text:
Something to Sing About

"Something to Sing About" (actual title: "This Land of Ours") is one of Canada's national songs, a patriotic song written by folk singer Oscar Brand that sings the praises of the many different regions of Canada. It has some similarities to "Scotland the Brave". It was used as a theme for Brand's television show Let's Sing Out, which aired on CBC and CTV in the 1960s, and was also the theme song for the Canadian pavilion at Expo 67. There was once a movement for it to chosen as Canada's national anthem in 1965, though Parliament ultimately picked "O Canada".

Brand for some years used an Americanized lyric of "Something to Sing About" as a theme song for his Folksong Festival radio program on WNYC in New York City.

It has been recorded by, among others, The Raftsmen and The Travellers.

title: Something to Sing About


text:
Lego Serious Play

LEGO SERIOUS PLAY is a facilitation methodology developed at The Lego Group. Since 2010 it is available under an open source community-based model. Its goal is improving creative thinking and communication. People build with Lego bricks 3-dimensional models of their ideas and tell stories about their models. Hence the name "serious play".

Origins
Johan Roos and Bart Victor created the "Serious Play" concept and process in the mid-1990s as a way to enable managers to describe, create and challenge their views on their business. Dr. Roos is now Chief Academic Officer at Hult International Business School and Dr. Bart Victor is Cal Turner Professor of Moral Leadership at Vanderbilt University. They created Serious Play while they were both professors at IMD in Switzerland.

The conceptual foundation of Serious Play combines ideas from constructivism (Piaget 1951), constructionism (Harel and Papert 1991), complex adaptive system theory (Holland 1995) and autopoietic corporate epistemology (von Krogh and Roos 1994; 1995) applied to the context of management and organizations. It also relies on action research.

The empirical foundation of the concept of Serious Play stems from Roos and Victor's experiments with leadership teams in Tetra Pak, Hydro Aluminium and TFL and during an IMD program for the top 300 leaders in the Lego Group. They presented their early ideas in a short article published by IMD in 1998 entitled "In Search for Original Strategies: How About Some Serious Play?" and in the 1999 article "Towards a New Model of Strategy-making as Serious Play" published by European Management Journal. In 2004 the journal Long-Range Planning published their article "Playing Seriously with Strategy" (with Matt Statler), which serves as the foundation for LEGO Serious Play concept.

From experiment to open source product
The development of the LEGO Serious Play product line in LEGO Company involved several teams and more than 20 iterations. Work at LEGO Company began with the owner Mr. Kjeld Kirk Kristiansen. Initially he was hesitant but presented with the early findings he became convinced that Roos and Victor's ideas had business value and decided to encourage and sponsor a commercial application under the auspices of the LEGO Company. As the method developed in real-time sessions with various companies, results were robust and reproducible.

In 1999, LEGO Group submitted the application to protect Serious Play trademark. While the LEGO Serious Play methodology is currently open source, its trademark is still owned and protected by LEGO Group. The trademark applies to LEGO product line with dedicated Lego Serious Play kits.

Initially in 2001, the subsidiary of LEGO Company called Executive Discovery submitted the application to patent the methodology and the material product line. Later in 2006 Executive Discovery re-submitted the patent application. However, U.S. patent office never issued the official patent because by 2008 the application was abandoned by the applicant. Therefore, LEGO Serious Play methodology was never patent protected.

In 2010, the LEGO group made the methodology open source, releasing the LEGO Serious Play methodology under a Creative Commons community-based licence. The main LEGO Serious Play communities are: Association of Master Trainers, LSPConnect, Serious Play Pro, Global Federation of LSP Master Trainers.

In 2019, Playmobil released their competing material product Playmobil Pro that uses a similar set of plastic figurines and toys for story telling.

The research effort
In 2000, the systematic research effort on LEGO Serious Play methodology focusing on the idea of playing seriously in organizations first started at the Swiss-based think tank Imagination Lab Foundation. The Imagination Lab's main task was researching the use of the method for strategy development in organizations. Their team of researchers wrote 3 books, 74 working and research papers, and 12 short articles. Imagination Lab ceased to exist in 2004 and created European Academy of Management iLab Foundation Award.

Since 2004, David Gauntlett published a number of books on combination of LEGO Serious Play in media studies. This approach makes use of metaphor and invites participants to build metaphorical models of their identities. The process of making something, and then reflecting upon it, is claimed to give a more nuanced insight into participants' feelings or experiences.

Since 2007, Louise Møller Haase (née Louise Møller Nielsen) from Aalborg University published her dissertation, subsequent books and articles on personal- and shared experiential concepts and product development and prototyping approaches focusing on LEGO Serious Play research projects at TC Electronic, The Red Cross, Daimler AG, and Copenhagen Living Lab.

In 2009, the LEGO Serious Play method was further developed for use in schools. Teachers are trained to use it with students from six years old. The method has also been adapted for use in higher education as a tool for teaching and learning, research, and ideation (Nolan 2009). Subsequently, IJMAR has published a special issue on Lego Serious Play applications.

By 2011, Loizos Heracleous from Warwick Business School and Claus D. Jacobs from the University of St. Gallen finished their 2-year research project on embodied metaphors, which elaborated on LEGO Serious Play action research at BASF and UNICEF.

The webatelier.net Lab of the Università della Svizzera italiana (University of Lugano, Switzerland) has further developed the methodology, releasing in 2011 URL (User Requirements with LEGO) under the Creative Commons licence.

Since 2014, Alison James from the University of Winchester and her research team have researched the use of LEGO Serious Play in various tertiary educational institutions.

Research on LEGO Serious Play methodology continues at various academic institutions. See the expanding list of publications below.

Critique
LEGO Serious Play facilitators have vested business interests in promoting the use of the method. Therefore, most available case studies focus on success stories. No comparative studies using control groups have measured the effect and usefulness of LEGO Serious Play methodology in comparison with conventional workshops.

Some authors are critical of LEGO Serious Play methodology. Journalist Dan Lyons has suggested that LEGO Serious Play is merely toy therapy, which is useless, on par with New Age psychology. He suggests: "Lego workshops are just one example of the nonsense that is creeping into the workplace. ... The problem isn’t just that these exercises are pointless and silly. For a lot of people, this stuff can be really stressful. For older workers — say, people over 50 — these workshops compound the fear they already have about being pushed out of their jobs. But younger workers hate them too. “It feels like you’ve joined a cult,” says a thirtysomething software programmer whose department spent a day doing a LEGO workshop. “The purpose seems to be to indoctrinate people to follow orders.”"

