ukrainianized — in both population and education. Between 1923 and 1933 the Ukrainian proportion of the population of Kharkiv, at the time the capital of Soviet Ukraine, increased from 38% to 50%. Similar increases occurred in other cities, from 27.1% to 42.1% in Kyiv, from 16% to 48% in Dnipropetrovsk, from 16% to 48% in Odesa, and from 7% to 31% in Luhansk.

Similarly expansive was an increase in Ukrainian language publishing and the overall flourishing of Ukrainian cultural life. As of 1931 out of 88 theatres in Ukraine, 66 were Ukrainian, 12 were Jewish (Yiddish) and 9 were Russian. The number of Ukrainian newspapers, which almost did not exist in 1922, had reached 373 out of 426, while only 3 all-republican large newspapers remained Russian. Of 118 magazines, 89 were Ukrainian. Ukrainization of book-publishing reached 83%.

Ukrainization was thoroughly implemented through the government apparatus, Communist Party of Ukraine membership and, gradually, the party leadership as well, as the recruitment of indigenous cadre was implemented as part of the korenization policies. At the same time, the usage of Ukrainian was continuously encouraged in the workplace and in government affairs. While initially, the party and government apparatus was mostly Russian-speaking, by the end of the 1920s ethnic Ukrainians composed over one half of the membership in the Ukrainian communist party, the number strengthened by accession of Borotbists, a formerly indigenously Ukrainian "independentist" and non-Bolshevik communist party.

In the all-Ukrainian Ispolkom, central executive committee, as well as in the oblast level governments, the proportion of Ukrainians reached 50.3% by 1934 while in raion ispolkoms the number reached 68.8%. On the city and village levels, the representation of Ukrainians in the local government bodies reached 56.1% and 86.1%, respectively. As for other governmental agencies, the Ukrainization policies increased the Ukrainian representation as follows: officers of all-republican People's Commissariat (ministries) - 70-90%, oblast executive brunches - 50%, raion - 64%, Judiciary - 62%, Militsiya (law enforcement) - 58%.

The attempted Ukrainization of the armed forces, Red Army formations serving in Ukraine and abroad, was less successful although moderate progress was attained. The Schools of Red Commanders (Shkola Chervonyh Starshyn) was organized in Kharkiv to promote the careers of the Ukrainian national cadre in the army (see picture). The Ukrainian newspaper of the Ukrainian Military District "Chervona Armiya" was published until the mid-1930s. The efforts were made to introduce and expand Ukrainian terminology and communication in the Ukrainian Red Army units. The policies even reached the army units in which Ukrainians served in other Soviet regions. For instance the Soviet Pacific Fleet included a Ukrainian department overseen by Semyon Rudniev.

At the same time, despite the ongoing Soviet-wide anti-religious campaign, the Ukrainian national Orthodox Church was created, the Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church (See History of Christianity in Ukraine). The Bolshevik government initially saw the national churches as a tool in their goal to suppress the Russian Orthodox Church, always viewed with great suspicion by the regime for its being the cornerstone of the defunct Russian Empire and the initially strong opposition it took towards the regime change. Therefore, the government tolerated the new Ukrainian national church for some time and the UAOC gained a wide following among the Ukrainian peasantry.

Ukrainization even reached those regions of southern Russian SFSR, particularly the areas by the Don and Kuban rivers, where mixed population showed strong Ukrainian influences in the local dialect. Ukrainian language teachers, just graduated from expanded institutions of higher education in Soviet Ukraine, were dispatched to these regions to staff newly opened Ukrainian schools or to teach Ukrainian as a second language in Russian schools. A string of local Ukrainian-language publications was started and departments of Ukrainian studies were opened in colleges. Overall, these policies were implemented in thirty-five administrative districts in southern Russia.

Early 1930s: reversal of Ukrainization policies
Starting from the early 1930s, the Ukrainization policies were abruptly and bloodily reversed. "Ukrainian bourgeois nationalism" was declared to be the primary problem in Ukraine. Many Ukrainian newspapers, publications, and schools were switched to Russian. The vast majority of leading scholars and cultural leaders of Ukraine were purged, as were the "Ukrainianized" and "Ukrainianizing" portions of the Communist party. Major repression started in 1929–30, when a large group of Ukrainian intelligentsia was arrested and most were executed. In Ukrainian history, this group is often referred to as "Executed Renaissance" (Ukrainian: розстріляне відродження). The terror peaked in 1933 during the Holodomor, four to five years before the Soviet-wide "Great Purge", which, for Ukraine, was a second blow. The vast majority of leading scholars and cultural leaders of Ukraine were liquidated, as were the "Ukrainianized" and "Ukrainianizing" portions of the Communist party.

At the 12th Congress of the Communist Party of Ukraine, Moscow-appointed leader Pavel Postyshev declared that "1933 was the year of the defeat of Ukrainian nationalist counter-revolution." This "defeat" encompassed not just the physical extermination of a significant portion of the Ukrainian peasantry, but also the virtual elimination of the Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church clergy and the mass imprisonment or execution of Ukrainian intellectuals, writers and artists. Ukrainian music ensembles had their repertoires severely restricted and censored. Foreign tours by Ukrainian artists were canceled without explanation. Many artists were arrested and detained often for months at a time without cause. After not receiving any pay for many months, many choirs and artistic ensembles such as the Kiev and Poltava Bandurist Capellas ceased to exist. Blind traditional folk musicians known as kobzars were summoned from all of Ukraine to an ethnographic conference and disappeared (See Persecuted bandurists).

In the regions of southern Russian SFSR (North Caucasus and eastern part of Sloboda Ukraine included into RSFSR) Ukrainization was effectively outlawed in 1932. Specifically, the December 14, 1932 decree "On Grain Collection in Ukraine, North Caucasus and the Western Oblasts" by the VKP(b) Central Committee and USSR Sovnarkom stated that Ukrainization in certain areas was carried out formally, in a "non-Bolshevik" way, which provided the "bourgeois-nationalist elements" with a legal cover for organizing their anti-Soviet resistance. In order to stop this, the decree ordered in these areas, among other things, to switch to Russian all newspapers and magazines, and all Soviet and cooperative paperwork. By the autumn of 1932 (beginning of a school year), all schools were ordered to switch to Russian. In addition the decree ordered a massive population swap: all "disloyal" population from a major Cossack settlement, stanitsa Poltavskaya was banished to Northern Russia, with their property given to loyal kolkhozniks moved from poorer areas of Russia. This forced end to Ukrainization in southern RSFSR had led to a massive decline of reported Ukrainians in these regions in the 1937 Soviet Census compared to the 1926 First All-Union Census of the Soviet Union.

