text:
Filipino shamans

Filipino shamans, commonly known as babaylan (also balian or katalonan, among many other names), were shamans of the various ethnic groups of the pre-colonial Philippine islands. These shamans specialized in communicating, appeasing, or harnessing the spirits of the dead and the spirits of nature. They were almost always women or feminized men (asog or bayok). They were believed to have spirit guides, by which they could contact and interact with the spirits and deities (anito or diwata) and the spirit world. Their primary role were as mediums during pag-anito séance rituals. There were also various subtypes of babaylan specializing in the arts of healing and herbalism, divination, and sorcery.

Terminology
The most common native terms for shamans among Austronesian groups in Island Southeast Asia are balian, baylan, or cognates and spelling variants thereof. They are all derived from Proto-Western-Malayo-Polynesian *balian, meaning "shaman" (probably originally female, transvestite, or hermaphroditic) or "medium". Various cognates in other non-Filipino Austronesian languages include babalian, bobolian, and bobohizan (Kadazan-Dusun); wadian (Ma'anyan); belian (Iban); belian (Malay); walen or walyan (Old Javanese); balian (Balinese); bolian (Mongondow); balia (Uma); wulia or balia (Bare'e); balia (Wolio); balian (Ngaju); and balieng (Makassar). However *balian-derived terms have largely disappeared among lowland Filipinos after Christianization in the Spanish era. Some exceptions include Bikol where it persisted and acquired the Spanish feminine suffix -a as balyana. It also survives among some Muslim Filipinos like in Maranao walian, although the meaning has shifted after Islamization.

The linguist Otto Dempwolff has also theorized that *balian may have ultimately derived from Proto-Austronesian *bali ("escort", "accompany") with the suffix *-an, in the meaning of "one who escorts a soul to the other world (a psychopomp)". However, the linguists Robert Blust and Stephen Trussel have noted that there is no evidence that *balian is a suffixed form, and thus believe that Dempwolff's interpretation is incorrect.

More general terms used by Spanish sources for native shamans throughout the archipelago were derived from Tagalog and Visayan anito ("spirit"), these include terms like maganito and anitera. However, different ethnic groups had different names for shamans, including shamans with specialized roles. These include:

 * Abaknon: tambalan
 * Aeta/Agta: anitu, puyang (also poyang, pawang, pauang), huhak (diviner)
 * Bagobo: mabalian
 * Balanguingui: duwarta
 * Banwaon: babaiyon (also the female datu of the tribe)
 * Bikol: balyán, balyán-a, balyana, paraanito, paradiwata
 * Bukidnon: baylan
 * Gaddang: mailang
 * Hanunó'o: balyán, balyán-an
 * Higaonon: baylan
 * Hiligaynon: maaram
 * Ibaloi: mambunong
 * Ifugao: mandadawak, dawak,  insupak, mon-lapu, tumunoh, alpogan,  mumbaki, manalisig (apprentice)
 * Ilocano: baglan, mangoodan, manilao, mangalag (medium), mangngagas (herbalist)
 * Isneg: alopogan, dorarakit, anitowan
 * Itneg: mandadawak, alpogan
 * Ivatan: machanitu (medium), maymay (midwife), mamalak (diviner)
 * Kankana-ey: manbunong (medium), mansib-ok (healer), mankotom (diviner, also mankutom)
 * Kapampangan: katulunan (also catulunan)
 * Karay-a: ma-aram, mangindaloan (healer), soliran (diviner, also soli-an)
 * Lumad: balian, balyan, mabalian
 * Maguindanao: walian (female shaman, midwife), pendarpa'an (medium), pedtompan (medium), tabib (healer), pangagamot ([apprentice] healer, also ebpamanggamut), ebpamangalamat (diviner)
 * Mamanwa: baylan, binulusan, sarok, tambajon (healer, also tambalon)
 * Mandaya: baylan, balyan, baliyan
 * Manobo: beylan, baylanen (also baylanon), manhuhusay (mediator, keeper of traditions, also tausay), manukasey (healer against sorcery), walian or walyan, diwata (head shaman)
 * Maranao: walian, pamomolong
 * Palaw'an: belian
 * Sama-Bajau: balyan, wali jinn, dukun, papagan, pawang, bomoh, kalamat (diviner), panday (healer, midwife)
 * Sarangani: magbulungay
 * Subanen: balian, tanguiling
 * Suludnon: banawangon
 * Tagalog: katalonan (also katalona, catalona, catalonan), manganito, sonat, anitera (or anitero), lubus (herbalist), manggagamot (healer), manghuhula or pangatahoan (diviner), hilot (midwife)
 * Talaandig: walian
 * Tausug: mangubat (also mangungubat, magubat), pagalamat (diviner)
 * Tagbanwa: bawalyan, babaylan
 * T'boli: tao d'mangaw, tao mulung (healer), m'tonbu (healer)
 * Visayan: babaylan (also babailán, babailana), baylan (also balyan, balian, baliana, vaylan), daetan (also daytan, daitan), katooran (also catooran), mamumuhat, makinaadmanon, diwatera (or diwatero), anitera (or anitero), mananambal (healer), himagan (healer), siruhano (herbalist), manghuhula or manghihila (diviner), mananabang (midwife)
 * Yakan: bahasa

According to Jaime Veneracion, Katalonan incorporates the root talon which in ancient Tagalog meant "forest" (cf. Hiligaynon, Masbatenyo, Inabaknon, Capisano, Palawano, Buhid, and Agutaynen talon, "forest" or "thicket"). Other scholars believed that the origin of the word catalonan is from its root word “talo” which according to them is a Tagalog word originally means "to converse", thus the word catalonan literally means someone who converse or communicate with the spirits (anito). According to Blumentritt an old Tagalog word “tarotaro” is a term describing the catalonas while possessed by the spirits (anito). In some Malayo-Polynesian languages such as Tahitian “tarotaro” means ‘to pray’, while in Rapanui it means ‘a malediction or curse’. In Samoan “talo or talotalo” means ‘a prayer or to pray’. Linguist Malcolm Mintz, however, offers a different etymology. He determines that the Tagalog root word is “tulong” which means to help. Some writers such as William Henry Scott and Luciano P. R. Santiago favoured Mintz suggestion and used the term catolonan (which is actually a Pampangan term) to refer to the priests and priestesses of the Tagalogs instead of catalona or catalonan.

Initiation
Most babaylan inherited their status from an older babaylan they were apprenticed to, usually a relative. In some cultures, like among the Isneg people, older shamans can choose apprentices from among the eligible young women of the village.

A few, however, become babaylan after experiencing what has been termed a "shamanistic initiatory crisis" (also "shamanic illness" or "shamanic madness"). This includes serious or chronic illnesses, near-death experiences, sudden seizures and trembling, depression, strange events or behavior (including climbing balete trees or disappearing for several days with no memory of the events), bouts of insanity (including those induced by psychological trauma from a past event), and strange visions or dreams. These are regarded as encounters with the spirits, where the soul of the person is said to be journeying to the spirit world. In cases like this, it is said that a spirit chose the person, rather than the other way around.

After being chosen, shamans go through an initiation rite. These rites are meant to gain or transfer the patronage of a spirit. Among Visayans, this ritual is known as the tupad or tupadan. In cases of people with "shamanic illness", these initiation rites are regarded as the cure, where the initiate regains health or sanity by conceding to the wishes of the spirits and "answering the call". When volunteered rather than volunteering, their relatives are usually required to pay a large fee to the senior shaman for the training. Initiation rites can range from simply inducing a trance through herbs or alcohol, to inducing personal crises through physical or psychological hardship. Extreme examples of initiation rites include getting buried alive or being immersed in water overnight.

After initiation, the apprentices are then trained in the details of their role. This training includes learning about the rituals, the chants and songs, the sacrifices appropriate for each spirit, oral histories, herbs and healing practices, and magic spells, among others. They usually assist the senior shaman during ceremonies until their training is complete, which can take months to years. Each shaman can have one or more such apprentices, at varying ranks or specializations.

Spirit guides
The shaman's power to communicate with the spirit world is derived from their spirit companions that guide them and intercede for them. These spirits are usually referred to in euphemistic terms like abyan ("friend"), alagad or bantay ("guardian"), or gabay ("guide"), among other terms. Shamans have at least one abyan, with more powerful shamans having many. Certain individuals like powerful leaders or warriors (especially those with shaman relatives) are also believed to have their own abyan that give them magical powers. Abyan are also believed to guide, teach, and inspire skilled artists and craftsmen in the community.

Abyan spirits can be ancestor spirits, but they are more commonly non-human spirits. Shamans either had spirit companions from birth, drew their attention during the "shamanic illness", or gained their allegiance during initiation into shamanism. Spirits are believed to be social beings, with individual quirks and personalities (both good and bad). The friendship of abyan depend on reciprocity. The shamans do not command them. People with abyan must regularly offer sacrifices to these spirits, usually consisting of food, alcoholic drinks, ngangà, and blood from a sacrificial animal (usually a chicken or a pig) in order to maintain good relations. This friendship of abyan, once earned, is enduring. They become, in essence, part of the family. The abyan of a deceased shaman will often "return" to a living relative who might choose to become a shaman as well.

The abyan are essential in shamanistic rituals as they prevent the shaman's soul from getting lost in the spirit world. They also communicate entreaties on behalf of the shaman to more powerful spirits or deities, as well as fight evil spirits during healing or exorcism rituals.

Sex and gender
In most Philippine ethnic groups, shamans were predominantly female due to the role of the shaman (especially the medium) being an intrinsically feminine one. Among the minority of males, most belonged to a special class of shamans—the feminized men known as asog in the Visayas and bayok or bayog in Luzon. The asog assumed the voice, mannerisms, hairstyle, and dress of females. They were treated as women by the community and were considered as comparable to biological women aside from their incapability to give birth to children. Their social status and recognition also granted them access to professions related to the spiritual realm, such as shamans and religious functionaries.

In Historia de las islas e indios de Bisayas (1668), the Spanish historian and missionary Francisco Ignacio Alcina records that the asog became shamans by virtue of being themselves. Unlike female shamans, they neither needed to be chosen nor did they undergo initiation rites. However, not all asog trained to become shamans. Castano (1895) states that the people of Bicol would hold a thanksgiving ritual called atang that was "presided" by an "effeminate" priest called an asog. His female counterpart, called a baliana, assisted him and led the women in singing what was called the soraki, in honor of Gugurang.