Publications

 * Beltrami G., 2017, LEGO SERIOUS PLAY: pensare con le mani, Franco Angeli
 * Blair, S, 2020, 'Mastering the LEGO Serious Play Method: 44 Facilitation Techniques for Trained Lego Serious Play Facilitators.' ProMeet, London (ISBN 978-0-9956647-8-4)
 * Blair, S, 2020, 'How to Facilitate the LEGO Serious Play Method Online.’ ProMeet, London (ISBN 978-0-9956647-5-3)
 * Blair, S., Rillo M, 2016, 'Serious Work: How to Facilitate Lego Serious Play Meetings and Workshops.' ProMeet, London (ISBN 978-0995664708).
 * Bürgi, P., and J. Roos, 2003, 'Images of Strategy,' European Management Journal, 2003, 21(1): 69–78.
 * Bürgi, P., and Jacobs, C., and J. Roos, 2005, 'From Metaphor to Practice in the Crafting of Strategy,' Journal of Management Inquiry, 14(1): 78–94.
 * Frick, E., S. Tardini, and L. Cantoni, 2014, 'LEGO SERIOUS PLAY applications to enhance creativity in participatory design'. In Fredricka K. Reisman (ed.), Creativity in Business. Research Papers on Knowledge, Innovation and Enterprise, Volume II, KIE Conference Book Series, pp. 200–210. Available at:.
 * Frick, E., S. Tardini, and L. Cantoni, 2013, 'White Paper on LEGO SERIOUS PLAY. A state of the art of its application in Europe.' Available at: S-PLAY - S-PLAY White Paper Published!.
 * Gauntlett, D. 2005, 'Creative Explorations: New approaches to identities and audiences' London: Routledge.
 * Grey. F., and J. Roos, 2005, 'Playing Seriously with Strategy,' Physics World, 18(2): 18–19.
 * Harel, I. and Papert, S. 1991, eds. Constructionism, Ablex Publishing Corporation, Piaget, Norwood, NJ.
 * Harn, P. L., Hsiao, C.C. (2018). A Preliminary Study on LEGO®-Based Workplace Stress Reduction with Six Bricks and LEGO SERIOUS PLAY® in Taiwan. World Journal of Research and Review, 6 (1),64-67.
 * Harn, P. L.( 2017). A Preliminary Study of the Empowerment Effects of Strength-Based LEGO SERIOUS PLAY® on Two Taiwanese Adult Survivors by Earlier Domestic Violence. Psychological Studies, 62(2):142–151.
 * Heracleous, L. and Jacobs, C.D., 2012, Crafting Strategy: Embodied Metaphors in Practice. Cambridge University Press (ISBN 978-1107411692)
 * Holland, J., 1995, Hidden order: How adaptation builds complexity. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley.
 * James, A. and Brookfield, J. D., 2014, Engaging Imagination: Helping Students Become Creative and Reflective Thinkers. Jossey-Bass.
 * James, A. and Nerantzi, C., 2019, The Power of Play in Higher Education. Creativity in Tertiary Learning. Palgrave McMillan.
 * Kristiansen, P., and R. Rasmussen, 2014, Building a better business using the LEGO SERIOUS PLAY method. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley.
 * Lissack, M., and J. Roos, 1999, The Next Common Sense: Mastering Corporate Complexity through Coherence, Nicholas Brealey Publishing, London (ISBN 1 85788 240-7). Translated into Japanese (2001) and Estonian (2002).
 * McCusker, S. (2014) 'Lego, seriously: Thinking through building.' Intl. J. Knowledge, Innovation and Entrepreneurship 2 (1), 27-37
 * McCusker,S. Clifford-swan, J.(2018) 'The Use of Metaphors With LEGO SERIOUS PLAY ® For Harmony and Innovation' International Journal of Management and Applied Research 5 (4), 174-192
 * McCusker, S. (2019) 'Everybody's monkey is important: LEGO Serious Play® as a methodology for enabling equality of voice within diverse groups' International Journal of Research & Method in Education, 1-17
 * Nielsen, L. M., 2010, Personal- and shared experiential concepts. Aalborg University.
 * Nolan, S., (2009). 'Physical Metaphorical Modelling with Lego as a Technology for Collaborative Personalised Learning'. In: O'Donoghue, J, (ed). Technology-supported Environments for Personalized Learning: Methods and Case Studies. (Premier Reference Source).
 * Oliver, D., and J. Roos, 2007, 'Constructing Organizational Identity,' British Journal of Management, 18(4): 342–358.
 * Oliver, D. and J. Roos, 2005, 'Decision Making in High Velocity Environments: The Importance of Guiding Principles,' Organization Studies, 26(6): 889–913.
 * Oliver, D., and J. Roos, 2000, Striking a Balance: Complexity and Knowledge Landscapes, McGraw-Hill, Maidenhead (ISBN 0 07709 556-1).
 * Piaget, J, 1951, The Child's Conception of the World, Routledge, London.
 * Roos, J., 2006, Thinking From Within: A Hands-On Strategy Practice, Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke (ISBN 1-4039-8670-3).
 * Roos, J., and R. Said, 2005, 'Generating Managerial Commitment and Responsibility,' European Management Review, 2: 48 - 58.
 * Roos, J, Victor, B., and M. Statler, 2004, 'Playing Seriously with Strategy,' Long-Range Planning, 37(6): 549–568.
 * Roos, J., 2004, 'Sparking Strategic Imagination,' Sloan Management Review, 2004, 46(1): 96.
 * Roos, J., and B. Victor, 1999, Towards a Model of Strategy Making as Serious Play,' European Management Journal, 17(4): 348–355.
 * Roos, J., and D. Oliver, 1999, 'From Fitness Landscapes to Knowledge Landscapes', Systemic Practice and Action Research, 12(3): 279–293.
 * Roos, J., and B. Victor, 'In Search Of Original Strategies: How About Some Serious Play?' IMD Perspectives for Managers, 1998, (26) 15.
 * von Krogh, G., and J. Roos, 1995, Organizational Epistemology, Macmillan, Oxford (ISBN 0-312-12498-8).
 * Roos, J., 'Transformative Management Education,' 2008, in Teaching and Learning at Business Schools: Transforming the Delivery of Business Education, Bild, M., Mårtensson, P. and K. Nilsson (eds.), Gower: 63–76.
 * von Krogh, G., Roos, J., and K. Slocum, 1994, 'An Essay on Corporate Epistemology', Strategic Management Journal, Special Issue on 'Rethinking Strategy - The Search for New Strategy Paradigms', 15: 53–71.
 * Statler, M., Roos, J., and B. Victor, 2009, 'Ain't Misbehavin': Taking Play Seriously in Organizations,' Journal of Change Management, 9(1): 87–107.
 * Statler, J., Jacobs, J. and J. Roos, 2008, 'Performing Strategy: Analogical Reasoning as Strategic Practice', Scandinavian Journal of Management, 24: 133–144
 * Wengel, Y., McIntosh, A. J., & Cockburn-Wootten, C., 2016, Constructing tourism realities through LEGO SERIOUS PLAY®. Annals of Tourism Research, 56, 161–163. Constructing tourism realities through LEGO Serious Play

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Lego Serious Play


text:
Talk:Cat People (1982 film)

NPOV
It's not for someone writing a synopsis of a movie to say that a story told by a character in it is 'unbelievable', especially when the film presents the same story as the literal truth (also I think Paul was meant to have 'spouted', not 'sprouted' the story). This article needs to be rewritten. Lexo 15:58, 27 August 2006 (UTC)

Piped link
I just don't get why Debresser keeps on restoring the piped link in the date. Debresser objects that WP:EGG is non-specific, but I don't understand the nature of that objection - is the problem that the essay doesn't mention this particular film by name? Polisher of Cobwebs (talk) 02:03, 8 September 2010 (UTC)

 * In simple words. If almost all film articles use a piped link for "year in film" (and in general they do), then some general rule which states nothing more specific than "keep links intuitive" is no reason to remove them. You'll have to come up with a reasoning why this would be non-intuitive (since "year in whatever" links are in use not only in film article), and show some specific discussion and consensus. Debresser (talk) 04:18, 8 September 2010 (UTC)

 * This has been covered fairly recently on the film project talk page and has been getting addressed on a low priority basis by multiple editors (i.e. if you see it, kill it but no need to go searching for it). If you're still seeing it, it's because no one has been there yet.  Millahnna (talk) 18:29, 8 September 2010 (UTC)

 * The most recent conversation I can find is here at the WP:MOSFILM talk page (and there are multiple conversations detailing this going back to 2007 from what I can tell). The consensus has been to either kill the links as they stand now, or to make them more intuitive.  Parentheticals along the lines of (see 1982 in film) have been suggested as being more clear in other instances where this topic has come up.  At the time of that particular conversation, the decision was to not be so explicit in the Films MOS since the text was already existed elsewhere on the site.  Apparently we should bring this up again as it's obviously going to continue being a problem.  I have very little time to wiki for the next few weeks but someone might want to bring up the issue at the Film MOS again.  Millahnna (talk) 18:42, 8 September 2010 (UTC)

 * My experience is that in the lead sentence of film articles, we have attempted smarter linking. Historically, we linked to everything—the release year in film, the country (then later cinema of said country), and basic genres. We've moved away from that, I think, in an effort to make blue links more relevant. For example, if we say a film is an American film, how does linking to Cinema of the United States improve readers' understanding of that one film? In contrast, linking to the director of the film is more valuable because there is a tighter relationship. My take is that general links do not inform the reader well in their direct presentation, but if navigational capability is that desired, they are better placed in film articles' "See also" sections. I personally have found that the general links do not get high page views anyway for all their proliferation; they're "skipped over" as commonly-accepted details. A comedy film was made in the United States in 2006. We don't need to read the general links to have an understanding of that. To put it better, links matter in their context. For individual films, we don't need to understand an entire country's history of cinema. However, we'd like to know in a world cinema article the various countries' history of cinema. Erik (talk | contribs) 19:12, 8 September 2010 (UTC)

 * Thanks to Millahnna for the link to that discussion. Debresser (talk) 17:24, 11 September 2010 (UTC)

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title: Talk:Cat People (1982 film)


text:
Akama

Akama may refer to:
 * Akama, a historical district in Munakata, Fukuoka, Japan
 * Akama Shrine, a Shinto shrine in Shimonoseki, Yamaguchi Prefecture, Japan
 * Akama Station, a train station in Munakata, Fukuoka, Japan
 * Akamas (Turkish: Akama), a promontory in northwest Cyprus
 * Denkichi Akama, a character in the Akira Kurosawa film The Idiot
 * Jiro Akama, a Japanese politician

title: Akama


text:
Tāniko

Tāniko (or taaniko) is a traditional weaving technique of the Māori of New Zealand related to "twining". It may also refer to the resulting bands of weaving, or to the traditional designs.

The tāniko technique does not require a loom, although one can be used. Traditionally free hanging warps were suspended between two weaving pegs and the process involved twining downward. The traditional weaving material is muka, fibre prepared from the New Zealand flax (Phormium tenax) by scraping, pounding and washing. The muka fibre was dyed using natural dyes.

There has been a resurgence of tāniko and other Māori cultural practices starting in the 1950s and as part of the broader Māori Renaissance. This has led to tāniko practitioners Diggeress Te Kanawa and her mother Dame Rangimārie Hetet receiving honorary doctorates from the University of Waikato.

The award-winning designer, Adrienne Whitewood (Rongowhaakata), demonstrates a new wave of Māori designers connecting customary designs and techniques with modern designs. Her work Tāniko was the Supreme Award Winner of the Cult Couture Fashion Awards in 2012.

title: Tāniko


text:
Mess Around

The "Mess Around" is a song written by Ahmet Ertegun, co-founder and then-vice-president of Atlantic Records, under the pseudonym of A. Nugetre, or "Nuggy". It was performed by Ray Charles, and was one of Charles's first hits.

Origins and composition
Ertegun claimed his inspiration for writing "Mess Around" was stride pianist Pete Johnson. Earlier versions of the tune's New Orleans boogie piano riff can be heard in songs from the early 1930s and 1940s, with perhaps the earliest example being Charles "Cow Cow" Davenport's "Cow Cow Blues" from 1928. Dr. John also spoke about the origin of this tune on his Dr John Teaches New Orleans Piano series of DVDs.

The song's lyrics urge listeners to dance ("everybody do the Mess Around"), along with a few other key phrases, notably "see that girl with the red dress on", harkening back to "Pinetop's Boogie Woogie", Pinetop Smith's early boogie-woogie classic.