1930s to mid-1980
The Communist Party of Ukraine, under the guidance of state officials like Lazar Kaganovich, Stanisław Kosior, and Pavel Postyshev, boasted in early 1934 of the elimination of "counter-revolutionaries, nationalists, spies and class enemies". Whole academic organizations, such as the Bahaliy Institute of History and Culture, were shut down following the arrests.

In 1935–36, 83% of all school children in the Ukrainian SSR were taught in Ukrainian even though Ukrainians made up about 80% of the population. In 1936 from 1830 newspapers 1402 were in Ukrainian, as were 177 magazines, in 1936 69,104 thousand Ukrainian books were printed.

In the following fifty years the Soviet policies towards the Ukrainian language mostly varied between quiet discouragement and suppression to persecution and cultural purges, with the notable exception for the decade of Petro Shelest's Communist Party leadership in the Soviet Ukraine (1963–1972). The mid-1960s were characterized by moderate Ukrainization efforts in governmental affairs as well as the resurgence of the usage of Ukrainian in education, publishing and culture.

Post-1991: independent Ukraine
On 28 October 1989, the Supreme Soviet of Ukraine changed the Constitution and adopted the "Law of Languages". The Ukrainian language was declared the only official language, while the other languages spoken in Ukraine were guaranteed constitutional protection. The government was obliged to create the conditions required for the development and use of Ukrainian language as well as languages of other ethnic groups, including Russian. Usage of other languages, along with Ukrainian, was allowed in local institutions located in places of residence of the majority of citizens of the corresponding ethnicities. Citizens were guaranteed the right to use their native or any other languages and were entitled to address various institutions and organisations in Ukrainian, in Russian, or in another language of their work, or in a language acceptable to the parties. After the Ukrainian accession of independence following the dissolution of the Soviet Union the law, with some minor amendments, remained in force in the independent Ukrainian state.

Adopted in 1996, the new Constitution of Ukraine confirmed the official state status of the Ukrainian language, and guaranteed the free development, use, and protection of Russian and other languages of national minorities of Ukraine.

Language issues are still used by politicians to generate controversy. On May 20, 2008, Donetsk city council passed a resolution limiting the expansion of Ukrainian-language education in the city. The following day the city prosecutor declared the decision illegal and the mayor suspended it, and the council reversed itself two days later.

According to a March 2010 survey, forced Ukrainization and Russian language suppression are among the least troubling problems for Ukrainian citizens, concerning only 4.8% of population.

Educational system
The government of independent Ukraine implemented policies to broaden the use of Ukrainian and mandated a progressively increased role for Ukrainian in the media and commerce. The most significant was the government's concerted effort to implement Ukrainian, as the only official state language in the country, into the state educational system. Despite the Constitution, the Law on Education (grants Ukrainian families (parents and their children) a right to choose their native language for schools and studies ) as well as the Law of Languages (a guarantee for the protection of all languages in Ukraine) the education system gradually reshaped from a system that was only partly Ukrainian to the one that is overwhelmingly so. The Russian language is still studied as a required course in all secondary schools, including those with Ukrainian as the primary language of instructions. The number of secondary school students who received their primary education in Ukrainian grew from 47.9% in 1990–1991 (the last school year before Ukrainian independence) to 67.4% in 1999 and to 75.1% by 2003–2004 (see table). Ukrainization has achieved even greater gains in higher education institutions where as of 1990–1991 only 7% of students were being taught primarily in Ukrainian. By 2003–2004 the percentage of college and technicum students studying in Ukrainian reached 87.7% and for the students of the university-level institutions this number reached 80.1% (see table).

The extent of educational institutions' Ukrainization varies in the different regions of Ukraine. In the 16 western oblasts (provinces) of Ukraine there are 26 Russian language schools out of 12,907 and in Kyiv six out of 452 schools use Russian as their primary language of instruction, (according to a 2006 survey, Ukrainian is used at home by 23% of Kyivans, as 52% use Russian and 24% switch between both). In the Donets Basin region the percentage of students receiving education in Russian roughly corresponds to the percentage of population who considers Russian as their native language and in Crimea the overwhelming majority of secondary schools students are taught in Russian. The distribution is similar in the institutes of the higher education while the latter are somewhat more Ukrainianized.

The increase of the share of secondary school students obtaining education in Ukrainian (from 47.9% to 67%) over the first decade of the Ukrainian independence roughly corresponded to the share of native Ukrainian speakers - 67.5%. Schools continue to be transferred to the Ukrainian language up to this day. At the end of the 1990s, about 50% of professional school students, 62% of college students and 67% of university students (cf. 7% in 1991) studied in Ukrainian and in the following five years the number increased even further (see table).

In some cases, the changing of the language of instruction in institutions, led to the charges of assimilation, raised mostly by the Russian-speaking population. Despite this, the transition was gradual and lacked many controversies that surrounded the de-Russification in several of the other former Soviet Republics, its perception within Ukraine remained mixed.

2017 law "On Education"
On September 25, 2017, a new law on education was signed by the President (draft approved by the Verkhovna Rada (Ukraine's national parliament) on September 5, 2017) which said that the Ukrainian language is the language of education at all levels except for subjects that are allowed to be taught in two or more languages, namely English or one of the other official languages of the European Union.

The law was condemned by PACE that called it "a major impediment to the teaching of national minorities". The law also faced criticism from officials in Hungary, Romania and Russia. (Hungarian and Romanian are official languages of the European Union, Russian is not. ) Ukrainian officials stressed that the new law complies fully with European norms on minority rights. The law does state that "Persons belonging to indigenous peoples of Ukraine are guaranteed the right to study in public facilities of preschool and primary education in the language of instruction of the respective indigenous people, along with the state language of instruction" in separate classes or groups. PACE describes this as a significant curtailing of the rights of indigenous peoples carried out without consultations with their representatives. On 27 June 2018 Ukrainian foreign minister Pavlo Klimkin stated that following the recommendation of the Venice Commission the language provision of the (September 2017) law on education will not apply to private schools and that every public school for national minorities "will have broad powers to independently determine which classes will be taught in Ukrainian or their native language."

In January 2020 the law was changed and made it legal to teach "one or more disciplines" in "two or more languages – in the official state language, in English, in another official languages of the European Union". All not state funded schools were made free to choose their own language of instruction.