Historical accounts suggest that during the precolonial period in the Philippines, female shamans predominated in the religious realm. The Bolinao Manuscript (1685), for example, records that during an Inquisitional investigation of the shamans in the town of Bolinao, Pangasinan between 1679 and 1685, animistic paraphernalia were confiscated from 148 people. Of those, 145 were female shamans, and the remaining three were transvestite male shamans, thus highlighting the statistical imbalance between the female-to-male ratio of indigenous shamans. The anonymously-written "Manila Manuscript" also emphasized the auxiliary role of gender non-conforming male shamans in relation to the female shamans. These evidences, together with the fact that there were no written accounts of female sex/male gender identification amongst the women who exercised authority within the spiritual sphere, prove that spiritual potency was not dependent upon the identification with a neuter "third" sex/gender space, but rather on the identification with the feminine – whether the biological sex was female or male. Femininity was considered the vehicle to the spirit world during the pre-colonial era, and the male shaman's identification with the feminine reinforced the normative situation of female as shaman. While Brewer (1999) agreed that it is naïve to dismiss the existence of a principal male shaman during the precolonial era, she also argued that such cases were unusual rather than the norm, and that the statistical imbalance in favour of principal male shamans occurred as a result of the influence of the male-centered Hispano-Catholic culture, such that in the late nineteenth century and in the early years of the twentieth century, in some areas like Negros, all the babaylan were male. Lachica (1996) has also hypothesized that the disappearance of female babaylan during the late Spanish colonial period was probably the influence of the male-led Catholic church that "ousted" the female babaylan since the people were looking for parallels to the male clergy.

Babaylan can freely marry and have children, including male asog who were recorded by early Spanish colonists as being married to men. In some ethnic groups, marriage was a prerequisite for gaining full shaman status.

After the Spanish conquest of the Philippines, the practice of shamanism became clandestine due to persecution by the Catholic clergy. During this period, male shamans (particularly those specialized in the non-religious arts of herbalism and healing) became predominant. Female shamans became less common, while asog (shaman or otherwise) were punished harshly and driven to hiding. The change in women's status and the ostracization of the asog, however, did not immediately change the originally feminine role of the shamans. Male shamans in the late 17th century still dressed as women during rituals, even though they did not do so in their day-to-day activities. Unlike the ancient asog, they did not have sexual relations with other men, and indeed, were usually married to women.

Spirit mediums
The primary role of shamans were as spirit mediums. They were intermediaries between the physical world and the spirit world, due to their ability to influence and interact with the spirits (anito), both malevolent and benevolent.

There are two general types of spirits usually interacted with in séance rituals. The first are the environmental or nature spirits "bound" to a particular location or natural phenomenon (similar to genii loci). They "own" places and concepts like agricultural fields, forests, cliffs, seas, winds, lightning, or realms in the spirit world. Some were also "keepers" or totems of various animals and plants. They have inhuman and abstract qualities, reflecting their particular dominions. They do not normally appear in human form and are usually gender-less or androgynous. They rarely concern themselves with human affairs. Rituals involving these spirits are almost always conducted outdoors.

The second type of spirits are the "unbound" spirits that have an independent existence. They appear in animals (usually as birds) or human-like forms, have gender differentiation, and have personal names. They are most similar to the fairies of European folklore. These are the most common types of spirits to become abyan, as they are the most "sociable" and can take interest in human activities. These spirits are usually referred to as engkanto (from Spanish encanto) in modern Filipino folklore. Unlike the "bound" spirits, these spirits can be invited into human households, and their rituals can take place both outdoors and indoors.

These categories are not static, however. A bound spirit can become unbound, and vice versa. Some shamans have spirit guides which are originally nature spirits that have become unbound.

Not all shamanic rituals result in spirit possession. Unbound spirits always possess shamans during rituals. Either voluntarily or involuntarily. In contrast, bound spirits, as a rule, do not possess shamans. Instead, they are simply spoken to by the shaman. Bound spirits that inadvertently "stick" to humans are considered dangerous, and are the causes of spiritual illnesses, ranging from confusion, strange food cravings, lust, to unreasoning anger. Sometimes in order to speak to certain bound spirits, the shaman may need the intercession of their abyan, who in turn will possess the shaman. Bound spirits can also be interacted with by non-shamans, like when offering sacrifices to the spirit of the forest before a hunt.

The Katalonas performed public ceremonies for community prosperity, fertility, or seasonable weather as well as private services to diagnose and cure ailments. They were respected for these functions but they were also feared sorcerers able to work black magic. Their numbers too were large enough to put them in competition with one another. Individual success was attributed to the power of the deities with whom they identified, and who took possession of them in their frenzied dancing. The Tagalog word “olak” according to Ferdinand Blumentritt is a term for the trembling of the whole body of the catalona, when she becomes possessed by the devil (anito). As spirit mediums, they conducted séances during which they spoke with the voice of spirits (anito), assisted by an "alagar" ("alagad", meaning personal attendant) to carry on the dialogue with the supernatural, or sent their own kaluluwa (soul) to seek lost souls. In this state of trance, the catalona was called “tarotaro” [literally meaning voices], for it was believed that the ancestral spirits had entered her body and were speaking from inside her. According to Blumentritt “tarotaro” is a Tagalog term describing the katalonas while possessed by the spirits, in this state, they cried tarotaro. When a catalona held the gift of prophecy, she was named masidhi (the fervent one).

Healing
Healing was the most important role for shamans in their communities. Shamans distinguished between two kinds of illnesses, the natural (or non-spiritual) illnesses, and the spiritual illnesses. Natural illnesses do not require a shaman for healing, while spiritual illnesses do.

Like in other Austronesian cultures, animistic Filipinos believed in the concept of soul dualism (sometimes referred to as "twin souls" or "double souls"). A person is believed to be composed of at least two souls—the breath of life (ginhawa or hininga, which stays with the living body) and the astral soul (the kalag or kaluluwa, which can travel to the spirit world). The ginhawa is believed to reside in the pit of the stomach (usually the liver), while the kalag resides in the head. The ginhawa represents the person's body and bodily urges; while the kalag represents the person's identity, mind, and strength of will. Both are required in a living person.

Natural illnesses are the result of damage to the ginhawa. While they do not require a shaman, they are still important, as the death of the ginhawa will also mean the death of the body. They can range from wounds, broken bones, poisoning, and snakebites. These can be treated by skilled shamans, but were more often relegated to apprentices or assistants specializing in healing or herbalism.

Spiritual illnesses, on the other hand, are believed to be caused by the separation of the kalag from the ginhawa (referred to as "soul loss" in anthropological literature). This separation happens normally during sleep, where the kalag detaches to travel through the spirit world, resulting in dreams. However, when this separation happens when the person is awake, it results in spiritual illnesses. The causes of the separation can include the kalag getting lost in the spirit world; the kalag being captured, attacked, or seduced by another spirit; or simply the refusal of the kalag to return to the ginhawa. While it is not immediately lethal, the loss of the kalag can result in the loss of the person's mind and identity—thus insanity. Spiritual illnesses also include delirium, depression, trauma, fainting spells, and other mental illnesses. Evil or undesirable behavior may also be blamed on disharmony between the kalag and the ginhawa.

Shamans may also perform rituals to heal and strengthen the kalag of a person. These include the ritual of batak dungan or batakan among Visayan shamans. It strengthens and empowers the kalag of a person to prepare them for challenges, problems and obstacles. This ritual also protects the person from possible spiritual attack caused by malevolent spirits and sorcery.

Traditional massage
Aside from rituals and herbal medicine, an ubiquitous traditional healing method done by shamans and healers is massage with oils (lana) known as hilot or haplos. It is still commonly practiced to this day.

Divination
Divination was closely tied to healing, as it was primarily used for diagnosing illnesses. It can be done by the shamans or by specialized apprentices with the necessary skill. Various paraphernalia and rituals are used to diagnose illnesses, examples include seashells, ginger, quartz or alum crystals (tawas), and chicken entrails. Diviners have names that indicate their preferred methods. For example, a diviner using alum crystals is known as a magtatawas, while a diviner that prefers to conduct a ritual known as luop is known as a mangluluop.

Diviners are also able to foretell the future and perform geomancy rituals. A key mythological creature used in babaylan geomancy in the Visayas is the bakunawa (or naga), usually depicted as a gigantic serpent or dragon with a looped tail. The movements of the bakunawa affected the physical world, from the phases of the moon, to eclipses, the weather, floods, and earthquakes. The bakunawa was central to a sixteen-point compass rose. It faces a different cardinal direction every three months; facing north (aminhan), west (katungdan), south (bagatnan), and east (sidlangan) in a given twelve-month lunar year. The mouth of the bakunawa is believed to bring misfortune and evil, and various points in the compass all had different aspects depending on where the mouth was facing. These were consulted when making future plans like travel, trade, or marriage. When building houses, shamans were also often consulted to determine the most propitious placement of the foundations to avoid the ill luck brought by the bakunawa.

Sorcery
Some shamans were believed to be able to control the physical world through incantations, talismans, potions, or their spirit intermediaries. Healers are more strongly associated with sorcerers than mediums. In most cases, a healer is also a sorcerer. In order to cure or counteract sorcerous illnesses, healers must themselves know sorcery. This relationship is most apparent in Siquijor Island, where healer-sorcerers are still common.

In some cultures like the Manobo people, shamans are entirely differentiated from sorcerers. Shamans deal with the spirit world and supernatural beings but do not have magical powers of their own; while sorcerers were regarded as human beings with powers gained from magical spells or objects. Illnesses believed to be caused by sorcery are treated differently from illnesses caused by spirits. The former are treated with counter-spells, simple antidotes, and physical healing; while the latter requires the intervention or dialogue with the spirits and thus a shaman ritual.

In contrast, in Visayan societies, the most powerful shamans were sorcerers known as dalagangan (also dalongdongan or busalian). They could purportedly command the elements through magic spells and the strength of their kalag (or dungan) which was equated with "[spiritual] power". Their alleged powers include conjuring fire or water, flight, shape-shifting, invisibility, invulnerability, and the ability to call down disasters. The dios-dios leaders of the Visayan peasant revolts in the late 19th century often claimed to possess these kinds of powers. A more common use of the power to command elements is rainmaking. A notable example was Estrella Bangotbanwa, a Karay-a ma-aram from southern Iloilo. According to local legend, she alleviated a three-year drought by performing a ritual that summoned a rainstorm.