Release
"Mess Around" became a big R&B charted hit when released as a single in early 1953. It was later included on Charles's 1957 compilation album Ray Charles.

Cover versions

 * It was covered by the Animals in 1965 on the albums The Animals on Tour and Animal Tracks.
 * Dr. John included it in his 1972 collection of New Orleans classics Dr. John's Gumbo.
 * Professor Longhair covered the song on several of his albums, including Rock 'n' Roll Gumbo (1974).
 * It was covered by the UK new wave band Squeeze and featured on their 1980 album Argybargy deluxe edition as a live version. Jools Holland said Ray Charles was so impressed that Squeeze were doing a version, Ray sent the band his suit.

In popular culture

 * The song was featured in the American comedy film Planes, Trains and Automobiles (1987) during a scene in which Del Griffith (John Candy) tries to dance to the song on the radio while driving a car at night on the freeway, and while his passenger Neal Page (Steve Martin) sleeps beside him. This scene was parodied in Ted 2 (2015)
 * It was featured in the 2004 biographical film Ray of Ray Charles.
 * The song was played on the piano in the series Lucifer, season one, episode nine, by Lucifer Morningstar and Father Frank.

title: Mess Around


text:
Ji Han-jae

Ji Han-jae (Chi Hon-tsoi) is a South Korean hapkido grandmaster known as the founder of Sin Moo Hapkido. He appeared in the 1972 film Game of Death starring Bruce Lee.

Training
Born in Andong, Gyeongsangbuk-do, South Korea on October 27, 1936, he began his martial arts training in 1949 under Choi Yong-sool and reached the rank of eighth dan. Ji trained with Choi until 1956, when he moved to Seoul to open a school of self-defense. Ji trained in the ancient methods of Korean martial arts known as Sam Rang Do Tek Gi by a man named Taoist Lee. Though this man's identity cannot be confirmed, he is believed to have he trained Ji in meditation, the Korean long staff jangbong (장봉; 長棒)", short staff danbong (단봉; 短棒)" and the unique kicks of Sam Rang Do Tek Gi.

Hapkido master
In 1959, Ji combined all of his martial arts knowledge and began to teach hapkido.

Many people consider Ji the founder of hapkido, while others credit his teacher Choi, who referred to his art as yawara (柔) or yukwonsul (柔拳術)". It is commonly claimed by his students that Ji was the first to use the name hapkido for the techniques he was teaching at that time. Choi's first student Seo Bok-seop, however, said in a 1980 interview that Jung Moo Kwan was the first to use the term to refer to the art as well as the symbol of the eagle to represent hapkido. Regardless, part of the kicking techniques used in many styles of hapkido is marked by changes implemented by Ji and Kim Moo-hong (aka Kim Moo-woong or Kim Moo-hyun), also a student of Choi. After studying with Choi, Kim went to a Buddhist temple and learned a kicking art there. Traveling to Seoul in 1961, he lived and trained with Ji for eight months and, by implementing the kicking methods they had both learned, they finalized the kicking curriculum for hapkido, significantly expanding it to include kicks to higher targets and spinning and jumping kicks, none of which were originally part of Choi's system.

In addition, Ji's original Sung Moo Kwan shared space with people who trained in other arts including Western boxing. Ji and his senior students developed tactics for dealing with boxing, tang soo do, taekwondo and judo and incorporated them into Ji's curriculum.

Promoter of hapkido
Leaving Daegu for his hometown of Andong, Ji opened his first school, Anmoogwan, in 1956, still calling his art yukwonsul at this time. His earliest students from this period were Kwon Tae-man (who teaches in California today), Yoo Young-woo and Oh Se-lim (, former president of the Korea Hapkido Federation).

After less than a year, Ji relocated to Seoul in 1957 and founded Sung Moo Kwan, which would become an influential kwan, or school of hapkido, producing many important teachers of the art. His first student was Hwang Deok-kyoo (founder of the Korean Hapkido Association) followed shortly after by Myung Kwang-sik (founder of the World Hapkido Federation), Lee Tae-jun and Kang Jeong-soo. In 1958, students Kim Yong-jin, Jeong Won-seon (Retired 2007-taught in Rockford, Illinois), Han Bong-soo (of Billy Jack movie fame and founder of the International Hapkido Federation), Choi Sea-oh (First man to teach hapkido in the U.S.) and Myung Jae-nam (Founder of the Korea-based International Hapkido Federation and Hankido). Around this time, Ji began to use the name hapkido to promote the art, shortened from the original hapki yukwonsul (合氣柔拳術) name employed at the first school run by Choi Yong-sool and Seo Bok-seob in Daegu in 1951.

In 1961, Kim Moo-hong came to visit Ji and they developed many of the kicking techniques the art is known for.

Organizations
In 1963, Ji was a founding member of the first attempt to create a large organization to include hapkido. Called the Korean Kido Association (Daehan Kidohoe; ) Choi Yong-sool was elected the first titular chairman with the organization's charter constitution authored by Ji, Choi and Kwon Jang. The association's purpose was to promote martial arts in the public school system and to police officers and government officials. Ji was highly instrumental in organizing this group but Choi appointed another of his top students, Kim Jeong-yoon, to a position above Ji, greatly diminishing his influence.

By 1965, Ji was hapkido instructor for the presidential guard at the Blue House and grew acquainted with Park Jong-kyoo, chief of the country's security forces. Unhappy with his lack of input in the Daehan Kidohoe, with political connections and an ever-growing support from his Sung Moo Kwan students, he formed his own organization, the Korea Hapkido Association, with Kim Woo-joong , president of Daewoo Corp., as the association's first head.

Later in 1973, Ji sought to consolidate three of the larger hapkido organizations that had grown over the years by merging his body with the Korean Hapkido Association, led by his contemporary Kim Moo-hong, and the Korea Hapki Association, headed by one of his former senior students, Myung Jae-nam, to form the large and influential Republic of Korea Hapkido Association (Daehan Min Kuk Hapkido Hyub Hwe; ).

Politics
Ji Han-jae's political career began to rise quickly after he started teaching hapkido to the bodyguards at the presidential Blue House. In 1979, however, President Park Chung Hee was assassinated and most of those close to Park resigned, including his presidential bodyguards and their martial arts instructors like Ji.

In the ensuing power struggle, many of those in prominent positions under Park found themselves out of work, power or influence. In many cases, they were singled out as targets for legal action, justified or not.

In one case, wealthy businessmen made financial contributions to martial arts organizations per the norm at the time, but several of the contributions were not properly accounted for. Ji and his organization were charged with tax fraud. Though generally viewed as not guilty, he was given a prison term of one year. The judge in the case later explained that it was beyond his control, saying that if Ji didn't go to prison on this minor charge, he would've been charged with other offenses until he was sent to prison for more serious offenses.

Ji's philosophical view on the matter was that he found it worthwhile to experience a year in prison and learn about a side of life few experience. He added that he further developed the spiritual side of his sinmoo (higher mind) hapkido concept while meditating in prison.

Oh Se-lim, one of the earliest students of the art under Ji, was elected president of the Republic of Korea Hapkido Association. He renamed the organization Daehan Hapkido Hyub Hwe, a name used in one of hapkido's former organizations that Ji had headed and Oh had been a founding member of. The Korea Hapkido Federation (KHF) became the preferred rendering in English and remains one of the most influential of the many hapkido organizations in Korea. To this day, the KHF is still run mostly by students of Ji's original Sung Moo Kwan.

Sin Moo Hapkido founder
In 1984, Ji Han-jae moved to the United States and founded Sin Moo Hapkido. Before he left Korea, his close friend Myung Jae-nam, the head of the International H.K.D Federation, awarded Ji the rank of 10th dan.

Ji now goes by the title DoJu Ji. Doju (道主) implies founder as Ji is the founder of Sin Moo hapkido, if not hapkido itself.

United States
After Ji moved to the U.S., he attracted a large number of students, especially those keen on his Sin Moo style. He holds several seminars a year in North America, Latin America and Europe and lives in Tucson, Arizona. In 2017, he went to Queens, New York for a reunion with his Hapkido co-star Angela Mao at her restaurant.

Films
On his first trip to America, Ji appeared in the film Game of Death with Bruce Lee. Ji opted not to appear in the additional footage shot for the 1978 version of the film. He also appeared in Hapkido (aka Lady Kung Fu) with Angela Mao.

title: Ji Han-jae


text:
Effects of Hurricane Katrina in New Orleans

As the center of Hurricane Katrina passed southeast of New Orleans on August 29, 2005, winds downtown were in the Category 1 range with frequent intense gusts. The storm surge caused approximately 23 breaches in the drainage canal and navigational canal levees and flood walls. As mandated in the Flood Control Act of 1965, responsibility for the design and construction of the city’s levees belongs to the United States Army Corps of Engineers and responsibility for their maintenance belongs to the Orleans Levee District. The failures of levees and flood walls during Katrina are considered by experts to be the worst engineering disaster in the history of the United States. By August 31, 2005, 80% of New Orleans was flooded, with some parts under 15 ft of water. The famous French Quarter and Garden District escaped flooding because those areas are above sea level. The major breaches included the 17th Street Canal levee, the Industrial Canal levee, and the London Avenue Canal flood wall. These breaches caused the majority of the flooding, according to a June 2007 report by the American Society of Civil Engineers. The flood disaster halted oil production and refining which increased oil prices worldwide.