According to the 2020 law until the fifth year of education all lessons can be completely thought in the minority language without mandatory teaching of subjects in Ukrainian. In the fifth year not less than 20% of the lessons must be taught in Ukrainian. Then every year the volume of teaching in the state language (Ukrainian) should increase, reaching 40% in the ninth grade. In the twelfth and final year at least 60% of education should be taught in Ukrainian.

The 2017 language education law stipulated a 3-year transitional period to come in full effect. In February 2018, this period was extended until 2023. In June 2023 this period was again extended to September 2024.

Since the introduction of the 2017 language law Hungary–Ukraine relations have greatly deteriorated over the issue of the Hungarian minority in Ukraine. Hungary is since 2017 blocking Ukraine's attempt to integrate within the EU and NATO to help the Hungarian minority in Ukraine.

2023 changes to national minorities' language rights
On 8 December 2022, the Ukrainian parliament passed a bill that amend some laws on the rights of national minorities in light of the Council of Europe’s expert assessment and in order to meet one of the European Commission’s criteria for the opening of EU membership negotiations. These changes gave the right to privately-owned institutions of higher education to have the right to freely choose the language of study if it is an official language of the European Union, while ensuring that persons studying at such institutions study the state language Ukrainian as a separate academic discipline; it guaranteed that national minorities whose language is an official languages of the European Union the right to use the language of the corresponding national minority in the educational process along with the state language and it ensured that pupils who had begun their general secondary education before 1 September 2018 in the language of the corresponding national minority, will have the right to continue to receive such education until the completion of their full secondary education in accordance with the rules that applied before the Law of Ukraine "On protecting the functioning of the Ukrainian language as the state language" came into force on 16 July 2019.

Mass media
Since 2004 the Ukrainian government has enacted restrictions on Russian-language television and radio programmes. Russian-language programmes are required to include a Ukrainian translation or subtitles, and local radio and television stations have the right to broadcast in Russian only if they can prove they have a Russian audience. There was some opposition against this ban. Today the ban is in full effect, but Russian movies are mostly subtitled in cinemas and on Ukrainian television. Non-Russian and non-Ukrainian movies which used to be dubbed in Russian may now only be dubbed, post-synchronized or subtitled in Ukrainian. Ukrainian authorities defended the ban, stating that it aimed to develop a home-grown Ukrainian distribution industry and to give Ukrainian distributors "muscle" in negotiating their own deals to buy foreign films. Russian distributors control around 90% of foreign films screened in Ukraine and tend to supply Russian-language dubbed or subtitled copies that are part of wider packages distributed throughout Russia and the former Soviet territories. Andriy Khalpakhchi, director the Ukrainian Cinema Foundation, claims "Some European sellers at Berlin's film market are reporting that Russian buyers are already threatening not to buy films if they sell directly to Ukraine without using Russian distribution channels." Despite earlier fears that there would be problems due to the introduction of compulsory Ukrainian dubbing of films, the number of visitors to Ukrainian cinemas soared by 40% in Q1 of the year 2009 compared to the same period of the previous year.

Several Russian TV channels have not been allowed to broadcast in Ukraine since November 1, 2008, according to Ukraine's National Council on Television and Radio Broadcasting mainly because of the advertising aired by the channels. The Ukrainian distributors of television channels were ordered to bring the broadcasts in line with Ukrainian laws. Channel One and Ren TV have since been granted temporary permission to broadcast, while a separate version of RTR Planeta was started specially for Ukrainian TV viewers in October 2009.

On 13 May 2010, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov claimed that in Ukraine "the discriminatory, politically- [sic]motivated, ideology-tinged and anti-Russian decisions that were being made when Yuschenko was President have been lifted".

On 23 May 2017, Ukrainian parliament approved the law proposed in November 2016 that demands national, regional, satellite, and multi-channel TV and radio networks to broadcast at least 75% of their content (summarized on weekly basis separately in time intervals 7am – 6pm and 6pm – 10pm) in Ukrainian starting from 13 October 2017. 50% is required from local networks, and 75% of news programs is required in Ukrainian for all networks. Films and broadcasts which are not products of these networks and produced after 1991 must be broadcast exclusively in Ukrainian. Reasonable exceptions are provided for inclusion of non-Ukrainian language into otherwise Ukrainian-language broadcasts. The National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine may permit exceptions to this law for broadcasts which serve elimination of threats to national security. At the time the only two national Ukrainian TV channels who did not already broadcast 75% of their content in Ukrainian were "Inter" and "Ukraine". Also because of this May 2017 approved law, since 8 November 2018 Ukrainian radio stations must broadcast no less than 35% of songs in Ukrainian or if it plays 60% of its songs in the official languages of the European Union then 25%.

Politics
In two presidential elections, in 1994 and 2004, the role of languages in Ukraine was an important election issue. In 1994 the main opposition candidate, Leonid Kuchma, in an attempt to widen his political appeal, expressed his support for the idea of Russian becoming the second state language, as well as promising to improve his knowledge of the Ukrainian language. In addition to the stagnating economy, the language issue likely contributed to Kuchma's victory in the election; but while his knowledge of Ukrainian noticeably improved, Kuchma did not follow through on his pledge to make Russian a state language during the 10 years of his presidency.

In 2004 an election promise by Viktor Yanukovych (leader of the Party of Regions) to adopt Russian as the second official language might also have increased the turnout of his base, but it was rebutted during the campaign by his opponent (Viktor Yushchenko), who pointed out that Yanukovych could have already taken steps towards this change while he was a Prime Minister of Ukraine if this had really been his priority. During his campaign Yushchenko emphasized that his being painted as a proponent of the closure of Russian schools frequently made by his opponents is entirely baseless and stated his view that the issue of school language, as well as the churches, should be left to local communities. Nevertheless, during Yuchshenko's presidency the transfer of educational institutions from Russian to Ukrainian continued.

In the 2006 parliamentary election the status of the Russian language in Ukraine was brought up again by the opposition parties. The leading opposition party, Party of Regions, promised to introduce two official languages, Russian and Ukrainian, on the national and regional levels. On the national level such changes require modifying Article 10 of the Constitution of Ukraine, which the party hopes to achieve. Before the election in Kharkiv, and following the election in the other south-eastern regions such as Donetsk, Dnipropetrovsk, Luhansk, Mykolaiv, and the Crimea, the newly elected local councils, won by the Party of Regions (and minor supporting parties), declared Russian as a regional language, citing the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages, ratified by Ukraine in 2003. In Dnipropetrovsk, the court has found the order of the city council on introducing Russian as a regional language unlawful, but the legal battle on the local status of the Russian language remains to be resolved.