Sorcery was not restricted to shamans, but were also a common claim for leaders and warrior-heroes. In the pre-Islamic Maranao society depicted in the Darangen epic poem, heroes are born with "twin spirits" (tonong in Maranao) that grant them superhuman abilities. King Awilawil o Ndaw of the kingdom of Kaibat a Kadaan for example, has a tonong named Salindagaw Masingir that can take the aspect of typhoons, floods, and pillars of fire; while King Dalondong a Mimbantas of the kingdom of Gindolongan Marogong has a tonong named Mabokelod a Romba which took the form of a giant crocodile.

Talismans and potions
Numerous types of shamans use different kinds of items in their work, such as talismans or charms known as agimat or anting-anting, curse deflectors such as buntot pagi, and sacred oil concoctions, among many other objects.

Black magic
Sorcerers are also believed to have powers that cause harm to other people covertly. Healer-sorcerers who practice this kind of sorcery usually justify it as a form of criminal punishment, as a widespread belief is that black magic does not work on people who are innocent. Their targets are usually "wrongdoers" like thieves, adulterous spouses, or land grabbers. Sorcery of this type is seen as a kind of "justice", especially for people who can not (or failed to) legally prosecute a wrongdoer.

There are also "true" sorcerers who are said to have hereditary sorcerous powers. Unlike healers, they do not consider the justice of their actions. The latter type of sorcerers are often conflated with the aswang, evil vampire-like supernatural beings capable of appearing human (or were originally human). The negative counterparts of the shamans are collectively called as witches, however, these witches actually include a variety of different kinds of people with differing occupations and cultural connotations which depend on the ethnic group they are associated with. They are completely different from the Western notion of what a witch is. Notable examples of witches in a Philippine concept are the mannamay, witches known to the Ibanag people, mangkukulam, witches that use materials from nature and the cursee as a form of curse, and the mambabarang, witches that utilize insects as a form of curse.

Social status
Babaylan were highly respected members of the community, on par with the pre-colonial noble class. In the absence of the datu (head of the community), the babaylan takes in the role of interim head of the community. Babaylans were powerful ritual specialists who were believed to have influence over the weather and tap various spirits in the natural and spiritual realms. Babaylans were held in such high regard as they were believed to possess powers that can block the dark magic of an evil datu or spirit and heal the sick or wounded. Among other powers of the babaylan were to ensure a safe pregnancy and child birth. As a spiritual medium, babaylans also lead rituals with offerings to the various divinities or deities. As an expert in divine and herb lore, incantations, and concoctions of remedies, antidotes, and a variety of potions from various roots, leaves, and seeds, the babaylans were also regarded as allies of certain datus in subjugating an enemy, hence, the babaylans were also known for their specialization in medical and divine combat. According to William Henry Scott (Barangay: Sixteenth-Century Philippines Culture and Society) a Katalonan could be of either sex, or male transvestites (bayoguin), but were usually women from prominent families who were wealthy in their own right. According to Luciano P. R. Santiago (To Love and to Suffer) as remuneration for their services they received a good part of the offerings of food, wine, clothing, and gold, the quality and quantity of which depended on the social status of the supplicant. Thus, the catalonas filled a very prestigious as well as lucrative role in society.

Shamans of the many ethnicities in the Philippines always have another role in the community, aside from being spiritualists. Similar to the Shinto kannushi, among the jobs of the shaman range from being a merchant, warrior, farmer, fisherfolk, blacksmith, crafstfolk, weaver, potter, musician, and even as a barber or chef, depending on the preference of the shaman, skill of the shaman, and the need of the community. Some shamans have more than two occupations at a time, especially if a community lacks people with the needed skills to take upon the role of certain jobs. This tradition of having a second job (or more than two jobs) has been ingrained in certain cultural societies in the Philippines and is still practiced today by certain communities that have not been converted into Christianity. Specific communities that have been converted into Islam have also preserved this tradition through Muslim imams.

In modern Philippine society, their roles have largely been taken over by folk healers, which are now predominantly male, while some are still being falsely accused as "witches". In areas where the people have not been converted into Muslims or Christians, notably ancestral domains of indigenous peoples, the shamans and their cultural traits have continued to exist with their respective communities, although these shamans and their practices are being slowly diluted by Abrahamic religions.

Persecution, decline, and syncretization
The Spanish colonization of the Philippines and the introduction of Catholic Christianity resulted in the extinction of most native shamanistic practices. Christianity was initially seen by native Filipinos as another type of anito. The Spanish missionaries exploited this misconception in their successful conversion and occupation of most of the islands with minimal military support. Spanish friars were seen as "shamans" whose souls and spirit guides were apparently more powerful than the native ones. They desecrated religious objects, sacred trees, and sacred areas with impunity, earning the awe of the natives. They could also cure various diseases that the native shamans could not.

By the late 16th century, Christian symbols and paraphernalia (like rosaries, crucifixes, and holy water) became fetish objects, and Latin prayers and verses became part of the shaman's repertoire of magical chants and spells. Anito images (taotao) were replaced by Catholic idols and their rituals syncretized, including attributing anito-like powers to the idols such as miraculous healing or the ability to possess people. These flourished as they were tolerated by the Spanish clergy as "white magic". Nature spirits (diwata) during this period were also syncretized with the friars themselves, becoming known as engkanto and being described as having European features, along with a propensity for deceiving, seducing, and playing tricks on people.

The previously high status of the babaylan was lost under Spanish colonization. The role of women and the relative gender egalitarianism of Philippine animistic cultures, in general, became more subdued under the patriarchal culture of the Spanish. Most babaylan were stigmatized by the Catholic clergy as "priests of the devil" and labeled as witches, satanists, or mentally unstable and were harshly persecuted by the Spanish clergy. The Spanish burned down everything they associated with the native people's indigenous religions (including shrines such as the dambana), even forcefully ordering native children to defecate on their own gods' idols, murdering those who disobeyed. Spanish friars often sought out and persecuted female shamans in particular.

An account of the conversion of a katalona was provided by a Spanish priest named Pedro Chirino (1604). He wrote that a blind katalona named Diego Magsanga, along with his wife (who was said to be a skilled midwife), converted to Christianity. After he was baptized he became a faithful assistant of the friars in expanding Christianity in Silang, Cavite, teaching children and adults the catechism. Chirino also reported that many people followed Magsanga and even the Jesuits could not surpass him when it came to devotion to the teachings of the Church and diligence in teaching his brethren. Magsanga was not a priest; his likely role was that of a hermano. Chirino also mentioned another male katalona who, together with a group of peers he was leading, was convinced by Jesuit priest Francisco Almerique to convert to Christianity. Chirino noted that this katalona wore his hair long (which is unusual for Tagalog men) and braided it to signify his priesthood. Before he was baptized, in front of an audience, he cut his hair as a sign that the power of the anito had been broken.

Shamans who were assimilated by the church syncretized their roles into mysticism in the Christian context, becoming faith healers and miracle workers. These include the beata movement in the 17th and 18th centuries, the messianic (and usually revolutionary) dios-dios movement of the late 19th century, and the espiritista (or spiritista) movement of the 20th century. However, their methods of worship remained basically the same. The faith healers were still, in essence, mediums; but instead of channeling anito, they instead claimed to channel saints, angels, or the Holy Spirit. Late-20th-century and 21st-century faith healers also frequently use western esoteric and pseudoscientific terminology and practices (like "psychic energy" and psychic surgery), with little connection to traditional shamanic religions.

Other shamans abandoned the animistic aspects of shamanism and became folk healers (arbularyo), midwives, and practitioners of traditional hilot massage therapy with oils. These modern versions of babaylan are now usually male (except midwives). They are sought out by those with minor ailments or illnesses that modern medicine can not diagnose or cure. Like ancient babaylan, modern babaylan distinguish between "spiritual diseases" and "natural diseases"; the latter they will usually refer to a medical doctor.

Similarly, among Muslim Filipinos, shamans, usually male, are now relegated to folk healing and dealing with "indigenous" spirits. All other aspects of the religious life of Muslim Filipinos have been taken over by Islamic religious leaders. A direct equivalent of the Christian Filipino "faith healers" and albolaryo are Islamized shamans known as pandita or guru. They follow Islam but also provide traditional healing practices and cultural rituals retained from their shamanistic past. They usually perform minor rites like aqiqah (cutting the hair of the firstborn) and ruqqiya (exorcism). A version of the traditional massage therapy conducted by folk healers also exists, known as agud or agod among the Maranao and Maguindanao people.

Most strongly affected by this religious shift to Abrahamic religions were the feminized male asog shamans. During the 17th to 18th centuries, Spanish administrators in the Philippines burned people convicted of homosexual relations at the stake and confiscated their possessions, in accordance with a decree by the president of the Real Audiencia, Pedro Hurtado Desquibel. Several instances of such punishments were recorded by the Spanish priest Juan Francisco de San Antonio in his Chronicas de la Apostolica Provincia de San Gregorio (1738–1744).

Feminized men were also persecuted harshly in the (then recently) Islamized ethnic groups in Mindanao. In Historia de las Islas de Mindanao, Iolo, y sus adyacentes (1667), the Spanish priest Francisco Combés records that their "unnatural crime" was punished by the Muslim peoples in Mindanao with death by burning or drowning, and that their houses and property were also burned as they believed that the behavior was contagious.

Resistance against colonial rule
A few followers of the native shamanism resisted Spanish rule and conversion, especially in areas difficult to reach for Spanish missionaries, like the highlands of Luzon and the interiors of Mindanao. In Spanish-controlled areas (especially in the Visayas), entire villages would defy the policies of reducciónes (resettlement) and move deeper into the island interiors at the instigation of their babaylan. Shamanistic rituals also continued to be performed secretly in some areas, though these were punished by the Spanish clergy when discovered.

Open revolts led by shamans were common during Spanish rule. Aside from the early revolts in the 17th century, most of these were led by religious leaders who practiced Folk Catholicism rather than true shamanism.