Between 80 and 90 percent of the residents of New Orleans were evacuated before the hurricane struck, testifying to some of the success of the evacuation measures. Despite this, not enough attention was paid to those without a car, credit cards, road experience or family living out of town. The Louisiana Superdome was used to house and support some of those who were unable to evacuate. Television shots frequently focused on the Superdome as a symbol of the flooding occurring in New Orleans.

The disaster had major implications for a large segment of the population, economy, and politics of the entire United States. It has prompted a Congressional review of the Army Corps of Engineers and the failure of portions of the federally built flood protection system which experts agree should have protected the city’s inhabitants from Katrina’s surge. Katrina has also stimulated significant research in the academic community into urban planning, real estate finance, and economic issues in the wake of a catastrophe.

Background

New Orleans was settled on a natural high ground along the Mississippi River. Later developments that eventually extended to nearby Lake Pontchartrain were built on fill to bring them above the average lake level. Navigable commercial waterways extended from the lake into the interior of the city to promote waterborne commerce. After the construction of the Inner Harbor Navigation Canal in 1940, the state closed these waterways causing the town’s water table to lower drastically.

In 1965, heavy flooding caused by Hurricane Betsy brought concerns regarding flooding from hurricanes to the forefront. That year, Congress passed the Flood Control Act of 1965 which, among other issues, gave authority for design and construction of the flood protection in the New Orleans metropolitan area to the United States Army Corps of Engineers, subject to cost sharing principles, some of which were waived by later legislation. The local municipalities were charged with maintenance once the projects were completed. After 1965, the corps built a levee system around a much larger geographic footprint that included previous marshland and swamp. Many new subdivisions were developed to cater to those who preferred a more suburban lifestyle but were open to remaining within the city limits of New Orleans. Historians question why the area farthest east was developed, since it was viable wetlands and because ringing this region with levees did nothing significant toward protecting the city. What expansion accomplished was to increase the amount of land that could be developed, and it was a reason for the Army Corps to expand the size of its project. In addition the structures caused subsidence of up to 8 ft in some areas due to the consolidation of the underlying organic soils.

A 1999–2001 study, led by Richard Campanella of the Tulane School of Architecture, used LIDAR technology and found that 51% of the terrestrial surface of the contiguous urbanized portions of Orleans, Jefferson, and St. Bernard parishes lie at or above sea level, with the highest neighborhoods at 10 – above mean sea level. Forty nine percent lies below sea level, in places to equivalent depths.

When authorized, the flood control design and construction were projected to take 13 years to complete. When Katrina made landfall in 2005, the project was between 60 and 90% complete with a projected date of completion estimated for 2015, nearly 50 years after authorization. Hurricane Georges in September 1998 galvanized some scientists, engineers and politicians into collective planning, with Scientific American declaring that “New Orleans is a disaster waiting to happen” in October 2001. However, even the most insistent calls from officials to evacuate ahead of Katrina did not warn that the levees could breach.

On August 29, 2005, the flood walls and levees catastrophically failed throughout the metro area. Many collapsed well below design thresholds (e.g., 17th Street and London Canals). Others (like the Industrial Canal) collapsed after a brief period of overtopping caused “scouring” or erosion of the earthen levee walls. In eastern New Orleans, levees along the Gulf Intracoastal Waterway failed in several places because they were built with sand and erodible materials instead of clay, an obvious construction flaw.

History of New Orleans’ law enforcement offices
Prior to Hurricane Katrina, New Orleans’ law enforcement was in disarray. It was inundated with corruption from higher-up officials and had underpaid officers manning the streets. This enforcement lacked the trust of its citizens and failed to keep police brutality rates low. The city’s lack of organization caused the New Orleans Police Department (NOPD) and its prison, Orleans Parish Prison (OPP), to have insufficient funding for proper equipment and emergency planning. Along with the law enforcement, the city’s district attorney’s office had very little funding as well. Each prosecutor was only paid $30,000 starting off and the public defenders only $29,000. These public defenders’ income came from the traffic tickets and court fees of the city residents. These earnings were oftentimes very inconsistent, in turn causing these low wages. New Orleans only had 30 public defenders to handle all of its cases annually. In the days leading up to the storm, the lack of preparation at Orleans Parish Prison caused the overlooking of evacuation plans. This absence of preparation later led to the suffering of its prisoners during one of America’s most damaging hurricanes.

Pre-Katrina preparations
The eye of Hurricane Katrina was forecast to pass through the city of New Orleans. In that event, the wind was predicted to come from the north as the storm passed, forcing large volumes of water from Lake Pontchartrain against the levees and possibly into the city. It was also forecast that the storm surge in Lake Pontchartrain would reach 14 - 18 ft, with waves reaching 7 ft above the storm surge.

On August 28, at 10:00 a.m. CDT, the National Weather Service (NWS) field office in New Orleans issued a bulletin predicting catastrophic damage to New Orleans and the surrounding region. Anticipated effects included, at the very least, the partial destruction of half of the well-constructed houses in the city, severe damage to most industrial buildings, rendering them inoperable, the “total destruction” of all wood-framed low-rise apartment buildings, all windows blowing out in high-rise office buildings, and the creation of a huge debris field of trees, telephone poles, cars, and collapsed buildings. Lack of clean water was predicted to “make human suffering incredible by modern standards.”

It was also predicted that the standing water caused by the storm surge would render most of the city uninhabitable for weeks and that the destruction of oil and petrochemical refineries in the surrounding area would spill waste into the floodwaters. The resulting mess would coat every surface, converting the city into a toxic marsh until water could be drained. Some experts said that it could take six months or longer to pump all the water out of the city.

Evacuation order
On Saturday night, Max Mayfield, director of the National Hurricane Center, did something he had done only once before. He called the governors of Alabama, Louisiana, and Mississippi to warn them of the severity of the coming storm. He issued a special warning to Mayor Ray Nagin, telling him that some levees in the greater New Orleans area could be overtopped. Later, Mr. Mayfield would tell Brian Williams with NBC Nightly News that he went to bed that night believing he had done what he could. On Sunday, he made a video call to U.S. President George W. Bush at his farm in Crawford, Texas about the intensity of the storm.

Many New Orleans residents took precautions to secure their homes and prepare for possible evacuation on Friday the 26th and Saturday the 27th. On August 27 the state of Louisiana was declared an emergency area by the Federal Government, and by mid-morning of that day, many local gas stations which were not yet out of gas had long lines. Nagin first called for a voluntary evacuation of the city at 5:00 p.m. on August 27 and subsequently ordered a citywide mandatory evacuation at 9:30 a.m. on August 28, the first such order in the city’s history. In a live news conference, Mayor Nagin predicted that “the storm surge most likely will topple our levee system”, and warned that oil production in the Gulf of Mexico would be shut down.

Many neighboring areas and parishes also called for evacuations. By mid-afternoon, officials in Plaquemines, St. Bernard, St. Charles, Lafourche, Terrebonne, Jefferson, St. Tammany, and Washington parishes had called for voluntary or mandatory evacuations.”

Although Mayor Ray Nagin ordered a mandatory evacuation of the city, many people refused to leave or were unable to do so. In Plaquemines Parish, an official described those staying behind as “gambling with their own lives.” Reasons were numerous, including a belief that their homes or the buildings in which they planned to stay offered sufficient protection, lack of financial resources or access to transportation, or a feeling of obligation to protect their property. These reasons were complicated by the fact that an evacuation the previous year for Hurricane Ivan had resulted in gridlocked traffic for six to ten hours. The fact that Katrina occurred at the end of the month before pay checks were in the hands of many was also significant. A “refuge of last resort” was designated at the Louisiana Superdome. Beginning at noon on August 28 and running for several hours, city buses were redeployed to shuttle local residents from 12 pickup points throughout the city to the “shelters of last resort.”

By the time Hurricane Katrina came ashore early the next morning, Mayor Nagin estimated that approximately one million people had fled the city and its surrounding suburbs. By the evening of August 28, over 100,000 people remained in the city, with 20,000 taking shelter at the Louisiana Superdome, along with 300 National Guard troops. The Superdome had been used as a shelter in the past, such as during 1998’s Hurricane Georges, because it was estimated to be able to withstand winds of up to 200 mph and water levels of 35 ft. While supplies of MREs (Meals ready to eat) and bottled water were available at the Superdome, Nagin told survivors to bring blankets and enough food for several days, warning that it would not be a comfortable place.

Direct effects

Hurricane Katrina made its second and third landfalls in the Gulf Coast region on Monday, August 29, 2005, as a Category 3 hurricane. Later that day, area affiliates of local television station WDSU reported New Orleans was experiencing widespread flooding due to breaches of several Army Corps-built levees, was without power, and experienced several instances of catastrophic damage in residential and business areas. Entire neighborhoods on the south shore of Lake Pontchartrain were flooded.

The extensive flooding stranded many residents who were forced to stay in place long after Hurricane Katrina had passed. Those stranded survivors dotted the tops of houses citywide. Some were trapped inside attics and unable to escape. Many people chopped their way onto their roofs with hatchets and sledge hammers, which Mayor Nagin had urged residents to store in their attics in case of such events. Clean water was unavailable, and power outages lasted for weeks.

By 11:00 p.m. August 29, Mayor Nagin described the loss of life as “significant” with reports of bodies floating on the water throughout the city, primarily in the eastern portions. Some hotels and hospitals reported diesel fuel shortages. The National Guard began setting up temporary morgues in select locations to accommodate the bodies.

Communications failures
Coordination of rescue efforts in the aftermath of Katrina was difficult because of the disruption of the communications infrastructure. Cellular service and the Internet were inoperable because of line damages, destruction of base stations, or power failures, even though some base stations had their own back-up generators. In a number of cases, reporters were asked to brief public officials on the conditions in areas where information was not reaching them any other way.