In the wake of the 2006 Parliamentary crisis in Ukraine that fractured the governing coalition and returned Yanukovych to the Prime Ministership, the "Universal of National Unity" signed by President Yushchenko as well as the leaders of several of the most influential political parties declared that Ukrainian would remain the official state language in Ukraine. However, within a week after signing the Universal, Yanukovych, then approved as Prime Minister of Ukraine, stated at a press conference in Sochi (Russia) that the implementation of Russian as a second state language remains the goal of his party even though he does not see it achieved in the immediate future because such a change, which would require amending the Constitution, would not collect the required majority (⅔) in the Parliament of Ukraine given the current political situation.

During the electoral campaign for the 2010 Ukrainian presidential election Yanukovych at first stated that if he would be elected President he then will do everything in order to make Russian the second state language in Ukraine, but in an interview with Kommersant later during the campaign he stated that the status of Russian in Ukraine "is too politicized" and said that if elected president in 2010 he would "have a real opportunity to adopt a law on languages, which implements the requirements of the European Charter of regional languages". He implied this law would need 226 votes in the Ukrainian parliament (50% of the votes instead of the 75% of the votes needed to change the constitution of Ukraine). After his early 2010 election as President Yanukovych stated (on March 9, 2010) "Ukraine will continue to promote the Ukrainian language as its only state language".

Law
According to the laws on civil and administrative procedure enacted in Ukraine in 2005, all legal and court proceedings in Ukraine are to be conducted in Ukrainian. This does not restrict, however, the usage of other languages, as the law guarantees interpretation services for any language desired by a citizen, defendant or witness.

Historical and political calendar
President Petro Poroshenko claimed to be carrying out the "Ukrainianization of the historical and political calendar - the replacement of the Soviet-Russian imposed upon us." This has led to the moving of military holidays to new dates and the creation of the Defenders of Ukraine Day.

The 2017 abolition of May 2 as public holiday (as it was in the Soviet era) and instead (since 2017) making Western Christianity's Christmas, celebrated 25 December, a new Ukrainian public holiday was also described as moving away from "Moscow's calendar and Russian imperial standards" (by Oleksandr Turchynov, the Secretary of the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine in 2017). (May 1's International Workers' Day remained a Ukrainian public holiday, although it was renamed (also in 2017) from "Day of International Solidarity of Workers" to "Labor Day". )

title: Ukrainization


text:
Ichiya Kumagae

Ichiya "Ichy" Kumagae (熊谷 一弥) was a Japanese tennis player and the first Japanese Olympic medalist.

Biography
Kumagae was born on 10 September 1890 in Ōmuta, Fukuoka Prefecture. He attended Keio University. In 1913, he, along with other members of the Keio University Tennis Club, pushed for the abandonment of soft tennis (which had been introduced into Japan in 1878) in favor of lawn tennis, which was popular internationally. Kumagae was sent to play in the 1913 Far Eastern Games held in Manila, marking the first overseas competition for a Japanese tennis player. He reached the singles semi-finals and the doubles finals, and his form was subsequently influenced by United States champion Bill Johnson, whose short stature had earned him the moniker "Little Bill".

Kumagae went on to win both singles and doubles at the 1915 Far Eastern Games in Shanghai. In 1916, he travelled to the United States with Hachishiro Mikami to compete in the U.S. National Championships, marking the first participation of a Japanese in one of the Grand Slam tournaments. Kumagae spent a total of three months in the United States, during which he competed in 60 matches. He won the singles title at the Newport Casino Invitational, defeating Bill Johnston, the 1915 U.S. National champion, in the final in five sets. He did not lose a single match on a clay court, and lost only four matches on grass courts, rising to the U.S. rank of No. 5. Kumagae would go on to reach as high as No. 3 in the U.S. rankings in 1919.

After his return to Japan, Kumagae graduated from Keio University and went to work for Mitsubishi Bank, who sent him to work at the bank's New York branch. He continued to play tennis, and advanced to the semi-finals at the 1918 U.S. National Championships, but lost to local favorite and seven-time winner Bill Tilden in three straight sets. In 1919 Kumagae won the New York State Championships and the Great Lakes championship, played in Buffalo, defeating Bill Tilden in the final of the latter.

Kumagae is best known for his two Olympic silver medals at the 1920 Antwerp Olympics, marking the first Olympic medals won by any Japanese athlete. In the men's singles event at the Antwerp Olympics, Kumagae lost to South African Louis Raymond in the final, 7–5, 4–6, 5–7, 4–6. With his partner Seiichiro Kashio in the doubles event, he lost to Oswald Turnbull and Maxwell Woosnam of Great Britain for the gold medal match, 2–6, 7–5, 5–7, 5–7.

Kumagae was Japan's first Davis Cup captain, including the runner-up finish in 1921. Kumagae returned to Japan in 1922.

He withdrew from the Davis Cup qualification matches in 1922, citing his age, and in 1924 published a book on tennis. He also served as a tennis instructor to Princess Nagako, the future Empress Kojun.

Following World War II, Kumagae was asked to coach the Japan National Team, which travelled to Louisville, Kentucky for a tournament in 1951. He wrote a technical manual on tennis in 1953. Kumagae died at his hometown of Ōmuta, Fukuoka on 16 August 1968.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Ichiya Kumagae


text:
Bankhead

Bankhead may refer to:

People

 * Bankhead (surname), a surname (including a list of people with the name)

Canada

 * Bankhead, Alberta, a former coal mining village, now in Banff National Park

Scotland

 * Bankhead, Edinburgh
 * Bankhead, a neighbourhood of Rutherglen, Lanarkshire
 * Bankhead, a hamlet near Midmar, Aberdeenshire

United States

 * Bankhead, Atlanta, a neighborhood of Atlanta, Georgia
 * Bankhead station, a train station in Atlanta on the Metropolitan Atlanta Rapid Transit Authority (MARTA) system
 * William B. Bankhead National Forest, in the United States state of Alabama

Roads

 * Bankhead Highway, a road in the United States

title: Bankhead


text:
Mount Pisgah Academy

Mount Pisgah Academy is a four-year secondary education boarding and day school located in Candler, North Carolina, United States, near Asheville. The academy is named after the Mount Pisgah of biblical reference as well as its proximity to Mount Pisgah in the Blue Ridge Mountains.