17th century
The first recorded armed revolt led by a babaylan was the Tamblot uprising of Bohol in 1621–1622. It was led by a male shaman named Tamblot who saw the spread of Catholicism as a threat. He rallied around two thousand followers in an effort to "return to the old ways", but his rebellion was crushed by the Spanish authorities with the help of converted native auxiliaries.

Tamblot's revolt inspired another rebellion in neighboring Carigara, Leyte in the same time period. The Bankaw revolt was led by a datu named Bankaw and his son Pagali who was a babaylan. Bankaw's rebellion was notable as Bankaw was one of the first converts to Catholicism in the Philippines. As a young man, he had formerly welcomed the conquistador Miguel López de Legazpi in 1565 when their expedition first landed on the islands. Like Tamblot, Bankaw and Pagali both wanted a return to the old ways. Bankaw renounced his Catholic faith and built a temple to a diwata. Their rebellion was defeated by the Spanish Governor-general Alonso Fajardo de Entenza. Bankaw was beheaded, while Pagali and eighty-one other babaylan were burned at the stake.

The Tapar rebellion was an uprising in Iloilo, Panay led by a babaylan named Tapar in 1663. Tapar syncretized native shamanism with Catholic terminology and declared himself "God Almighty" of a new religion. He also emulated the ancient asog by dressing up in women's clothing. He and his followers killed a Spanish priest and burned the town church before escaping to the mountains. Tapar and other leaders of his movement were captured and executed by Spanish and Filipino soldiers.

18th century
A religious uprising in 1785 in Ituy (modern Aritao), Nueva Vizcaya was led by a healer named Lagutao. He claimed that an outbreak of smallpox in northern Luzon was a result of the natives abandoning their ancestral beliefs. It was suppressed by neighboring Christian townsmen led by Dominican friars.

19th century
The 19th century saw the rise of the dios-dios "shamans". Dios-dios (literally "god pretender" or "false god", from Spanish dios) were religious leaders so named because of their penchant for identifying themselves with Christian religious figures. They led cult-like religious movements, promising prosperity, supernatural powers, or healing to their followers. Most were mere charlatans selling amulets and magical pieces of paper. Their members were mostly from the illiterate rural poor who had little knowledge of formal Catholic teachings and were living in extreme poverty under colonial rule. There are numerous examples of dios-dios leaders in the 19th century. They include Lungao, a healer from Ilocos who claimed he was Jesus Christ in 1811; Ignacio Dimas, who led the "Tres Cristos" ("Three Christs") of Libmanan, Nueva Cáceres (modern Camarines Sur) who claimed they had supernatural powers over diseases in 1865; Benedicta, an old woman and a healer who called herself "La Santa de Leyte" ("The Saint of Leyte") in 1862 and prophesied that the island of Leyte would sink; Clara Tarrosa, an eighty-year-old babaylan in Tigbauan, Iloilo in the late 1880s who proclaimed herself the Virgin Mary and isolated herself and her followers from Spanish rule; Francisco Gonzalez (alias "Francisco Sales" or "Fruto Sales") of Jaro, Leyte who claimed in 1888 that he was a king sent to save people from another great flood by leading them to a city that would rise from the waves; and many more. These movements were usually suppressed by the Spanish by imprisoning their leaders or exiling them.

The dios-dios movement was initially purely religious, only reacting defensively to Spanish persecution. However, by the 1880s, some dios-dios groups became more violently anti-colonial. The first such group was the one led by Ponciano Elofre, a cabeza de barangay of a sitio of Zamboanguita, Negros Oriental. He took the name "Dios Buhawi" ("Whirlwind God") and proclaimed himself the savior of the people. He declared that they would stop paying taxes to the Spanish government. He formed a community of around two thousand followers (whom the Spanish authorities called the babaylanes) and would regularly attack Spanish-controlled towns. Emulating the ancient asog shamans, he dressed in women's clothing and assumed feminine mannerisms even though he was married to a woman. He claimed supernatural powers much like the ancient dalagangan. He was killed while attacking the town of Siaton in 1887. His wife and relatives attempted to continue the movement, but they were eventually captured and exiled by Spanish authorities. The remnants of the group either descended to banditry or joined other later dios-dios movements.

Another dios-dios uprising was led by a shaman named Gregorio Lampinio (better known as "Gregorio Dios", and also known as "Hilario Pablo" or "Papa") in Antique from 1888. The uprising was formed near Mount Balabago, a sacred pilgrimage site for shamans. Lampinio led a force of around 400 people. They collected contribuciones babaylanes (a revolutionary tax), disseminated anti-colonial ideas, and launched attacks on towns in Antique and Iloilo. The group was eventually suppressed by the Guardia Civil by 1890.

The last significant dios-dios rebellion in the 19th century was led by Dionisio Magbuelas, better known as Papa Isio ("Pope Isio"). He was a former member of the Dios Buhawi group. He organized his own babaylanes group from remnants of Elofre's followers and led an uprising in Negros Occidental in 1896 against Spanish rule. After the Philippines was ceded to the United States after the Spanish–American War, he was initially made "military chief" of La Castellana, Negros Occidental under the American government. However, he picked up armed resistance again in 1899 in the Philippine–American War. He surrendered on August 6, 1907, to American authorities and was sentenced to death. This was later commuted to life imprisonment and he died in the old Bilibid Prison in 1911.

20th century
Concurrent with Papa Isio's rebellion in Negros Occidental against American rule, the dios-dios movement in eastern Visayas turned their attention to the new American colonial government. Calling themselves the Pulajanes ("those who wear red"), they were led by Faustino Ablen ("Papa Faustino") in Leyte; and Pablo Bulan ("Papa Pablo"), Antonio Anugar, and Pedro de la Cruz in Samar. Like their predecessors, they claimed supernatural powers and used fetishistic amulets, holy oils, and magic spells in battle. They attacked both American troops and local Filipinos cooperating with the American colonial government. The last Pulajanes leader was killed in 1911.

title: Filipino shamans


text:
Granada Breeze

Granada Breeze was a lifestyle channel operated by Granada Sky Broadcasting, a joint venture between Granada Television and British Sky Broadcasting. The channel was launched as Granada Good Life on 1 October 1996.

Programming
The channel was initially split into four three-hour segments: Food & Wine (Cooking), Health & Beauty (Health), TV High Street (Shopping) and Home & Garden (Home). The channel was rebranded as Granada Breeze on 1 May 1998 and the segments were abolished in favour of a contiguous schedule.

Granada Breeze was aimed at female viewers and showed programmes on lifestyle, cookery, health as well as U.S. daytime television shows such as Judge Joe Brown but it is generally remembered for paranormal shows such as Psychic Livetime and Predictions With Derek Acorah; these programmes have not been shown on TV since Breeze's closure. In 1999, This Morning's resident chef Susan Brookes hosted Susan Brookes' Family Recipes on Granada Breeze with her daughter Gilly, in which they solved cooking problems for families.

The channel failed to capitalise on the increasing popularity of its paranormal shows and in 2001 the decision was made to buy in all of their shows and this lost them most of their regular viewer and the following year, the channel closed and this was put down to cost, capacity and poor ratings.

On ITV Digital the channel shared time with Men & Motors, but when Breeze closed, a testcard was shown in its slot and was not replaced.

Two Granada Breeze regulars, Yvette Fielding and Derek Acorah, went on to feature in the popular paranormal TV show Most Haunted on Living TV.

Closure
On 31 January 2002, Breeze closed down on Sky Digital and ITV Digital. It then left Telewest in mid-March 2002 and it finally shut down on 30 April 2002 on NTL. This allowed Men & Motors to extend its broadcasting hours.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Granada Breeze


text:
Security Bureau (Hong Kong)

The Security Bureau is a body of the Government of Hong Kong responsible for policies of the maintenance of law and order, exercising immigration and customs control, rehabilitating offenders and drug abusers, and providing emergency fire and rescue services.

The bureau is headed by the Secretary for Security.

History
In 1973 it was known as the Defence Branch. Before 1997, it was named the Security Branch.

In January 2021, a proposal from the government was announced, where information of airline passengers would be shared with the Immigration Department and passengers could potentially be banned from flying. In response to criticism that it could lead to preventing Hong Kong citizens from leaving the city, the Security Bureau claimed that they would not be affected, and that this would only be for "passenger information on flights heading to Hong Kong, rather than departing flights. The right of Hong Kong residents to enter or leave Hong Kong is not affected."

In February 2021, after reports that the Security Bureau worked with the Correctional Services Department to force prisoners with dual passports to declare a sole nationality, the Security Bureau cited mainland China's nationality laws to explain why consular visits to those prisoners with dual passports might be rejected. A spokesman for the British consulate said they were now "seeking answers from the Hong Kong authorities following the suggestion that they may withdraw our consular access to dual national prisoners and prevent us providing the support we have given since 1997."

In 2022, journalists and members of the legal team representing media tycoon Jimmy Lai internationally received threatening messages purportedly from the Security Bureau and the National Security Department. The Hong Kong police issued a statement condemning acts of impersonation and asked for more information from those involved in order to follow up on the incident.

In August 2022, the Narcotics Division of the Security Bureau said it that any amount of THC is illegal in the city. Hong Kong authorities subsequently outlawed CBD, saying that it can be converted into THC and many products came contaminated with the chemical. Whether CBD has medicinal effects is debated.

Subordinate entities
The following public entities are controlled by the bureau:
 * Hong Kong Police Force
 * Hong Kong Fire Services Department
 * Correctional Services Department
 * Customs and Excise Department
 * Immigration Department
 * Government Flying Service
 * Civil Aid Service
 * Auxiliary Medical Services
 * Narcotics Division

title: Security Bureau (Hong Kong)


text: Category:Vectrex games

title: Category:Vectrex games


text:
1866 New Zealand general election

The 1866 New Zealand general election was held between 12 February and 6 April to elect 70 MPs to the fourth term of the New Zealand Parliament.

In 1867 four Māori electorates were created, initially as a temporary measure for five years. The first Māori elections for these seats were held in 1868, with universal suffrage for Māori males over 21.

The first four Māori members of parliament were Tareha Te Moananui (Eastern Maori), Frederick Nene Russell (Northern Maori) and John Patterson (Southern Maori), who all retired in 1870; and Mete Kīngi Paetahi (Western Maori) who was defeated in 1871.