All local television stations were disrupted. Local television stations and newspapers moved quickly to sister locations in nearby cities. New Orleans CBS-affiliate WWL-TV was the only local station to remain on the air during and after the storm, broadcasting from Baton Rouge. Broadcasting and publishing on the Internet became an important means of distributing information to evacuees and the rest of the world, with news networks citing blogs like Interdictor and Gulfsails for reports of what was happening in the city. Amateur radio provided tactical and emergency communications and handled health-and-welfare enquiries. By September 4, a temporary communications hub was set up at the Hyatt Hotel in downtown New Orleans.

The first television pictures out of New Orleans shown on national TV were from Houston’s ABC owned and operated KTRK which flew its helicopter to New Orleans in the days after the storm.

Damage to buildings and roads

Most of the city’s major roads were damaged. The only route out of the city was east to the West Bank of New Orleans on the Crescent City Connection bridge. The I-10 Twin Span Bridge traveling east towards Slidell suffered severe damage; 473 spans were separated from their supports and 64 spans dropped into the lake. The 24 mi long Lake Pontchartrain Causeway escaped unscathed but was only carrying emergency traffic.

On August 29, at about 7:30 a.m. CDT, it was reported that most of the windows on the north side of the Hyatt Regency New Orleans had been blown out, and many other high rise buildings nearby also had extensive window damage. The Hyatt was the most severely damaged hotel in the city, with beds reported to be flying out of the windows. Insulation tubes were exposed as the hotel’s glass exterior was completely sheared off.

Louis Armstrong New Orleans International Airport was closed before the storm but reported no flooding in airplane movement areas or inside of the terminal itself. By August 30, it was reopened to humanitarian and rescue operations. Commercial cargo flights resumed on September 10, and commercial passenger service resumed on September 13.

The Superdome sustained significant damage, including two sections of the waterproof membrane on the roof that were peeled off by the wind. On August 30, Louisiana Governor Kathleen Blanco ordered the complete evacuation of the remaining people that sought shelter in the Superdome. They were then transported to the Astrodome in Houston, Texas.

Charity Hospital sustained significant damage as well. It had most of its windows blown out and suffered ceiling tile and light fixture damage from the strong winds caused by Katrina. Later that day, rising floodwaters began to fill up the building, which caused the main generators to fail, so the hospital staff decided to evacuate everyone to the auditorium. Conditions in the auditorium began to deteriorate, so on September 1, the first 100 medically ill patients were taken by helicopter to Baton Rouge. The remaining persons were evacuated at about 3:00 pm the next day.

Because of the extensive damage Katrina caused to Six Flags New Orleans, which included flooding and corroded roller-coaster tracks, the theme park eventually became abandoned and was not repaired because it would be too expensive and the park was not very profitable. Several reopening or reparation proposals have been planned, but none of them were successful in following through. Although the theme park remains standing as of 2023, reports suggest that it will be demolished in the following years.

Levee failures

On Monday, August 29, 2005, the eye of Hurricane Katrina passed east of the city, subjecting it to hurricane wind conditions, but sparing New Orleans of the worst impact. The city seemed to have escaped most of the catastrophic wind damage and heavy rain that had been predicted. Most buildings held up well structurally.

However, the city’s levee and flood walls designed and built by the US Army Corps of Engineers breached in over fifty locations. Additionally, the levees were built on soil that vary in compression and consolidation rates. Therefore, it is difficult to systematically predict subsidence of the ground under the levees. Storm surge breached the levees of the Mississippi River-Gulf Outlet Canal (“MR-GO”) in approximately 20 places and flooded all of Saint Bernard Parish, the east bank of Plaquemines Parish and the historic Lower Ninth Ward. The major levee breaches in the city included breaches at the 17th Street Canal levee, the London Avenue Canal, and the wide, navigable Inner Harbor Navigation Canal, which left approximately 80% of New Orleans flooded. There were three major breaches at the Industrial Canal; one on the upper side near the junction with MR-GO, and two on the lower side along the Lower Ninth Ward, between Florida Avenue and Claiborne Avenue. The 17th Street Canal levee was breached on the lower (New Orleans West End) side inland from the Old Hammond Highway Bridge, and the London Avenue Canal breached in two places, on the upper side just back from Robert E. Lee Boulevard, and on the lower side a block in from the Mirabeau Avenue Bridge. Flooding from the breaches put the majority of the city under water for days, and in many places for weeks. Many roads and buildings were damaged by Hurricane Katrina.

In a June 2006 report on the disaster, the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers admitted that faulty design specifications, incomplete sections, and substandard construction of levee segments, contributed to the damage done to New Orleans by Hurricane Katrina. A report released by the American Society of Civil Engineers in June 2007 concluded that two-thirds of the flooding in the city could have been avoided if the levees had held.

The failure of the Hurricane Protection Project of New Orleans was the subject of at least two U.S. Senate committee hearings in November 2005. In 2006, the group Levees.org led by Sandy Rosenthal called for 8/29 Commission to investigate both the engineering and decision-making behind the collapse of a flood protection system that should have held against Katrina’s storm surge and the Southeast Louisiana Flood Protection Authority-East, which oversees the region’s levees, backed the call in 2008.

Loss of life

Preliminary reports indicate that the official death toll, according to the Louisiana Department of Health, was 1,464 people. The first deaths were reported shortly before midnight on August 28, 2005, as three nursing home patients died during an evacuation to Baton Rouge. On September 4, Mayor Nagin speculated that the death toll could rise as high as ten thousand after the clean-up was completed. Some survivors and evacuees reported seeing bodies lying in city streets and floating in still-flooded sections, especially in the east of the city. The advanced state of decomposition of many corpses, some of which were left in the water or sun for days before being collected, hindered efforts by coroners to identify many of the dead.

There were six deaths confirmed at the Superdome. Four of these were from natural causes, one was the result of a drug overdose, and one was a suicide. At the Convention Center, four bodies were recovered. One of these four is believed to be the result of a homicide. Body collection throughout the city began on approximately September 9. Prior to that date, the locations of corpses were recorded, but most were not retrieved.

Later studies determined that most of New Orleans’ Katrina deaths were elderly persons living near levee breaches in the Lower Ninth Ward and Lakeview neighborhoods.

Civil disturbances

The aftermath of Hurricane Katrina was characterized by extensive reporting of looting, violence, murder and rape. While some criminal acts did occur, such as the emptying of an entire Walmart, many reports were also exaggerated, inflated, or simply fabricated. Several news organizations went on to issue retractions.

There were reports of snipers taking potshots at rescue helicopters; these were false. Reports of gangs roving the city shooting police officers and survivors were also false, as only one policeman was shot in the aftermath of Katrina and no indictments were brought forward against the supposed gang members.

Many reported instances of “looting” were in fact stranded survivors scavenging necessary supplies such as food, water, clothing, and shelter. Some instances of looting were later found out to have been carried out by a small number of NOPD officers.

Civil disturbances in post-Hurricane Katrina were consistent with all existing research on disaster sociology, which concludes that “[post-disaster] widespread looting [is] a myth”, and were vastly overstated by the media, ultimately fueling a climate of suspicion and paranoia which greatly hampered rescue efforts and further worsened the conditions of the survivors.

Some initial reports of crime and mass chaos, particularly in stories about the Superdome, were later found to be exaggerated or rumors. In the Superdome, for example, the New Orleans sex crimes unit investigated every report of rape or atrocity and found only two verifiable incidents, both of sexual assault. The department head told reporters, “I think it was an urban myth. Any time you put 25,000people under one roof, with no running water, no electricity and no information, stories get told.” Based on these reports, government officials expected hundreds of dead to be found in the Superdome, but instead found only six dead: four natural deaths, one drug overdose, and one suicide. In a case of reported sniper fire, the “sniper” turned out to be the relief valve of a gas tank popping every few minutes.

Additional acts of unrest occurred following the storm, particularly with the New Orleans Police Department. In the aftermath, a tourist asked a police officer for assistance, and got the response, “Go to hell, it's every man for himself.” Also, one-third of New Orleans police officers deserted the city in the days before the storm, many of them escaping in their department-owned patrol cars. This added to the chaos by stretching law enforcement thin. Several NOPD officers were arrested weeks after Katrina for suspicion of vehicle theft.

Gretna controversy
The City of Gretna on the West Bank of the Mississippi River received considerable press coverage when, in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina (late August 2005), displaced and dehydrated survivors who attempted to escape from New Orleans by walking over the Crescent City Connection bridge over the Mississippi River were turned back at gunpoint by City of Gretna Police, along with Crescent City Connection Police and Jefferson Parish Sheriff’s deputies, who set up a roadblock on the bridge in the days following the hurricane.

Re-establishing governance
By September 1, 6,500 National Guard troops had arrived in New Orleans, and on September 2 Blanco requested a total of 40,000 for assistance in evacuation and security efforts in Louisiana. In addition, the Louisiana State Guard and state defense forces from several states were activated to aid the National Guard in sheltering the large number of refugees leaving Louisiana and assist in other disaster recovery operations. On September 30, the New Orleans Police Department confirmed that 12 police officers were participating in looting and property theft.

Some concern over the availability and readiness of the Louisiana National Guard to help stabilize the security situation was raised. Guardsman Lieutenant Colonel Pete had commented that “dozens of high water vehicles, humvees, refuelers, and generators were abroad.” At the time of the hurricane, approximately 3,000 members of the Guard were serving a tour of duty in Iraq. With total personnel strength of 11,000, this meant that 27% of the Louisiana National Guard was abroad. However, both the White House and the Pentagon argued that the depletion of personnel and equipment did not impact the ability of the Guard to perform its mission—rather, impassable roads and flooded areas were the major factors impeding the Guardsmen from securing the situation in New Orleans.