Affiliated with the Seventh-day Adventist Church, the campus lies on 230 acre of property. It was founded in 1914 as a private academy, by E.C. Waller, William Steinman, and C.A. Graves with their families, and originally called the Pisgah Industrial Institute. In 1952, its ownership was transferred to the Carolina Conference of the Seventh-Day Adventist church, and it was given its present name. It is a part of the Seventh-day Adventist education system, the world's second largest Christian school system.

The current principal at the academy is Dewald Coetzer.

For the 2023-2024 school year, it had an enrollment of 90 students.

Academics
The required curriculum includes classes in the following subject areas: religion, English, social studies, mathematics, science, STEM, computer applications, physical education, health, fine arts, and electives.

Electives
Mount Pisgah Academy offers several electives, or organizations. The students are encouraged to participate in at least one organization during their time at the academy. As of 2024, Mount Pisgah Academy offered the following organizations:

 * Acrosports
 * San Cielo (a touring choir)
 * Drama
 * Varsity Sports
 * Yearbook

Spiritual aspects
All students take religion classes each year that they are enrolled. These classes cover topics in biblical history and Christian and denominational doctrines. Instructors in other disciplines also begin each class period with prayer or a short devotional thought, many which encourage student input. Weekly, the entire student body gathers together in the auditorium for an hour-long chapel service. Outside the classroom, there is year-round spiritually-oriented programming that relies on student involvement.

title: Mount Pisgah Academy


text:
Talk:Terri Schiavo timeline/Archive 1

Centonze
are Gloria Centonze and Jodi Centonze related? and if so, how? Kingturtle 03:19, 4 Apr 2005 (UTC)

 * I read somewhere that they are related (sisters, I think). it's been a hundred or more links since I read it though. I think it was an older magazine article about Terri. It was in the article that quoted Gloria as saying "he may be a bastard, but if I was sick I'd want him as my husband". Sorry I don't have a URL. 206.67.17.2 12:56, 4 Apr 2005 (UTC)

 * here it is []
 * Back in Florida, Michael enlisted family members to record audiotapes of their voices, which he played for Terri on a Walkman. He was fastidious about Terri's appearance, spraying her with Picasso perfume and outfitting her in stirrup pants and matching tops from The Limited. At one Florida nursing home, he was so demanding that administrators sought a restraining order against him. But Gloria Centonze, who worked there at the time (and by coincidence later married into the family of Michael's future girlfriend), recalls a frequent comment among the nurses: "He may be a bastard, but if I was sick like that, I wish he was my husband." To better care for Terri, Michael even enrolled in nursing school.
 * 206.67.17.2 13:01, 4 Apr 2005 (UTC)

 * The restraining order anecdote is strange. I've never found hard evidence of it, and, frankly, it doesn't seem plausible.  Restraining orders are sought for threatening behavior, not for being a "demanding" customer.  Also, Michael chose the facility; wouldn't you think that if he and they were so at odds that they sought a restraining order against him, he would have transferred her elsewhere?
 * Also, Michael's claim that he became a nurse to better care for Terri is not credible, because he actually was studying to become a respiratory therapist, and Terri didn't need respiratory therapy. It was many more years before he became a nurse. NCdave 17:59, 19 May 2005 (UTC)

Comments by third parties
I'm not inclined to include in the timeline grandstanding statements by third parties. Tom DeLay's comments don't actually affect Terri. His calling Terri to testify did. If we put in every comment made by someone that mentions Terri, we'll blow the size limit in a heartbeat. I'd rather limit the timeline to actions that directly impact Terri. comments and grandstanding can go in the full text article about Terri. FuelWagon 15:31, 4 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * that is a valid argument. Kingturtle 01:41, 5 Apr 2005 (UTC)

Bulimia
Why doesn't this page mention bulemia? Efm
 * I suppose it could by quoting the actual medical records. --Viriditas | Talk 10:30, 11 Apr 2005 (UTC)

Gambone
Timeline says:

 * 1991
 * Dr. Victor Gambone, Terri Schiavo's primary care physician, concludes that she is in an irreversible persistent vegetative state (PVS).

That's untrue. Gambone wasn't hired as her doctor for another seven or eight years.

After M.Schiavo hired right-to-die activist George Felos as his attorney, to wage his legal battle to end Terri's life, Felos chose Gambone as Terri's physician.

 * I know facts don't mean anything to NCdave, but to anyone else who might happen to read this and wonder if its true: this report by Pearse, dated 9 December 1998, page 2, says: "the ward's current primary care physician, Dr. Vincent Gambone". So the wikipedia article is quoting legal documents. But in NCdave's mind, Pearse is in on the conspiracy. FuelWagon 17:34, 19 May 2005 (UTC)

Gambone never provided Terri any meaningful "care." His initial examination of her lasted only about an hour; thereafter he saw her for only about ten minutes at a time, a few times per year. See :
 * "Dr. Victor Gambone testified that he visits Terri 3 times a year. His visits last for approximately 10 minutes. He also testified, after viewing the court videotapes at Terri’s recent trial, that he was surprised to see Terri’s level of awareness. This doctor is part of a team hand-picked by her husband, Michael Schiavo, shortly before he filed to have Terri’s feeding removed. Contrary to Schiavo’s team, 14 independent medical professionals (6 of them neurologists) have given either statements or testimony that Terri is NOT in a Persistent Vegetative State."

Gambone is the doctor who fraudulently submitted the paperwork certifying that Terri was terminal with a life expectancy of less than 6 months, to qualify her for transfer to the hospice (where none other than George Felos was Chairman of the Board), and enable the hospice to collect payment for her care from Medicaid. NCdave 16:46, 19 May 2005 (UTC)

 * As to the "14 independent medical professionals", did they actually examine Terri? Or did they see video tape heavily edited by Terri's parents? You want to question Gambone's diagnosis because he spent an hour with her on his first exam and "only" ten minutes at a time, a few times a year, but did these 14 docs spend any time with Terri? Or do you pick and choose who you apply your requirements for a "good" examination? FuelWagon 17:47, 19 May 2005 (UTC)