Results
 a Moorhouse was elected in both the Mount Herbert and Westland electorates. He chose to represent Westland.

title: 1866 New Zealand general election


text:
Talk:Fricative

Comment
Peter Ladefoged uses the raising diacritic with French ar,, in SOWL. kwami 20:35, 2005 August 21 (UTC)

IPA
Are readers honestly expected to recognize IPA symbols? Would some example words help in a table such as this page has? --Connel MacKenzie - wikt 21:14, 3 October 2007 (UTC)

 * The problem is that the great majority of these sounds simply don't exist in English, or for that matter in any language that the typical English speaker knows much about. I'll see what I can do, though. —Ruakh TALK 20:46, 4 October 2007 (UTC)

 * These IPA symbols are a bad joke.
 * Almost no one knows what they mean...

 * They are a total waste of time...complete gibberish.
 * Just because some Esperanto lingo freak who can speak old high Frisian is able to decipher this useless overly-technical code...

 * Come-on...get real.

 * You don't have to treat the whole world with politically correct solutions.
 * What you do have to do...is communicate.
 * These IPA symbols communicate zero to the incredible vast majority of just plain all of us.

 * English is spoken as a 2nd language by so much of the world that,
 * expecting those who don't know English to learned it--in order to properly understand the phonetics--
 * this isn't nearly so bad a global strain as expecting just freaking everyone to learn an IPA--that they will never actually use in this life.

 * As for Wikipedia...if a person can't read English well enough to understand the phonetics, then that person isn't reading en-wiki...
 * Instead, they are reading the wiki particular to their own language...and that language--whatever it may be--has it's own phonetics to show essential pronunciation of other words.

 * SO, you see, although your IPA decision was politically correct...it's it, nothing more...it's just wrong given every other consideration under the sun.

 * Wise up and stop outsmarting yourself.

 * Chumps
 * Fools
 * Turkeys
 * Stooges

 * I've just no respect for spineless ill-conceived decision--made simply because the PC-bigot would have a chit-fit otherwise.

 * numb
 * skull — Preceding unsigned comment added by 81.206.199.50 (talk) 22:26, 27 January 2016 (UTC)
 * This article isn't a course in phonetics. Go buy a book on phonetics and start learning about it instead of being lazy and entitled. Within a few weeks you'll get the general picture or even more than that. Would you expect to understand Gödel's incompleteness theorems without knowing anything about math? Mr KEBAB (talk) 19:34, 4 June 2017 (UTC)

Coronal or apical ?
I don't understand why the letter "s" is listed both as "coronal" and "apical" sibilant -- especially when both of these link to the same article: voiceless alveolar fricative; and the same sound sample. Apparently, they are one and the same. Yes, no ? 76.113.105.186 (talk) 04:52, 8 October 2010 (UTC)
 * Quite distinct, take a look at coronal consonant and apical consonant. /s/ can be apical but may also be laminal (etc.) (some languages even contrast an apical and a laminal one), but it is, by definition, coronal (alveolar is a subset of coronal). As for the articles, the apical and laminal etc. varieties just don't have their separate articles. As for the list, it does look rather confusing. It would be good to have appropriate sound files to illustrate the IPA notation. --JorisvS (talk) 14:46, 8 October 2010 (UTC)

Move discussion in progress
There is a move discussion in progress on Talk:Plosive consonant which affects this page. Please participate on that page and not in this talk page section. Thank you. —RMCD bot 20:16, 24 September 2020 (UTC)

title: Talk:Fricative


text:
Talk:Calotropis procera

Talmud Mention
There is a unquoted direct quote from a source that claims that the Apple of Sodom is mentioned in the second chapter of Talmud Shabbat. On a read through, it is clear that none of the plants are the Apple of Sodom. [Talmud 20a: Ceder, flax, silk, willow bast, nettle], and in fact the source itself translates them the way I have. Thus, it is unclear what the source is talking about, and as it is a direct quote, I would assume we need to change it or violate copyright. I deleted this, but it was restored. Please advise. 96.238.211.171 (talk) 07:45, 9 September 2012 (UTC)

Untitled
the above wouold seem to be wrong, or at any rate misleading: references to an 'apple of sodom' or a 'dead sea fruit' go back to Jewish historian Josephus ("B. J." iv. 8, § 4) and Tacitus ("Hist." v. 6) who refer to a fruit growing near the site of Sodom, "externally of fair appearance, but turning to smoke and ashes when plucked with the hands." This has been identified by Seetzen, Irby, Mangles, and others (see especially Robinson, "Biblical Researches in Palestine," ii. 235-237) with the fruit of the Asclepias gigantea vel procera, a tree from ten to fifteen feet high, of a grayish cork-like bark, called 'osher by the Arabs. It is found also in upper Egypt and in Arabia Felix; in Palestine it is confined to the borders of the Dead Sea. The tree resembles the milkweed or silkweed found in the northern part of America. "The fruit," says Robinson, "resembles externally a large, smooth apple, or orange, hanging in clusters of three or four together, and when ripe is of a yellow color. It was now fair and delicious to the eye and soft to the touch; but on being pressed or struck, it explodes with a puff, like a bladder or puff-ball, leaving in the hand only the shreds of the thin rind and a few fibers. It is indeed filled chiefly with air, which gives it the round form; while in the center a small slender pod runs through it which contains a small quantity of fine silk, which the Arabs collect and twist into matches for their guns." It is difficult to say whether the passage in the song of Moses, "their vine is of the vine of Sodom, and of the fields of Gomorrah: their grapes are grapes of gall, their clusters are bitter" (Deut. xxxii. 32), refers to a similar fruit (see Herzog, "Real-Encyklopädie," xi. 748, under "Palestina"). (see image) Tree of Sodom, Showing Shape of Leaf, Flower, and Apple.(From a photograph by the Palestine Exploration Fund.)A. K. It may be that the name Solanum sodomaeum was given to another plant -- not geographically connected with the Biblical -- on the basis of some similarity which the redactor of the previous entry does not dwell on.

Indeed this seems wrong, and I am taking the liberty of breaking the connection. In Hebrew this fruit is called "Tapuach Sdom" and it refers to the description above.

But on the other hand, the link: http://www.botanic.co.il/a/picshowh.asp?qcatnr=CALPRO&qseqnr=CALPRO2, sais that the English name of the above plant is Giant Milkweed.

--Pmg 15:45, 27 November 2005 (UTC)

SO in which family is it???
on the SAME page, it is assigned to the Apoc. in one place and Asclep. in another!
 * I think Apocynaceae is the correct family since Asclepiadoideae is a subfamily. I have made the correction.  Deli nk (talk) 19:52, 9 February 2016 (UTC)

The "Detailed chemistry" part is FAR too much
This special-interest part is Chinese to all but chemistry college students and professional chemists. Also: no source is indicated! Pls, add a source and cut it down to a tenth. The linked source should satisfy chemistry buffs, who will be able look up all the details - nobody else needs them. This is Wikipedia, not a treatise of organic chemistry. If that doesn't happen, sooner or later it will all be removed, and rightfully so. Thank you. Arminden (talk) 17:16, 7 January 2020 (UTC) PS: the material comes from an anonymous editor who only made |this one edit way back in 2010. I tried to write to him. Good luck to us :) So soon I'll feel bold enough and throw most of it out. Arminden (talk) 17:50, 7 January 2020 (UTC)

title: Talk:Calotropis procera


text:
Midland Red

Midland Red was a bus company that operated in The Midlands from 1905 until 1981. It was one of the largest English bus companies, operating over a large area between Gloucester in the south and Derbyshire in the north, and from Northampton to the Welsh border. The company also manufactured buses.

Origins
In 1899 the British Electric Traction (BET) company acquired the assets of the Birmingham General Omnibus Company, which had been formed three years earlier to acquire a number of horse bus operations in Birmingham. When BET ordered new buses for Birmingham the next year, they were painted red to make them stand out. In 1902 BET acquired the City of Birmingham Tramways Company, which operated horse buses as well as trams.

The Birmingham & Midland Motor Omnibus Company (BMMO) was formed by local businessmen in November 1904 to operate motor bus services in Birmingham. When the directors failed to attract sufficient investors, BET acquired control of the new company, and in 1905 transferred its local horse bus operations to it. The company also acquired a motor bus company which had started in 1903. BMMO started operations under its own name in July 1905. However, the company experienced problems with its motor buses, and in 1907 reverted all its motor bus services to horse bus operation.

In 1912 the company purchased some Tilling-Stevens petrol-electric buses. Further motor buses followed, and by June 1913 only 17 horse buses remained. The company adopted for its motor buses the red livery used by Birmingham General, and the buses carried the fleetname "Midland". They soon acquired the nickname Midland Red.

Expansion outside Birmingham
By 1912 the Birmingham Corporation Tramways had used its statutory powers to acquire the city's tramways which it did not already own, and wanted to consolidate the operation of bus and tram operations in the city. Since it was going to be difficult for BMMO to expand in the city, it reached agreement with the corporation to operate services from outside Birmingham into the city and transfer its services within the city to the corporation. The company then expanded outside Birmingham, and moved its headquarters to Bearwood in Smethwick.

During World War I, the company took over BET operations in Worcester and elsewhere, and after the war opened depots in Walsall, Coventry, Wolverhampton, Hereford, Stafford, Banbury, Bromsgrove, Shrewsbury, Nuneaton, Leamington Spa and Leicester. During the 1920s the tramways owned by BET in the Black Country were gradually replaced by Midland Red buses.

In 1930, the Great Western Railway and the London Midland & Scottish Railway together acquired 50% of the company. The few GWR bus services in the area were transferred to Midland Red.

Coach services
Midland Red started express coach services in 1921 with routes to Weston-super-Mare and Llandudno. Coach services expanded, and in 1934 Midland Red became a founder member of the Associated Motorways consortium.

Coach services were heavily reduced during World War II, but expanded again after the war. When the M1 motorway opened in 1959, Midland Red started non-stop express services between Birmingham and London, and later between Coventry and London. For the service, the company developed Britain's first high-speed motor-coach. A fleet of ten, capable of speeds of up to 85 mph, were built at the company's workshops at Edgbaston. The opening of the M5 motorway enabled the operation of express services between Birmingham and Worcester.

Nationalisation
When the railways were nationalised forming in 1947 under the Transport Act 1947, Midland Red became 50% state-owned. In 1968, BET sold its UK bus interests to the government, and on 1 January 1969 the company became the largest subsidiary of the National Bus Company (NBC). The livery was later changed from a deep red to the NBC corporate poppy red.