Before Hurricane Katrina, the murder rate in New Orleans was ten times higher than the U.S. average. After the situation in New Orleans was brought under control, criminal activity in New Orleans dropped significantly.

In response to the increase in criminal activity in New Orleans, makeshift prisons were constructed to house prisoners for short periods of time. Camp Greyhound was a temporary prison that housed more than 200 suspected looters in New Orleans until they could be transferred to other institutions. With room for 700 prisoners, the facility was guarded by officers from one of the United States’ toughest prisons, the Louisiana State Penitentiary at Angola. The station’s bus terminals were converted into chain-link prison cells that could hold up to fifteen prisoners each. These prisoners were kept in conditions that included a portable toilet and military issued meals, but excluded a mattress or cot.

Law enforcement constructed the necessary offices of a police station in the general areas of the bus station, which included the offices of the District Attorney and the Justice Department. Camp Greyhound did have several issues with police records due to flooding, and prisoners who had committed minor infractions were kept in the same areas as those with more serious allegations. The facility was run on backup generators and outdated fingerprinting methods were used, which added to the confusion of the facility.

The Superdome

Evacuees were brought to the Superdome, one of the largest structures in the city, to wait out the storm or to await further evacuation. Many others made their way to the Superdome on their own, hoping to find food, water, shelter, or transport out of town. As Katrina passed over New Orleans on August 29, it ripped two holes in the Superdome roof. The area outside the Superdome was flooded to a depth of 3 ft, with a possibility of 7 ft if the area equalized with Lake Pontchartrain. On the evening of August 30, Maj. Gen. Bennett C. Landreneau of the Louisiana National Guard said that the number of people taking shelter in the Superdome had risen to around 15,000 to 20,000 as search and rescue teams brought more people to the Superdome from areas hard-hit by the flooding.

Population density, lack of food and facilities, and structural damage led to increasingly squalid conditions for survivors. The situation inside the building was described as chaotic; reports of rampant drug use, fights, rapes, and filthy living conditions were widespread. At the time, as many as 100 were reported to have died in the Superdome, with most deaths resulting from heat exhaustion, but other reported incidents included an accused rapist who was beaten to death by a crowd and an apparent suicide. The reports appear to have been exaggerated: the final official death toll in the Superdome came to six people inside (4 of natural causes, one overdose, and an apparent suicide) and a few more in the general area outside the stadium.

On August 31, as flood waters continued to rise, Governor Blanco ordered that all of New Orleans, including the Superdome, be evacuated. Governor Blanco sent 68 school buses to transport the evacuating people. FEMA announced that, in conjunction with Greyhound, the National Guard, and Houston Metro, the 25,000 people at the Superdome would be relocated across state lines to the Houston Astrodome. Roughly 475 buses were provided by FEMA to transport evacuees, with the entire operation taking 2–3 days. By September 4, the Superdome had been completely evacuated.

Although the Superdome suffered damage by water and wind to the overall interior and exterior structures, as well as interior damage from human waste and trash, the facility was repaired at a cost of US$185 million and was ready for games by the autumn of 2006.

New Orleans Convention Center
Because of Hurricane Katrina, the Ernest N. Morial Convention Center suffered a loss of water access and electricity, and one of its convention halls had a large hole in its ceiling. The center was otherwise only lightly damaged.

On August 29, as people were being turned away at the Superdome and rescues continued, rescuers began dropping people off at the Convention Center, which, at 8 ft above sea level, easily escaped the flood. Captain M.A. Pfeiffer of the NOPD was quoted as saying, “It was supposed to be a bus stop where they dropped people off for transportation. The problem was, the transportation never came.” By the afternoon of the 29th, the crowd had grown to about 1,000 people. The convention center’s president (who was there with a small group of convention center employees at this time) addressed the crowd near dark, informing them that there was no food, water, medical care, or other services. By late on the evening of the 29th, the convention center had been broken into, and evacuees began occupying the inside of the convention center.

A contingent of 250 National Guard engineering units occupied one part of the convention center beginning August 30 and remained there until September 1, at times barricaded in their location. The units were never given orders to control the crowd, and were not expected to be prepared for such a task, as engineering units. The number of people at the convention center continued to grow over the next three days by some estimates to as many as 20,000 people. Reasons for arriving included being sent to the convention center from the overwhelmed Superdome, being dropped off there by rescuers, or hearing about the convention center as a shelter via word of mouth. No checking for weapons was done among the crowd as was done at the Superdome, and a large store of alcohol kept at the Convention Center was looted. Reports of robberies, murder, and rapes began to surface, in particular that a 14-year-old girl had been raped and that seven dead bodies were lying on the third floor. In general, those who died, regardless of cause of death, were not moved or removed and were left to decompose.

By September 1, the facility, like the Superdome, was completely overwhelmed and declared unsafe and unsanitary. However, even though there were thousands of people who were evacuating at the center, along with network newscasters, pleading desperately for help on CNN, FOX, and other broadcast outlets, FEMA head Michael Brown and Homeland Security Secretary Michael Chertoff both claimed that they had no knowledge of the usage of the Convention Center as a shelter until the afternoon of September 1.

A sizable contingent of National Guard arrived on September 2 to establish order and provide essential provisions, and on September 3, buses began arriving at the convention center to pick up the refugees there. The Convention Center was completely evacuated by September 4.

Charity Hospital
Charity Hospital had most of its windows blown out and suffered damage to lights and ceiling tiles as a result of the strong winds caused by Katrina. Later that day, floodwaters began to fill up the building, which caused the main generators to fail, so the hospital staff decided to evacuate everyone to the auditorium. Conditions in the auditorium began to deteriorate, so everyone was evacuated to the roof. On September 1, the first 100 medically ill patients were taken on Sikorsky UH-60 Black Hawk helicopters to Baton Rouge. The remaining persons were evacuated the next day at about 3 pm. Eight people had died. Reports stated that some people were so desperate for food and water that they used intravenous therapy to receive nutrients.

Evacuation efforts

On August 31, a public health emergency was declared for the entire Gulf Coast, and Louisiana Governor Kathleen Blanco ordered a mandatory evacuation of all those remaining in New Orleans. Relief organizations scrambled to locate suitable areas for relocating evacuees on a large scale. Many people in the Superdome were bussed to Reliant Park in Houston, Texas. Houston agreed to shelter an additional 25,000 evacuees beyond those admitted to the Astrodome, including one “renegade bus” that was commandeered by private citizen Jabbar Gibson, who had been released on bond from the Orleans Parish Prison just days before the storm hit, and had a previous criminal conviction. By September 1, the Astrodome was declared full and could not accept any more evacuees. The George R. Brown Convention Center and the Reliant Center and Reliant Arena nearby were all opened to house additional evacuees. By September 2, the Reliant Center had 3,000 evacuees. San Antonio, Texas also agreed to house 25,000 refugees, initiating relocation efforts in vacant office buildings on the grounds of KellyUSA, a former air force base. Reunion Arena in Dallas, Texas was also mobilized to house incoming evacuees, and smaller shelters were established in towns across Texas and Oklahoma. Arkansas also opened various shelters and state parks throughout the state for evacuees.

Expected to last only two days, the evacuation of remaining evacuees proved more difficult than rescue organizations anticipated as transportation convoys struggled with damaged infrastructure and a growing number of evacuees. On September 3, the Texas Air National Guard reported that 2,500 evacuees were still at the Superdome. However, by evening, eleven hours after evacuation efforts began, the Superdome held 10,000 more people than it did at dawn. Evacuees from across the city swelled the crowd to about 30,000, believing the arena was the best place to get a ride out of town.

Evacuation efforts were hastened on September 2 by the wider dispersal of evacuees among newly opened shelters. Louis Armstrong International Airport was reopened to allow flights related to relief efforts, and began to load evacuees onto planes as well.

Elements of the 82nd Airborne Division arrived in New Orleans September 3. The flooding was a challenge for the paratroopers when they first arrived. The division had just four boats at the time, however, the division quickly started getting Coast Guard, Navy and Marine assets placed under their control. Army Maj. Gen. William B. Caldwell IV, the 82nd’s commanding general, noted: “We eventually became the 82nd ‘Waterborne’ Division,” the general said, “and that really was our forte” during search-and-rescue and security missions in flooded sections of the city. Task Force Katrina Commander Army Lt. Gen. Russel Honoré also charged the paratroopers to straighten out the evacuation situations at the New Orleans Airport, the Convention Center and the Superdome. In all, 3,600 of the division’s paratroopers were deployed to New Orleans to participate in Task Force All-American. The unit worked in tandem with state, local and other federal authorities to feed, process and transport evacuees to other accommodations; the division’s soldiers helped evacuate 6,000 New Orleans residents. By September 18, the 82nd Division medical personnel had treated 1,352 people and given 2,047 immunizations, according to unit documents. By September 19, 82nd Division military engineers had cleared 185 city blocks of debris, cleared 113 streets, and removed 218 trees, according to unit documents.

On September 3, some 42,000 evacuees were evacuated from New Orleans, including those remaining in the Superdome and Convention Center. Efforts turned to the hundreds of people still trapped in area hotels, hospitals, schools and private homes. During the evacuation, one person was killed and 7 others injured when the bus in which they were heading to Texas overturned on Interstate 49 in Opelousas, LA. Opelousas Police lieutenant Dwain Grimmett said the bus driver lost control on dry pavement.