 * Well, that's changing the subject, from Gambone (who wasn't even Terri's doctor in the early 1990s), to the dubious PVS diagnosis. But, since you brought it up...
 * As noted by Sen. Frist, MD, the physicians who spent the most time with Terri were the ones who said she was at least minimally conscious. The physicians who supported the PVS diagnosis spent very little time with her.  Drs. Cranford and Greer each spent only 45 minutes or less with her, and Bambakidis spent only about 30 minutes with her.  In contrast, Dr. Cheshire spent about 90 minutes with her, and Dr. Hammesfahr spent ten hours with her, and both observed compelling evidence of consciousness.
 * PVS is a diagnosis which requires prolonged examination, because MCS is characterized by intermittant responsiveness. PVS cannot be reliably diagnosed in 45 minutes, because even brief intervals of responsiveness interspersed with long periods of unconsciousness are proof that a patient is not in a PVS.  If a patient in a MCS is examined for only 30-45 minutes, the examiner cannot tell whether the patient is persistently unconscious.
 * As Dr. Frist points out, "it's a difficult diagnosis and one that takes a series of evaluations over a period of time because of fluctuating consciousness. And so I was a little bit surprised to hear that a decision had been made to starve to death a woman based on a clinical exam that took place over a very short period of time by a neurologist who was called in to make the diagnosis. It's almost unheard of."
 * Also, the number 14 is out of date. By the time of Terri's death, the number was up to "...something like 34 affidavits from other doctors who said that she could be improved with rehabilitation," plus several dozen more who had expressed their willingness to testify of sign affidavits disputing the PVS (mis)diagnosis.

 * Anyhow, I don't think that there can be any dispute about the fact that the timeline entry is nonsense. Right? NCdave 18:34, 19 May 2005 (UTC)

 * Senator Frist? you meant the guy who appeared on "Justice Sunday" last month? The 90-minute simulcast over Christian radio and television networks, stumping the "culture of life"? Frist will say whatever he needs to say to get the Religious Right on his side for his 2008 campaign for presidency. Sorry, Frist is no neutral source, he's an opportunist. FuelWagon 18:47, 19 May 2005 (UTC)

 * FuelWagon, I know you don't like Dr. Frist, or the Culture of Life that he promotes. But he is a very highly credentialed and respected medical doctor, a heart-lung transplant surgeon, which is one of the most challenging specialties in the field of medicine.  He is no slouch, and no dummy.  From a vita: "He graduated with honors from Harvard Medical School [in 1978].  He is board certified in both general surgery and heart surgery. While on the teaching faculty at Vanderbilt University Medical Center, he founded and subsequently directed the multi-disciplinary Vanderbilt Transplant Center."
 * Your ad hominem attacks on Dr./Sen. Frist are no rebuttal to what he said. What he said (in the quotes I used) is undeniably true, as was this, when he wrote it: "Terri is alive. She is not in a coma. Although there are a range of opinions, neurologists who have examined her insist today that she is not in a persistent vegetative state. She breathes on her own – like you on me. She is not on a respirator. She is not on life support of any type. She does not have a terminal condition.  Moreover, she has a mom and father and siblings – her closest blood relatives – who love her, who say she is responsive to them, who want her to live, who will financially support her.  These are the facts." NCdave 19:57, 19 May 2005 (UTC)

 * Bwhaaahahahaha! You becry my "ad hominem" attack in the same breath you invoke the "culture of life" crap? You're a hypocrit, except you're too clueless to even know it. You think "culture of life" proves anythign from a logical standpoint? no. so its ad hominem emotional hysteria. "Oooh, you must be a representative of the culture of death". You're a blatant hypocrit. Buzz off. Oh, wait. before you go, you finally answered my question in the end there with your quote from Frist: "her closest blood relatives ... who say she is responsive to them" HE IS BASING HIS "DIAGNOSIS" ON THE WORD OF THE SCHINDLERS. Yeah, baby, really reliable. I bow before the power of your selective objectivity. You can see dragons where there are windmills and Knights where there are pompus windbags. FuelWagon 20:18, 19 May 2005 (UTC)

Nursing
This timeline says:
 * 1991
 * Michael begins studying nursing at St. Petersburg Community College to better care for his wife. He eventually becomes a respiratory therapist and an emergency room nurse.

But that isn't correct, because:

1) He first became a respiratory therapist (not a nurse), so he presumably was studying respiratory therapy (not nursing).

2) Terri didn't require respiratory therapy, so Michael's claim that his motive was to better care for her is not credible. If he'd wanted to care for her, he would have studied something that would have been helpful to her.

3) By the time he went back to school to become a nurse, he'd already been forbidding rehabilitation and therapy for Terri for many years.

4) Despite his promise to do so (under oath, in the 1992 malpractice court), Michael never made any effort to bring Terri home and care for her himself.

5) Didn't we determine that he began his studies at the community college in 1992 or 1993? I'm not sure about this, but I recall that it was discussed heavily in Talk:Terri_Schiavo a while ago.  NCdave 17:19, 19 May 2005 (UTC)

Date therapy ended
This timeline says:

 * 1991
 * July 19: Terri Schiavo is transferred to Sable Palms skilled care facility where she receives neurological testing as well as speech and occupational therapy until 1994.

But that isn't correct. She received no therapy of any kind in either 1993 or 1994, and very little after the autumn of 1991. Her therapy ended because her parents ran out of money to pay for it (Michael was unemployed, and was being supported by Terri's parents). The malpractice award money was paid out in January, 1993, but Terri's therapy did not resume, because Michael refused to permit it. NCdave 17:33, 19 May 2005 (UTC)

Whack a Mole
I'm not going to play whack-a-mole with you NCdave, but I will say this much: terrisfight.org is not a neutral site. That they say something is "fact" is does not justify you butchering this article. Unless you have a better source, forget it. FuelWagon 17:56, 19 May 2005 (UTC)

 * Fuelwagon, I certainly hope that you are serious, that you are going to stop "playing whack-a-mole" (revert-on-sight).
 * But please also refrain from ad hominem attacks. Www.terrisfight.org is not neutral, but it is a reliable source, with a great volume of medical and legal documents and other information, run by people who indisputably and unambiguously loved Terri, and who sacrificed selflessly in her behalf.  Terri's family and friends' love for her (i.e., their lack of "neutrality") does not in any way taint or discredit them.  Rather, it is a testimony to their good character.
 * Wikipedia articles are supposed to be written from a neutral POV, but the sources of information need only be truthful. If we were to discard all non-neutral sources of information, then there'd be almost nothing left. NCdave 18:57, 19 May 2005 (UTC)

Photos & Images
I'm curious if we should use photos and/or images to dress up the page. It seems the various subarticles should have a consistant look and feel. I'm particularly interested if we should insert the photos used in the main article in their appropriate chronological positions. Thoughts?--ghost 28 June 2005 15:50 (UTC)