In 1973 the garages (with the exception of Digbeth Coach Station, Bearwood and Cradley Heath) and routes within the West Midlands county were transferred to the control of the West Midlands Passenger Transport Authority, leaving Midland Red with country and local routes mainly in Derbyshire, Herefordshire, Leicestershire, Nottinghamshire, Shropshire, Staffordshire, Warwickshire and Worcestershire and express services.

Rebranding
From 1977 onwards, after extensive passenger research the company was rebranded into local area names under the Viable Network Project, something that was soon renamed as the Market Analysis Project and widely adopted throughout NBC and elsewhere in the bus industry. Each new network spawned a localised brand, as follows: • Avonbus: Stratford-upon-Avon

• Chaserider: Cannock & Stafford

• Hotspur: Shrewsbury & Ludlow

• Hunter: Nuneaton & Hinckley

• Lancer: Coalville & Swadlincote

• Leamington & Warwick: Leamington Spa

• Leicester: Leicester (did not carry area branding names)

• Mercian: Tamworth & Lichfield

• Reddibus: Redditch

• Ridercross: Banbury & Kineton

• Rugby Midland Red: Rugby

• Severnlink: Worcester, Malvern & Bromsgrove

• Tellus: Telford

• Wendaway: Kidderminster

• Wayfarer: Evesham

• Wandaward: Hereford

• Midland Express: long-distance and limited stop services

Breakup
On 6 September 1981, Midland Red was split into six new companies:
 * Midland Red East, renamed Midland Fox in January 1984: Leicestershire, south Derbyshire and east Staffordshire (the Lancer and Leicester operations)
 * Midland Red North: Shropshire, south Staffordshire, and northern West Midlands (the Chaserider, Hotspur, Mercian and Tellus operations)
 * Midland Red South: Warwickshire and north Oxfordshire (the Avonbus, Hunter, Leamington & Warwick, Ridercross and Rugby operations)
 * Midland Red West Herefordshire, Worcestershire, south and east quadrants of West Midlands (the Reddibus, Severnlink, Wandaward, Wayfarer and Wendaway operations)
 * Midland Red Express, later renamed Midland Red Coaches: central coach and express services division, became part of Midland Red West in 1984
 * Midland Red Engineering, later renamed Carlyle Works: central engineering workshops at Carlyle Road, Edgbaston

Privatisation
As part of the privatisation of the National Bus Company, the companies were sold:
 * Midland Fox, formerly Midland Red East, was sold on 18 August 1987 in a management buyout. The operations of the Swadlincote depot were purchased by Stevensons of Uttoxeter. Today all have been reunited as part of Arriva Fox County. It is a division of Arriva Midlands.
 * Midland Red North was sold on 27 January 1988 to the Drawlane Transport Group. It was included in the sale of Drawlane to British Bus which in turn became part of the Cowie Group. Today it is part of Arriva Midlands.
 * Midland Red South was sold on 10 December 1987 to Western Travel Limited who also owned the Cheltenham & Gloucester Omnibus Company. Today it is part of Stagecoach West and Stagecoach in Warwickshire. Midland Red (South) Ltd. is the legal name for Stagecoach in Warwickshire.
 * Midland Red West was sold on 22 December 1986 in a management buyout led by managing director Ken Mills to Midland West Holdings It who also took over Midland Red Coaches on the same date. Today it is part of First Midland Red but only has one surviving depot in Worcester. The Kidderminster and Redditch operations were sold to Rotala while the company withdrew from operating in Hereford.
 * Carlyle Works, formerly Midland Red Engineering, was sold to Frontsource Limited, who also purchased the engineering divisions of an initial eight and later nine National Bus Companies. It closed in October 1991.

Bus manufacture
In 1912 the company bought its first Tilling-Stevens petrol-electric vehicles. Tilling-Stevens became the main supplier of bus chassis to the company which, under its Chief Engineer LG Wyndham Shire, adapted and developed the designs to its own requirements, finally designing a vehicle it intended to construct itself.

Between 1923 and 1969, the BMMO built most of the buses it operated: up to 1940 these were called SOS (rumoured to stand for Superior Omnibus Specification), and some models were supplied to other bus companies associated within the British Electric Traction (BET) group, namely Trent, PMT and Northern General. After 1940, the vehicles were identified by the company's initials, BMMO, and supplied solely for the BMMO company's own use. Codes later used for buses were FEDD (Front Entrance Double Decker), REDD (Rear Entrance Double Decker), Coaches were initially classified "ONC", but later used a prefix of "C" – or "CM" for Motorway coaches.

Single Decker models after the war were numbered S6, then S8 through S23, Double Decker models D1 through D10. The D10 was, in some opinions, the pinnacle of BMMO bus design – a double decker with front entrance/rear exit and an underfloor engine, but only two were produced. AD2, GD6 and LD8 were exceptions to the normal designation system – these codes referred to batches of respectively AEC, Guy and Leyland vehicles acquired when the manufacturing operation could not meet the heavy demand. Individual buses were numbered from (around) 2000 to 5900 – registrations (usually) incorporated the last three numbers of the serial, and a letter prefix of three letters ending in "HA" ( a Smethwick origin registration mark). This relationship did not apply to the limited number of buses gained as a result of acquisition of other operators.

Bus manufacture, overhaul and accident repair was carried out at Carlyle Works, adjacent to the Rotton Park Reservoir in Edgbaston, Birmingham. Nearby to the works was BMMO's head office, in Vernon Road, Edgbaston.

Historical list of Midland Red garages
• Banbury, Canal Street – [BY]

• Bearwood, Bearwood Road – (Closed 1973) – [BD]

• Birmingham, Digbeth Coach Station – [DH]. Used by Midland Red West for West Midlands PTE area routes.

• Birmingham, Sheepcote Street, Five Ways (Passed to WMPTE) – (Closed 1975) – [SH]

• Birmingham, Tennant Street (Passed to Birmingham Corporation 1914)

• Bishops Castle, Midland Red West outstation

• Brierley Hill, Dudley Road [Harts Hill], (passed to WMPTE) – (Closed 1993) – [HL]. Later demolished after use by furniture company. former tram depot

• Bromsgrove, The Strand, Birmingham Road – (Closed 1981) – [BE]

• Cannock, Delta Way. The last depot opened by Midland Red. Became Head office for Midland Red North (later Arriva Midlands North). Sold to D&G Bus t/a 'Chaserider' autumn 2020.

• Coalville, Ashby Road – (Closed 2011) – [CE]

• Cradley Heath, Forge Lane – (Closed 1977) – [CY]. Building now used for commercial purposes.

• Dudley, Birmingham Road (passed to WMPTE) – (Closed 1993) – [DY]. Demolished for Dudley Southern By-pass. former tram depot

• Evesham, Abbey Road – (Closed 2006) – [EM]

• Heath Hayes, Hednesford Road (formerly Harper Brothers) – (Closed 1977)

• Hereford, Friar Street – (Closed 2015) – [HD]. Operations now in hands of independent bus operators.

• Hinckley, Lower Coventry Road – (Closed 1979) – [HY]

• Kidderminster, KDL&T depot (now Tram Road) former tram depot

• Kidderminster, New Road – (Closed 2001) – [KR]. Operations in Kidderminster sold to Diamond Bus in 2013.

• Kineton, Brookhampton Road (formerly Stratford Blue)

• Leamington Spa, Old Warwick Road – (Closed 1980) – [LN]

• Leamington Spa, Myton Road – (Closed 1991)

• Leicester, Southgate Street – (Closed 2009) – [SS]

• Leicester, Sandacre Street – (Closed 1996) – [SA]

• Lichfield, Trent Valley Road (used by Staffordshire County Highways Dept) – [LD]

• Ludlow, Weeping Cross Lane – (Closed 1983) – [LW]

• Malvern, Portland Road – (Closed 1954)

• Malvern Link, Spring Lane – (Closed 1976) – [MN]

• Market Harborough, formerly N&S – (Closed 2005)

• Markfield, Shaw Lane, (formerly Brown's Blue Coaches Ltd) – (Closed 1968)

• Nuneaton, Coton Road – (Closed 1960)

• Nuneaton, Newtown Road – [NN]

• Oldbury, Birchley Crossing (passed to WMPTE) – (Closed 1975) – [OY].

• Redditch, Church Road – (Closed 2004) – [RH]. Operations and replacement depot sold to Diamond Bus in 2013.

• Rugby, Railway Terrace – [RY]

• Shrewsbury, Ditherington – (Closed 2012) – [SY]. Passed to Arriva Midlands. Site sold to Shrewsbury Council for redevelopment.

• Stourbridge, Foster Street (passed to WMPTE) – (Closed 1985) – [SE]. Demolished and replaced by car dealership.

• Stafford, Pilgrim Place, Newport Road – (Closed 1992) – [SD]

• Stratford-upon-Avon, Warwick Road (formerly Stratford Blue) – (Closed 1990). Now a commercial tyre depot.

• Sutton Coldfield, Upper Holland Road (passed to WMPTE) – (Closed 1984) – [SN]. Demolished and replaced by housing development.

• Swadlincote, Midland Road – (Demolished 2010) – [SW]. Replaced by Old Railway Mews housing development.

• Tamworth, Watling Street, Twogates (Reliant works) – [TH]. Replaced by The Garage housing development.

• Tamworth, Aldergate

• Warwick, Emscote Road (formerly L&WT Co Ltd) – (Closed 1957)

• Wellington, Charlton Street – (Closed 2012) – [WL]. Replaced by new Arriva Midlands depot in Stafford Park, Telford.

• Wigston, Station Street, South Wigston – [WS]

• Wolverhampton, Bilston Street – (Closed 1964). Located opposite since demolished former Wolverhampton Corporation (later West Midlands Travel) depot.

• Wolverhampton, Dudley Road – (Closed 1971) – [WN]. Used by bus operator Travel Express Ltd, which operates as Let's Go.