On September 6, Mayor Ray Nagin ordered a forced evacuation of everyone from the city who was not involved in clean up work, citing safety and health concerns. The order was given not only as an attempt to restore law and order but also out of concern about the hazardous living conditions in the city. Eviction efforts escalated three days later when door-to-door searches were conducted to advise remaining residents to leave the city. Despite this, a number of residents defied the eviction order. While initially lax in enforcing evictions, National Guard troops eventually began to remove residents by force.

Orleans Parish Prison
During Hurricane Katrina, Orleans Parish Prison housed a total of 7,100 inmates. There were inmates who were serving weekend time due to public intoxication all the way to convicted murderers. There were many inmates who just began their sentences when Katrina hit the city. After the hurricane made landfall, most of the city’s power was affected, which caused the prison to lose power as well. During this outage, many of the prisoners were locked in their cells due to the doors solely opening electronically. After being left in the dark due to the wind damage, the breaking of levees throughout the city flooded New Orleans and affected the prison. These prisoners were left by guards and deputies alike in the prison with chest high water and no food or water. Due to the lack of power, the inmates took it upon themselves to start fires in the facility despite lack of ventilation. Though most left, there were some prison guards who stayed in the city during the storm. These guards allegedly assaulted the prisoners during this time. Many prisoners were shot, beaten, and maced. The prisoners feared for their lives during these encounters with the guards. The inmates endured these living conditions for three to five days before being relocated by officials. Once official teams came in to rescue the prisoners, they were all moved to I-10, the major interstate in New Orleans. Inmates who were not able to be easily rescued were left in the prison. While located on I-10, the inmates were given water and food, though for some this was given too late. There were many inmates who passed out due to dehydration. While the inmates continued to endure these conditions, there were a total of six public defenders who were managing the cases of all of New Orleans prisoners. The prisoners were later sent off to different prisons around the state of Louisiana while the city was still underwater. After the flood waters receded, many of the inmates of Orleans Parish Prison served longer sentences due to the lack of government in New Orleans and public defender staff shortages. The Criminal Justice System was out of order in the city for months and did not release its first prisoner on bond until October 2006.

Health effects

There was a concern that the prolonged flooding would lead to an outbreak of health problems for those who remained in the city. In addition to dehydration and food poisoning, there was also potential for the spread of hepatitis A, cholera, tuberculosis, and typhoid fever, all related to the growing contamination of food and drinking water supplies in the city compounded by the city’s characteristic heat and stifling humidity. Survivors could also face long-term health risks due to prolonged exposure to the petrochemical tainted flood waters and mosquito-borne diseases such as yellow fever, malaria, and West Nile fever.

On September 2, an emergency triage center was set up at the airport. A steady stream of helicopters and ambulances brought in the elderly, sick, and injured. Baggage equipment was used as gurneys to transport people from the flight line to the hospital, which was set up in the airport terminal. The scene could be described as, “organized chaos”, but efficient. By September 3, the situation started to stabilize. Up to 5,000 people had been triaged and fewer than 200 remained at the medical unit.

Hospital evacuations continued from other area hospitals that were flooded or damaged. Reports from the Methodist Hospital indicated that people were dying of dehydration and exhaustion while the staff worked constantly in horrendous conditions. The first floor of the hospital flooded and the dead were stacked in a second floor operating room. Patients requiring ventilators were kept alive with hand-powered resuscitation bags.

Among the many hospitals shut down by damage related to the hurricane was the public hospital serving New Orleans, Charity Hospital, which was also the only trauma center serving that region. The destruction of the hospital’s structure has forced the continued closure as funding for a new building is sought out.

Pediatric evacuation
Multiple children’s hospitals around the United States including Arkansas Children's Hospital, Texas Children's Hospital, Children's of Alabama, Le Bonheur Children's Hospital, Cook Children's Medical Center, and Children's Mercy Kansas City sent helicopters, fixed wing aircraft, ambulances, and personnel to Tulane Medical Center, Ochsner, and CHNOLA in order to help evacuate pediatric patients from the hospital.

Economy
Before Katrina’s landfall in 2005, the economy of New Orleans relied heavily on its usefulness and income derived from being a port city. The population grew and the economy peaked in the late 19th century. However, in the recent years, after rapid industrialization and the development of faster methods of transporting goods, the economy of New Orleans has been in a steady decline. As a result, New Orleans came to rely on three major industries for economic revenue: transportation, entertainment, and public services. However, after Katrina’s landfall, these sectors, including the overall economy, were reduced and heavily affected by the natural disaster.

After the hurricane, the labor force diminished and wages decreased by staggering amounts. In July 2005, 9,592 people applied for unemployment services and the payroll of metropolitan firms declined by 13.6% between July 2005 and July 2007, indicating an estimated loss of 70,000 jobs. The sectors most affected were service-related industries, fluctuating with the population. The only sector to truly thrive after landfall was construction, which was in high demand to make needed repairs and rebuild destroyed homes.

In the first initial months following Katrina, the labor force reduced faster than the demand and unemployment rates skyrocketed. However, as of September 2006, the unemployment rates have never fallen below the national average, indicating improvement. In the second quarters of both 2005 and 2007, the firms’ wages were increased by 21%, twice more than national increases, indicating even further improvement, although the gains were varied across the sectors.

There have been some suggestions concerning the usage of natural capital to further aid New Orleans’s economy. One such proposal is to avoid rebuilding on flooded lands, instead restoring acres of wetlands to profit from the economic wealth. The Mississippi Delta provides the United States with one of the largest fisheries and the most important flyway terminus, enabling New Orleans to profit from these ecological industries. Furthermore, by increasing the wetlands, it would help create a natural barrier that could aid New Orleans in future storms. It is estimated that if New Orleans was to restore 1700 sqmi of wetland lost before 2005, the natural capital would be worth an estimated $6 billion/year, or $200 billion at the present value. While New Orleans has made numerous efforts in rebuilding their economy, and has been successful with tourist-attracting events such as Mardi Gras, the natural capital provided could further assist the city in returning to its pre-Katrina wealth and economy.

Racial disparities
Following Katrina, many said that the hurricane had a greater impact on Black and less economically privileged people than it had on predominantly white and wealthier people. “The city’s remarkable recovery has, to a troubling degree, left behind the African-Americans who still make up the majority of its population,” according to FiveThirtyEight. They based this on statistics showing that Black residents of New Orleans are more likely to be unemployed than when the storm hit, and are also more likely to be living in poverty. Household incomes of Black people have also fallen, and the wage gap between Black and white people has grown.

About 175,000 Black residents departed New Orleans over the year following the storm, while only 100,000 returned, pushing the African American population to 59 percent, from 66 percent previously. The biggest impact has been on Black middle-class people, given that most Black professionals are older and more advanced in their careers, and the majority of the affluent and middle class are white.

These setbacks to the Black population in New Orleans corresponded with a large number of educated white arrivals, contributing to a high rate of business formation in the city. These newcomers have had the effect of driving up housing prices, making rent less affordable for the majority of Black residents.

The influence of Black people in the city receded politically, too: in 2010 New Orleans elected its first white mayor in 32 years, a white majority (5–2) took control of the City Council, which had previously been Black, and a white police chief and district attorney were elected. Lance Hill of Tulane University said: “The perception among most African-Americans is that they are living politically as a defeated group in their own city.”

After Hurricane Katrina, many African-Americans suffered from mental illnesses—such as PTSD—at higher rates than their white counterparts. Populations experiencing mental illnesses, especially after a natural disaster, is not uncommon. African-Americans, however, “had approximately two-fold greater odds of screening positive for PTSD” after Hurricane Katrina than white people. It is deduced that African-Americans exhibit PTSD at higher frequencies than white people because they “were more likely to experience frequent mental distress.” For example, African-Americans “report more negative events and chronic stressors–witnessing violence, receiving bad news, death events, lifetime major discrimination, daily discrimination–than whites, which negatively affects their mental health.” African-Americans “are more segregated than any other racial/ethnic group in the United States, and racial segregation is associated with poorer quality housing and neighborhoods that have limited resources to enhance health and well-being.” Another study found that “Black race was associated with greater symptom severity” of PTSD than other races. It is known that, “Minority status itself has been shown to increase the risk of PTSD after trauma, though this effect may be largely because of differential exposure to poverty and violence.” Additionally, the “largely Black population of New Orleans bore a disproportionately heavy burden of pre disaster chronic disease complicated by inadequate health care access.”


text: Talk:Demetrius and the Gladiators

title: Talk:Demetrius and the Gladiators


text:
Strumica

Strumica (Струмица, ) is the largest city in southeastern North Macedonia, near the Novo Selo-Petrich border crossing with Bulgaria. About 54,676 people live in the region surrounding the city. It is named after the Strumica River which runs through it. The city of Strumica is the seat of Strumica Municipality.

Name
The town is first mentioned in the 2nd century BC with the Greek name Αστραίον (Astraîon, "starry") by Ptolemy and Pliny. It was known as Tiberiopolis (Greek: Τιβεριούπολις) in Roman times, and received its present name from the Slavic settlers of the Middle Ages. In Turkish the town is known as Ustrumca, and in modern Greek Στρώμνιτσα (Strómnitsa). In Bulgarian the name is Струмица.

Ancient period
According to archaeological findings, settlement of the area dates back to 6000–5000 BC: near the village of Angelci there is a Neolithic settlement called Stranata; traces of prehistoric culture dating from the beginning of the 4th to the middle of the 3rd millennium BC have been discovered at the site of Carevi Kuli (Tsar's Towers), on the hill above the city. The area was later inhabited by Paionians.