Edits by 24.73.200.126
This User edited certain items regarding PVS v. MCS. Please review them in the history. I reverted because they appeared very POV. --ghost

 * Ghost, that's a very generous way of saying this editor is a partisan hack. FuelWagon 5 July 2005 14:42 (UTC)

title: Talk:Terri Schiavo timeline/Archive 1


text:
Cultural triangle

Sri Lanka's Cultural triangle is situated in the centre of the island and covers an area which includes the World Heritage cultural sites of the Sacred City of Anuradhapura, the Ancient City of Polonnaruwa, the Ancient City of Sigiriya, the Ancient City of Dambulla and the Sacred City of Kandy. Due to the constructions and associated historical events, some of which are millennia old, these sites are of high universal value; they are visited by many pilgrims, both laymen and the clergy (prominently Buddhist), as well as by local and foreign tourists.

title: Cultural triangle


text:
Mott, Hay and Anderson

Mott, Hay and Anderson (MHA) was a successful 20th century firm of consulting civil engineers based in the United Kingdom. The company traded until 1989, when it merged with Sir M MacDonald & Partners to form Mott MacDonald.

Early years
The company was founded as a private partnership between Basil Mott and David Hay on 30 July 1902. Prior to forming the partnership both had spent time building London tube railways and Hay had worked on the Blackwall Tunnel, so it was no surprise that they concentrated on heavy civil engineering projects such as bridges, tunnels, railways and docks. Early projects included the reconstruction and extension of the City & South London Railway, the building and extension of the Central London Railway, the construction of lifts beneath St Mary Woolnoth church at Bank Underground station, the underpinning of Clifford's Tower, the reconstruction of Southwark Bridge and the widening of Blackfriars Bridge. Mott and Hay employed a young engineer called David Anderson as resident engineer for the latter project.

The firm also advised on proposals for underground railways in Sydney, Africa and Russia. David Anderson was made a partner in 1920 after returning from army service. The firm was thereafter known as Mott, Hay and Anderson (MHA).

During the 1920s, MHA designed the rolling bridge over the river Dee at Queensferry, the Wearmouth Bridge in Sunderland and the Trent Bridge in Nottingham. They also designed the enlargement of the City & South London Railway tunnels and their extension past Camden Town and Clapham South to form the Northern line of London Underground.

In 1920, Basil Mott joined forces with Sir Maurice Fitzmaurice and John Brodie to advise on the best way to build a new crossing of the river Mersey in Liverpool. In 1922 a tunnel was recommended. Mott, Hay and Anderson subsequently designed the works and supervised the construction of the tunnel. The tunnel, named Queensway was opened in July 1934.

In the 1930s, the firm designed the first bolted concrete tunnel linings, for the London Passenger Transport Board. The new tunnel linings were used on the Ilford extension of the Central line between Redbridge and Newbury Park. MHA designed a road tunnel at Dartford and supervised the construction of its pilot tunnel beneath the Thames, but preparations for construction of the full-size tunnel were stopped in 1931 due to economic difficulties. G L Groves became a partner in 1933, but it was decided to leave the name of the company unchanged.

In 1935, David Anderson attended the opening ceremony of the Moscow Metro, which the firm had provided advice to as far back as 1912. Other works in this period included Lots Road power station and construction of escalator tunnels in London Underground stations.

Both founding partners died in 1938.

Normal construction work mostly stopped in September 1939, and during the wartime years MHA acted as engineer for the construction of five of the ten London deep-level shelters, for the construction of armaments factories and for the repair of bomb damage on various British bridges, tunnels and docks. MHA also oversaw the conversion of the unfinished Central line tunnels to aircraft components factories.

After World War II
In the late 1940s, MHA designed road, pedestrian and cycle tunnels under the River Tyne (Tyne Tunnel) though the road tunnel was not built until the 1960s. Further commissions for road tunnels were received for the revitalised Dartford tunnel in 1956, Mersey Kingsway tunnel in 1966, Blackwall southbound tunnel in 1967, second Dartford tunnel in 1972, and the Hatfield, Bell Common, Holmesdale and Penmaenbach tunnels in the 1980s. In all, MHA were involved in the construction of all but five of the UK's longest road tunnels (the exceptions being the Heathrow Cargo Tunnel, Heathrow Main Tunnel, Clyde Tunnel, Limehouse Link tunnel and Rotherhithe Tunnel).

In the same period, MHA worked with Freeman Fox & Partners to design the Forth Road Bridge and the Severn Bridge. Other bridge commissions in this period include the Tamar Bridge located next to Brunel's 1859 Royal Albert Bridge, the Kuala Lepar bridge across the Pahang River in Malaysia and the new London Bridge (including the removal of Rennie's 1831 bridge and its reconstruction in Arizona).

When work began on London Underground's Victoria line in the early 1960s, responsibility for the tunnelling works was split between Mott, Hay and Anderson and Sir William Halcrow and Partners, each acting as Engineer for approximately half the length of the line. MHA partner John Bartlett patented the bentonite-slurry shield tunnel boring machine (UK patent 1083322) and a trial length of tunnel was drilled successfully through poor ground conditions at New Cross in London. The slurry shield design paved the way for the earth pressure balance TBM commonly used today.

Modern times
In the early 1970s, an alliance was formed with Australian consultants John Connell Group for the design and construction of the Melbourne Underground Rail Loop, opened in 1981. The alliance continued with bridge and tunnel works across Australia and Southeast Asia, culminating in the formation of a joint venture company (Mott Connell) in Hong Kong for the design of infrastructure in and around Chek Lap Kok airport, including the Lantau Link.

As time went on, many of the assets built by the founders of the company began to show their age. The increase in traffic flow through the Queensway Tunnel meant that the ventilation system could no longer cope and additional ventilation tunnels were built under MHA's supervision in the early 1960s. In the 1980s the Blackwall northbound tunnel, which David Hay had worked on 90 years before, was refurbished by Murphy construction under the supervision of MHA.

In 1979 they began economical and technical research on possibilities for the Medellín Metro.

The firm stopped trading as Mott, Hay and Anderson in 1989 when it merged with Sir M MacDonald & Partners to form Mott MacDonald. The firm of Mott MacDonald has since expanded its field of operations far beyond traditional consulting engineering (for example, it currently runs the education department of the London Borough of Islington).

Channel Tunnel
Mott, Hay and Anderson were heavily involved in the design and construction of the Channel Tunnel between France and Great Britain.