• Worcester, East Street – [WR]

• Worcester, Padmore StreetOther short time-span garages (either owned or rented) included: Birmingham, Ladywood Road (Five Ways Inn yard); Coventry, Sandy Lane; Cradley, (GWR station yard); Halesowen, Mucklow Hill (GWR station yard); Hereford, Bridge Street (Black Lion Yard); Kingswinford, The Portway; Leicester, Frog Island; Leicester, Hastings Road; Leicester, Welford Road; Nuneaton, Burgage Walk (ex NWMO&T Co); Nuneaton, Heath End Road; Nuneaton, the former Empire theatre; Sedgley, WDET Co depot; Shrewsbury, Abbey foregate (ex Allen Omnibus Co); Shrewsbury, Roushill; Stafford, Co-operative Street; Wellington, Mansell Street.

Timeline

 * 1904: Formation of BMMO.
 * 1905: First services.
 * 1914–1920: Rapid spread of services outside Birmingham to 'Paint the Midlands Red'.
 * 1920s: Development of long-distance coach routes using charabancs.
 * 1923: First production run of BMMO buses, SOS 'S' type – one of the first British buses to have pneumatic tyres.
 * 1927: 'QL' type bus produced, the first Midland Red bus design to have brakes on all wheels.
 * 1930s: Development of petrol and diesel engines. Experimental rear-engined buses built.
 * 1940s: Experiments with, and production of under-floor engined single-deck buses.
 * 1950s: Experiments and developments of integral construction, independent front suspension, air suspension, rubber suspension, glass fibre construction and disc brakes.
 * 1958: Introduction of the D9, a new half-cab double deck design incorporating most of the successful features developed in the 1950s.
 * 1959: The introduction of the CM5T, a turbocharged coach capable of almost 100 mph, for non-stop motorway services. The Birmingham-London express coach service launched on 2 November – the same day that the M1 motorway was opened. CM5T designation indicated by 'M' high speed (Motorway) capability and by 'T' fitted with passenger toilet facilities.
 * 1960: Appearance of the first of the two experimental D10 double-deckers, with under-floor engines.
 * 1963: One of the country's first fully enclosed city centre bus stations was opened at Birmingham's Bull Ring Shopping Centre, from which most Midland Red services in the City Centre departed.
 * 1960s: Larger motorway coach introduced, the CM6T between 1963–6. Midland Red becomes the first British bus company to make wide-scale use of computers in compiling bus schedules and staff rosters.
 * 1970s: Winding down of vehicle production. Last Midland Red built-bus (S23 single-decker no. 5991) produced in 1970. Split up of the operating area – West Midlands PTE take the West Midlands Metropolitan area garages.
 * 1980s: Midland Red split into five operating companies and an engineering company. Leading to privatisation by buy-outs.
 * 1990s: Take over by the current conglomerate transport groups.

title: Midland Red


text: Template:Foreign Ministers of Austria

title: Template:Foreign Ministers of Austria


text:
Andrea Brown (R&B singer)

Andrea Brown (born May 21, 1982) is a pop, house and R&B singer from Brooklyn, US. She is also the cousin of singer Bobby Brown.

In 2001, she scored a #1 Hot Dance Music/Club Play track as the lead vocalist on Goldtrix's cover of Jill Scott's "It's Love (Trippin')".

title: Andrea Brown (R&B singer)


text:
1871 New Zealand general election

The 1871 New Zealand general election was held between 14 January and 23 February to elect 78 MPs across 72 electorates to the fifth session of the New Zealand Parliament. 41,527 electors were registered.

Background
1871 was the first general election to include the four Māori electorates, with elections held on 1 and 15 February. The first Māori Members of Parliament had been elected in 1868, but in 1871 three retired and one (Western Maori) was defeated. So in 1871 four new Māori MPs were elected.

In 1866 the secret ballot was introduced for general (European) elections. The 1871 general election was the first one at which it was used. The secret ballot not used in Māori electorates until 1938, thus Māori voters continued to inform a polling officer orally of their chosen candidate.

The date of election is defined here as the day on which the poll took place, or if there was no contest, the day of nomination. The earliest election day was 14 January 1871. The earliest date in the general electorate results table, 13 January 1871, thus represents William Rolleston being declared elected unopposed in the Avon electorate on nomination day. The last election was held on 23 February 1871 in the Franklin electorate.

68 European electorates and 4 Māori electorates were defined by the Representation Act 1870. Six of the general electorates had two representatives, the rest were single member electorates. Hence, 78 MPs were elected. Electorates that were first formed for the 1871 elections were, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , and. 41,527 electors were registered.

Results
 a Unseated on petition.

title: 1871 New Zealand general election


text:
User:FlooK/Contributions

Below are articles which I have created or made significant contributions to.

For a full list of all my contributions see my contributions log.

Gaming
As a keen long time gamer I have acquired a lot of knowledge about this subject and feel very comfortable making edits to gaming articles. As a result I have spent most of the time I've spent on wikipedia doing so. Most of my major contributions have been to the field of electronic sports, although I did not create these articles I found I had much to add to them. I raised many of the e-sports articles from stubs including the main article, after doing so I found there was little to bind them together and decided a new category was appropriate.

Culture

 * Cheating in Counter-Strike
 * Clan (computer gaming)

Developers

 * Splash Damage — A London based studio known for the Enemy Territory series and elements of the Doom 3 multiplayer.

Electronic sports
General
 * cyberathlete
 * Electronic sports

Leagues & Tournaments
 * ClanBase
 * Electronic Sports World Cup
 * World Cyber Games

Teams
 * Ninjas in Pyjamas
 * Team NoA
 * SK Gaming
 * Team 3D

Personalities
 * Andreas Thorstensson — An ex-player who has had an impact on many e-sports websites and teams.
 * Emil Christensen — A Counter-Strike player also known as HeatoN
 * Lim Yo-Hwan — aka BoxeR, a Starcraft player famous in South Korea as well as among western gamers.
 * Manuel Schenkhuizen — A Warcraft III player also known as Grubby

Games

 * Enemy Territory: Quake Wars
 * Quake III Arena
 * Quake 4
 * The Cole Protocol — A fictional military term in the Halo universe
 * Halo: The Fall of Reach — A novel based upon Halo

Gameplay

 * Bunny hopping — A movement term in online gaming

Computing

 * Ventrilo — Voice communication software
 * Razer USA Ltd — A mouse manufacturer

Television

 * Still Game — A popular Scottish sitcom

Film

 * Doom (film)

Music
I intend to make more contributions to music, most of my edits so far have however been minor cleanups and fixes rather than new articles or larger pieces of writing.
 * Amen (album)
 * Godhead (band)

title: User:FlooK/Contributions


text:
User talk:Coach Morrison

Removing a vfd notice is considered vandalism. Do this again and you will be blocked. Gamaliel 20:39, 21 August 2005 (UTC)

title: User talk:Coach Morrison


text:
1875–1876 New Zealand general election

The 1875–1876 New Zealand general election was held between 20 December 1875 and 29 January 1876 to elect a total of 88 MPs in 73 electorates to the 6th session of the New Zealand Parliament. The Māori vote was held on 4 and 15 January 1876. A total of 56,471 voters were registered.

Background
Political parties had not been established yet; this only happened after the 1890 election. The previous parliament had 78 representatives from 72 electorates. In October 1875, Parliament passed the Representation Act 1875, and resolved to increase the size of Parliament to 88 representatives through the following changes:
 * one additional member for City of Dunedin (from two to three)
 * the single member electorates of Christchurch East and Christchurch West to amalgamate and form the City of Christchurch electorate with three members
 * one additional member for Timaru ( was formed as a new electorate)
 * one additional member for Waitaki (from one to two)
 * one additional member for Grey Valley (from one to two)
 * one additional member for (from one to two)
 * one additional member for (from one to two)
 * one additional member for Wanganui (from one to two)
 * one additional member for (from one to two)
 * a new electorate (with one member)

With the two new electorates and the amalgamation in Christchurch, the number of electorates thus increased by one to 73. Eleven of the electorates were two-member electorates; two electorates were three-member electorates. To split Timaru into two electorates was proposed by the Timaru incumbent, Edward Stafford. The new electorate for the Waikato, Waipa, was added on the proposal put forward by William Jackson, who retired at the end of the parliamentary term in 1875.

The election was held over six weeks in December 1875 and January 1876. The date of election is defined here as the day on which the poll took place, or if there was no contest, the day of nomination. The first elections were held on 20 December 1875 in the City of Dunedin and City of Nelson electorates, returning a total of five members. In Dunedin, the three positions were contested by eight candidates. In Nelson, 20 December was the nomination day and the two candidates were returned unopposed. In two electorates, elections were held on Christmas Eve, while 19 candidates were elected between Christmas and New Year.

The last election was held in the electorate on 29 January 1876 between Arthur Seymour and George Henderson. Seymour was successful. Elections in the Maori electorates were held on 4 January Southern Maori and 15 January (all other Maori electorates). A total of 56,471 voters were registered.

George Grey stood in the general election for both the Auckland West and the Thames electorates. In the two-member Auckland electorate, only Grey and Patrick Dignan were put forward as candidates, and were thus declared elected on 22 December 1875. The two-member Thames electorate was contested by six candidates, including Julius Vogel (who was Premier in 1875), William Rowe and Charles Featherstone Mitchell. On election day (6 January 1876), Grey attracted the highest number of votes and, unexpectedly, Rowe beat Vogel into second place (Vogel also stood in Wanganui, where he was returned). Hence Grey and Rowe were declared elected for Thames. A protest against Grey's election was lodged with the returning officer the following day, stating that Grey had not been eligible to stand in Thames as he had already been elected in Auckland West. This petition was filed to the House of Representatives at the end of January.

With this controversy going on for several months unresolved, Grey advised in mid June 1876 in a series of telegrams that he had chosen to represent Auckland West. On 8 July, the report of the committee inquiring into his election for Thames was read to the House. It was found that this was in accordance with the law, but that he had to make a decision for which electorate he would sit. On 15 July 1876, Grey announced that he would represent Thames, and he moved that a by-election be held in Auckland West for the seat that he would vacate there.

The Government received a majority over the opposition in the election, but with political parties not forming until 1890, precise numbers cannot be given. One newspaper counted 48 of the members as Government supporters. On 15 February 1876, the Pollen Ministry led by Daniel Pollen resigned. Julius Vogel, who had been Premier prior to Pollen, formed a new ministry and became Premier again.

Result

title: 1875–1876 New Zealand general election


text: User talk:212.10.38.36

title: User talk:212.10.38.36


text: Category:Chemnitzer FC players

title: Category:Chemnitzer FC players


text:
Hugh Fortescue, 5th Earl Fortescue

Hugh William Fortescue, 5th Earl Fortescue, (14 June 1888 – 14 June 1958), styled Viscount Ebrington from 1905 until 1932, of Castle Hill in the parish of Filleigh, of Weare Giffard Hall, both in Devon and of Ebrington Manor in Gloucestershire, was a British peer, military officer, and Conservative politician.

Origins
Hugh Fortescue was the eldest son of Hugh Fortescue, 4th Earl Fortescue (1854–1932) by his wife Emily Ormsby-Gore, a daughter of William Ormsby-Gore, 2nd Baron Harlech.

Early life
He was educated at Eton College from 1901 to 1905, followed by the Royal Military College, Sandhurst.

Military service
In 1907 Fortescue joined the Royal Scots Greys. During the First World War (1914–18) he served in France as a regimental officer for the Scots Greys, followed by the Royal Corps of Signals. He was twice wounded in battle and received the Military Cross in 1917. Following the war he went to India where he served as an instructor at the Cavalry School at Sangor. He then served as aide-de-camp to Henry Rawlinson, 1st Baron Rawlinson, Commander-in-Chief in India. He returned to England in 1922 and joined the Royal Devon Yeomanry. He was promoted lieutenant colonel in command in 1924 and colonel in 1930 and in 1935 he became Colonel Commandant of the Honourable Artillery Company. At the outbreak of the Second World War in 1939, Fortescue joined the General Staff. He was appointed an Officer of the Order of the British Empire for war services in 1942 and Companion of the Order of the Bath in the 1946 Birthday Honours.

Political career
Fortescue succeeded his father in the earldom in 1932 and took up his seat in the House of Lords. He served under Conservative Prime Ministers Stanley Baldwin, Neville Chamberlain and Winston Churchill as a Lord-in-waiting (government whip in the House of Lords) from 1936 to 1945 and under Churchill as Captain of the Honourable Corps of Gentlemen-at-Arms (chief government whip in the House of Lords) in 1945. During the Labour Party's term in power from 1945 to 1951, he was Chief Opposition Whip in the House of Lords. He was again Captain of the Honourable Corps of Gentlemen-at-Arms under Churchill from 1951 to 1955 and under Prime Minister Sir Anthony Eden from 1955 to 1957. He was admitted to the Privy Council in 1952 and received the very great honour of being appointed a Knight Companion of the Order of the Garter in 1951.

Fortescue served as president of both the British Horse Society and Royal Agricultural Society.

Marriage and progeny
On 8 February 1917 in London, Fortescue married Margaret Beaumont, a daughter of Wentworth Beaumont, 1st Viscount Allendale by his wife Lady Alexandrina Vane-Tempest, a daughter of George Vane-Tempest, 5th Marquess of Londonderry. By his wife he had four children:
 * Hon. Diana Margaret Fortescue (17 May 1919 – 6 April 1920), who died an infant.
 * (Hugh) Peter Fortescue, Viscount Ebrington (1920–1942), only son and heir apparent, killed in action during World War II fighting for his father's old regiment the Royal Scots Greys at the First Battle of El Alamein. He died unmarried. His mural monument exists in the Fortescue Chapel of St Paul's Church, Filleigh, inscribed as follows:
 * "In proud and ever-loving memory of Hugh Peter, Viscount Ebrington, only son of the Fifth Earl and Countess Fortescue, Lieutenant Royal Scots Greys, who was born on 9 December 1920 and killed near El Alamein on 17 July 1942. He leaves a white unbroken glory, a gathered radiance, a shining peace"

 * Lady Margaret Fortescue (13 December 1923 – 25 May 2013), eldest surviving daughter and co-heiress, who married the prominent race-horse breeder Bernard van Cutsem of Newmarket, Suffolk, and had issue. Following her inheritance (see below) Lady Margaret found herself frequently commuting the long distance between Newmarket and Devon to administer her estates at Castle Hill and at Simonsbath on Exmoor. Shortly after 1879 her grandfather Hugh Fortescue, 4th Earl Fortescue (1854–1932), Master of the Devon and Somerset Staghounds 1880/81–87, had acquired the reversion of the whole of the former Royal Forest of Exmoor after the death of Frederick Winn Knight. When Castle Hill was largely destroyed by a fire in 1934, the Fortescue family moved to Simonsbath House whilst rebuilding was in progress. Lady Margaret devoted much time to attempting to put the Exmoor estate, purchased by her grandfather largely for his sporting interest, onto a profitable footing. The marriage was unsuccessful and eventually the couple were divorced and in 1966 she resumed the surname of Fortescue. She served as a Deputy Lieutenant of Devon. In 2001 she gave a lengthy interview for the Exmoor Oral History Archive of the Dulverton and District Civic Society, which provides a valuable insight into many aspects of modern Devon history.
 * Lady Elizabeth Fortescue (1 October 1926 – 17 January 2010), second daughter and co-heiress, who married William Lloyd Baxendale, Coldstream Guards, of Uckfield, Sussex, and had issue.

Death and succession
Fortescue died on his 70th birthday in June 1958, four days after the death of his wife, whose funeral he was too ill to attend. As his only son and heir apparent, Lord Ebrington, had been killed in action at the Battle of El Alamein in 1942, he left no male issue, and was therefore succeeded in the earldom by his younger brother, Denzil Fortescue, 6th Earl Fortescue (1893–1977), who also inherited Ebrington Manor in Gloucestershire, thenceforth the principal seat of the Earls Fortescue.

Although the title passed to his brother on his death, the 5th Earl left his principal and grandest seat, Castle Hill, Filleigh in North Devon, to his elder surviving daughter, Lady Margaret Fortescue (1923–2013). Castle Hill is now the home of her daughter Eleanor, Countess of Arran (née van Cutsem) and her husband Arthur Gore, 9th Earl of Arran. The 5th Earl Fortescue left his secondary Devon seat, Weare Giffard Hall, to his younger daughter Lady Elizabeth Baxendale (born 1926), who sold it in 1960.

title: Hugh Fortescue, 5th Earl Fortescue


text:
Talk:The Hitchhiker's Guide

Most of the information here already exists on the main "Hitchhiker's Guide" page. I see no reason in having this here, it's just a form of a stub. --JohnDBuell | Talk 20:45, 21 August 2005 (UTC)

Agree with the merge. Since no one else spoke up since August, I went ahead and did it. Thatcher131 20:58, 12 February 2006 (UTC)

title: Talk:The Hitchhiker's Guide


text:
1879 New Zealand general election

The 1879 New Zealand general election was held between 28 August and 15 September 1879 to elect a total of 88 MPs to the 7th session of the New Zealand Parliament. The Māori vote was held on 8 September. A total of 82,271 (66.5%) European voters turned out to vote, plus 14,553 Māori voters. Following the election, John Hall formed a new government.

Background
Formal political parties had not been established yet; this only happened after the 1890 election. The same 73 electorates were used as for the last election, which was held in 1875–76. In October 1875, Parliament passed the Representation Act 1875, which resolved to increase the size of Parliament to 88 representatives across the 73 electorates.

Two of the electorates were represented by three members each ( and Dunedin. A further eleven electorates were represented by two members each (Auckland West,, Grey Valley, , , City of Nelson, , , , Wanganui and City of Wellington). The remaining 60 electorates were represented by a single member each.

The election came about when George Grey's government was defeated in a no-confidence motion in July. He successfully requested a dissolution from the Governor of New Zealand, Sir Hercules Robinson.

Male Māori received universal suffrage (two years before European males were granted universal suffrage). The parliamentary term was reduced from five to three years.

Date
The election was held between 28 August and 15 September. The date of election is defined here as the day on which the poll took place, or if there was no contest, the day of nomination. The earliest date was the nomination meeting in the electorate, where William Rolleston was declared elected unopposed. The last elections were held on 15 September, where John Studholme and Edward George Wright were elected in the and  electorates, respectively.

The election in the Maori electorates were held on 8 September.

Candidates
At the nomination meeting in the electorate on 5 September 1879, Joseph Shephard, Albert Pitt, Oswald Curtis and Acton Adams were proposed, the latter three without their knowledge or consent, presumably by opponents of George Grey who had the support of Shephard. With Pitt, Curtis and Adams all formally withdrawing from the contest, the returning officer declared Shephard elected unopposed. In 14 seats there was only one candidate.

Result
In the European electorates, the male population over 21 years of age was 116,008. Of those, 82,271 were enrolled and the turnout was 66.5%. The male Māori population was estimated at 14,553, of which 6,686 voted (turnout 46%). The Maori statistics are to be treated with caution, though, as not much emphasis was put into precise data gathering. When the first Maori roll was established for the, for example, more votes were cast than were voters on the roll.

The initial results showed a virtual deadlock with no clear winner. Inititially the opposition seemed to have won slightly more seats than the "Greyites" (supporters of Grey) but not enough to claim a majority outright. However, after several days of negotiations a new ministry was formed by John Hall who had ensured support from 45 members, with 41 backing Grey and 2 Independent of either faction. Upon Grey's rejection, James Macandrew was unanimously elected leader of the liberals and sought to oust Hall and form a new ministry, but was denied after Hall induced four Auckland liberals (known as the "Auckland rats") to cross the floor.

George Grey was elected in both the Thames and the City of Christchurch electorates. Grey came first in the three-member Christchurch electorate (Samuel Paull Andrews and Edward Stevens came second with equal numbers of votes, and only 23 votes ahead of Edward Richardson). Richardson petitioned against Grey's return on technical grounds, as Grey had already been elected in the Thames electorate. The electoral commission unseated Grey on 24 October, with Richardson offered to fill this vacancy a few days later. Grey kept the Thames seat and remained a member of parliament through that constituency.

Laws were passed to confirm the results in three electorates where there was some doubt about the legitimacy of the results to confirm the winner (1879; the electorates were, and ); and to clarify the law about electoral petitions (1880):

a George Grey was unseated on petition in, as he had already been elected in the electorate

Government formation
Following the election, John Hall formed a new government on 8 October 1879, and Hall thus became the 12th Premier of New Zealand. The Hall Ministry stayed in power until 21 April 1882, i.e. some months after the next general election.

title: 1879 New Zealand general election