The firm were first involved in a proposal to build a tunnel between Britain and France in 1930, but this was unsuccessful. The design proposed in this feasibility study – twin running tunnels with a central service tunnel – was similar to the design eventually built.

In 1957, the firm acted as adviser to the Banque de Paris et des Pays-Bas for another unsuccessful scheme.

In the early 1970s, the firm capitalised on work funded by British Rail to develop means of calculating the aerodynamic behaviour of high-speed trains in long, complex tunnel systems (the resulting methods are still used today to design tunnels for rail traffic). MHA and French firm SETEC were appointed as joint advisers to the British and French Channel Tunnel Companies, who proposed a workable scheme. Exploratory construction contracts were let, but the British Government abandoned the scheme in 1975, with the first tunnel boring machine (built to dig the service tunnel) literally sitting on its launch frame. Despite the lack of funding, a short section of service tunnel was dug beneath the English coast through ground that had been filled with instruments to assess the performance of the TBM. This section of service tunnel was incorporated into the successful scheme a decade later.

In the late 1970s, British Rail and SNCF appointed MHA and Setec as advisors to a smaller-scale project which also came to nothing.

In the early 1980s, Mott, Hay and Anderson provided design services to two of the consortia bidding for the Channel Tunnel (Euroroute, who proposed a road tunnel, and the Channel Tunnel Group). The bid by the Channel Tunnel Group and France Manche was successful: the two bidders joined forces and reformed as an operating company Eurotunnel and construction contractor TransManche Link. MHA were appointed as the contractor's designer for the works on the British site (designing temporary works, bored tunnel linings, cut-and-cover tunnels, earthworks, trackwork, terminals & sea defences) and as designer for the ventilation, aerodynamics, smoke control and refrigeration systems in the entire tunnel.

Between 1986 and 1994, the company expended approximately 650-man-years of work on the design of the Channel Tunnel.

title: Mott, Hay and Anderson


text:
User talk:Alureiter

Welcome!

Hello,, and welcome to Wikipedia. Thank you for your contributions. I hope you like the place and decide to stay. Here are a few good links for newcomers: I hope you enjoy editing here and being a Wikipedian! By the way, please be sure to sign your name on talk pages using four tildes (~~~~) to produce your name and the current date, or three tildes (~~~) for just your name. If you have any questions, you can post to the help desk or ask me on my talk page. Again, welcome! -- Francs2000 | Talk 14:40, 29 August 2005 (UTC)
 * The five pillars of Wikipedia
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List of military aircraft of Germany in WWI
Thanks for your contribution to this article! It's much appreciated.

Your help would be appreciated
Hi Alureiter, I am currently requesting review for the Bjørnøya article and since you have recently edited there, I thought you might like to look into it again. Please comment at Peer review/Bjørnøya/archive2, any constructive criticism would be much appreciated. Thanks. Kosebamse 22:46, 14 November 2005 (UTC)

Ship classes category
Could you let me know why you removed the Farragut-class category from the Category:Ship classes? The Farragut class is a ship class, so appears that it had been properly categorized. Thanks. Jinian 11:32, 9 December 2005 (UTC)

 * Yes, so put the article Faragut class in category ship classes (if it's not already there) since it's about the Farragut ship class, but not the category Farragut class, since it's a collection of individual ships of the Farragut class. Actually, it's more about consitency. We have dozens of such ships of a class cats, but only the two farragat cats were put in cat ship classes. Alureiter 12:14, 9 December 2005 (UTC)

 * Pardon my interuption here, but I am the editor that recently added the ship class to those categories, so I was curious when you changed it. Thank you for fixing that, I see now that I was placing that category in the wrong place.  I have since fixed it, and I have added them to Farragut class destroyer (1934) and Farragut class destroyer (1958) which is where that category belongs.  Thanks for catching that, and for your explanation. -- malo (tlk) (cntrbtns) 12:47, 9 December 2005 (UTC)

 * I see. Consistency is good. Thanks. Jinian 21:34, 9 December 2005 (UTC)

Sources for List of the largest artificial non-nuclear explosions
Hello, good work on List of the largest artificial non-nuclear explosions, and thanks for the contribution. However, you did not provide any references or sources in the article. Keeping Wikipedia accurate and verifiable is very important, and as you might be aware there is currently a push to encourage editors to cite the sources they used when adding content. Can you list in the article any websites, books, or other sources that will allow people to verify the content in List of the largest artificial non-nuclear explosions? You can simply add links, preferably as the inline citations, or see citation templates for different citation methods. Thanks! Lupin|talk|popups 00:36, 12 December 2005 (UTC)
 * The sources are the other articles the list links to. - Alureiter 08:23, 12 December 2005 (UTC)

Proposed Georgia Move
As a past participant in the discussion on how to handle the Georgia pages, I thought you might be interested to know that there's a new attempt to reach consensus on the matter being addressed at Talk:Georgia (country). Please come by and share your thoughts to help form a consensus. --Vengeful Cynic 03:38, 8 July 2006 (UTC)

ArbCom elections are now open!
MediaWiki message delivery (talk) 13:09, 23 November 2015 (UTC)

ArbCom elections are now open!
MediaWiki message delivery (talk) 13:33, 23 November 2015 (UTC)

Proposed deletion of STN Atlas

The article STN Atlas has been proposed for deletion because of the following concern: "The coverage (references, external links, etc.) does not seem sufficient to justify this article passing General notability guideline and the more detailed Notability (companies) requirement. If you disagree and deprod this, please explain how it meets them on the talk page here in the form of 'This article meets criteria A and B because...' and ping me back through WP:ECHO or by leaving a note at User talk:Piotrus. Thank you."

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Proposed deletion of Link 22

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Renk moved to draftspace
An article you recently created, Renk, does not have enough sources and citations as written to remain published. It needs more citations from reliable, independent sources. (?) Information that can't be referenced should be removed (verifiability is of central importance on Wikipedia). I've moved your draft to draftspace (with a prefix of " " before the article title) where you can incubate the article with minimal disruption. When you feel the article meets Wikipedia's general notability guideline and thus is ready for mainspace, please click on the "Submit your draft for review!" button at the top of the page. Mccapra (talk) 22:42, 31 October 2020 (UTC)

Proposed deletion of DM4 torpedo

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title: User talk:Alureiter


text:
User:Markomagare

Hello

I left my birth town of Sofia in 1996 and I am currently located in Paris. My interests include almost every musical style, motorsport and of course medicine which also happens to be my job. You may also see me trying to correct some inaccuracies in articles concerning Bulgaria.

¤

title: User:Markomagare