The first mention of the city under the name Astraion is in the writings of the Roman historian Titus Livius in 181 BC regarding the execution of Demetrius, brother of the Ancient Macedonian king Perseus (179–168 BC), son of Philip V of Macedon (221–179 BC). The name Astraion came from the Paionian tribe called Astrai. In 148 BC the region became a Roman province. In the Roman period the city changed its name to Tiberiopolis (Greek: Τιβεριούπολις) which is evidenced by a marble statue base dedicated to the patron Tiberius Claudius Menon, who lived between the late 2nd and early 3rd century AD. During the reign of the Roman emperor Julian the Apostate (361–363 AD), the fifteen holy hieromartyrs of Tiberiopolis were killed. In 395, the Roman Empire split, and Macedonia fell under the Eastern Roman Empire (the Byzantine Empire). After that, Tiberiopolis became part of the province Macedonia Salutaris or Macedonia Secunda in the late 4th century. The urban mansion Machuk dating from the late ancient period today stands witness for the existence of a city settlement from that time.

Middle Ages
In the 6th and 7th centuries, the Roman town became subject of Slavic migration. The Strymonites, a Sclavene tribe, adopted their name after the Strymon river (Struma). The Strymonites were independent until the 9th century, followed by a Byzantine reconquest. Later on, the Strumica region was conquered by Bulgarian Khan Presian (836–852). The Strumica region remained part of the Bulgarian state throughout a period of more than 150 years right up until 1014, when it was retaken by the Byzantines. In the 11th century, written sources begin to refer to the town with its Slavic name as Strumica.

In 1016, Byzantine commander David Arianites captured the city from the Bulgarians.

By the end of the 12th century, the Byzantine central power had weakened and, as a result, many local lords broke away and became independent. Initially, the leader of the Vlachs and Bulgarians in eastern Macedonia Dobromir Chrysos (1185–1202) and later the Bulgarian sebastokrator and a member of the Asen dynasty in Veliko Tarnovo Strez (1208–1214) held the region, which became part of the Bulgarian kingdom in 1202. In the second half of the 13th century the city was recovered by the Byzantine Empire until the Serbian Kingdom conquered the region in the 14th century. Serbian magnate Hrelja ruled Strumica and the nearby region until 1334, when it was put under the direct rule of Serbian King Stefan Dušan who continued his conquest to the south. During the Fall of the Serbian Empire, the Strumica region was first ruled by Uglješa, the brother of magnate Vukašin. Strumica itself was then governed by Dabiživ Spandulj, who served the Dejanović brothers. The Ottoman Empire finally conquered Strumica in 1383.

Ottoman period
Under Ottoman administration, the town was named Ustrumca. It initially belonged to the Sanjak of Kyustendil, and the timarli-sipahi system was established. Nomads and livestock breeders of Turkic origin were settled, which altered the general look of the city making it more oriental. According to the census of 1519, Strumica had a population of 2,780, of which 1,450 were Christians and 1,330 were Muslims. These were times when conversion to Islam was at its peak in the region, which accounts for the increased number of Muslims (2,200) compared to Christians (1,230) according to the census of 1570.

In the 17th century, it became seat of a kadiluk. At about this time, Strumica was visited by the Ottoman travel writers Haji Kalfa (1665) and Evliya Çelebi (1670), who gave a description of the city and all its Islamic buildings. In the late 18th and early 19th century, Strumica was part of the Sanjak of Salonica. During the 19th century the influence of the Patriarchate of Constantinople increased, and so did the number of pro-Greek citizens. Countering this, the Bulgarian Exarchate found support in the Slavic populace; the first Bulgarian school in the Strumica region was opened in Robovo in 1860, and its first teacher was Arseni Kostencev from Štip. This period coincided with the work of the great fresco masters from Strumica – Vasil Gjorgiev and Grigorij Petsanov. They did work in many churches built in the Strumica region at the time. In the late 19th and early 20th century, Strumica was part of the Salonica Vilayet.

Late-19th century
Following the Berlin Congress of 1878, when the Ottoman Empire lost a sizable portion of its territory on the Balkans, a stream of refugees flowed into the area; some of them ending up in Strumica. These people were called "muhajirs". According to the Ottoman General Census of 1881/82-1893, the kaza of Strumica had a total population of 33.024, consisting of 15.760 Muslims, 13.726 Greeks, 2.965 Bulgarians and 573 Jews.

The Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization for the Ograzden county was formed and operated in these parts. One of the most prominent leaders of the organization in Strumica was Hristo Chernopeev, who took part in the Young Turk Revolution (1908–09). The outcome of this effort did not bring freedom to the local people who still remained under Ottoman rule.

20th century
The Kaza of Strumica in 1905 had a total Christian population of 22.860, consisting of 12.736 Exarchist Bulgarians, 8.992 Patriarchist Bulgarians, 624 Protestant Bulgarians, 444 Roma people, 25 Greeks and 6 Vlachs according to the geographers Dimitri Mishev and D. M. Brancoff.

In the First Balkan War of 1912 the Ottomans were defeated and driven out of Macedonia (region) by the joint effort of the Balkan League (Serbia, Bulgaria, Greece and Montenegro). Bulgaria annexed the town of Strumica. In the Second Balkan War (1913), which was fought between the three of the Balkan allies against Bulgaria, the latter was defeated, however, according to the Bucharest treaty (28 July 1913) Strumica remained under Bulgarian rule. The Greek army stationed in Strumica disapproved of the decision for withdrawal and set the town on fire. It burned from the 8th to 15th of August 1913, when more than 1900 public buildings, private houses and other constructions were burnt. Strumica was made the center of a homonymous district in Bulgaria (largely corresponding to the present day Blagoevgrad province) and stayed under Bulgarian rule until 1919, when it was ceded to the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes after the Treaty of Neuilly-sur-Seine. From 1929 to 1941, Strumica was part of the Vardar Banovina of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia.

On 6 April 1941, the first day of the Axis invasion of Yugoslavia, Strumica was captured by the German Army and, as Bulgaria was allied with Germany, Strumica was turned over under occupation of the Bulgarian armies on 18 April 1941. From 1941 to 1944, Strumica, as most of Vardar Macedonia, was annexed by the Kingdom of Bulgaria. On 11 September 1944 the Bulgarian army withdrew from Strumica and on 5 November 1944, the German army also left the town. After the war it became part of the Socialist Republic of Macedonia, one of the republics of Federal Yugoslavia. With the referendum on 8 September 1991, amid the breakup of Yugoslavia, the country became independent under the constitutional name Republic of Macedonia.

Geography
Strumica is located in the southeastern part of the country, close to the borders with Greece (15 km) and Bulgaria. It is situated in the geographical region of the Strumica Field, where the field meets the highland elevating into the Plavuš (west) and Belasica (south) mountains. The Struma river flows north of the city, while several tributaries flow through the city area.

Climate
Strumica has a humid subtropical climate (Köppen climate classification: Cfa).

Population
The population of the municipality of Strumica is 54,676.

 * Macedonians: 50,258 / 91.9%
 * Turks: 3,754 / 6.8%
 * Others: 1.3%

As of 2021, the city of Strumica has 33.825 inhabitants and the ethnic composition was the following:

 * Macedonians – 26.185
 * Turks – 2.703
 * Romani – 216
 * Serbs - 91
 * Aromanian - 10
 * Albanians - 6
 * Bosniaks - 3
 * others – 247
 * Person without Data - 4.364

Notable people

 * Goran Pandev, footballer
 * Boris Trajkovski, former Macedonian president
 * Zoran Zaev, former Prime Minister of North Macedonia
 * Baba Vanga, clairvoyant
 * Zoran Madžirov, musician
 * Blagoj Mučeto, partisan
 * Kiro Stojanov, Catholic bishop
 * Goran Popov, footballer
 * Veljko Paunović, footballer
 * Vančo Stojanov, athlete
 * Igor Gjuzelov, footballer
 * Jani Atanasov, footballer
 * Goran Maznov, footballer
 * Vasil Garvanliev, singer
 * Haralampos Boufidis, Chieftain of the Macedonian Struggle
 * Dimitrios Tsitsimis, revolutionary, soldier, and mayor of Kilkis
 * Evangelos Koukoudeas, revolutionary and army officer
 * Dimitrios Semsis, violinist
 * Goran Trenchovski, director and writer
 * Zekeriya Sertel, journalist
 * Dušan Džamonja, sculptor

title: Strumica


text:
Talk:The Ruling Class (film)

Untitled
Jeff Tweedy recently wrote a song with Jim O'Rourke entitled "The Ruling Class" which describes a hypothetical modern times Jesus who is "back jack, smokin' crack." Tweedy tells the listener to "find him if you wanna get found." It seems likely that he picked the title of this Loose Fur song from this movie. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 70.240.226.139 (talk • contribs)

Electro-shock therapy
The "Electric Messiah" does not subject Jack to electroshock therapy. Kyle only believes he is emitting millions of volts. The insane Jack actually believes that he is being manhandled by a monster. He is neither shocked nor manhandled in reality.Royalcourtier (talk) 09:45, 5 June 2014 (UTC)

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title: Talk:The Ruling Class (film)


text:
2005–06 UEFA Champions League group stage

The 2005–06 UEFA Champions League group stage matches took place between 13 September and 7 December 2005.

Seeding structure
The 32 teams were divided into four pots. Seeding was determined by the UEFA coefficients. Clubs from the same association were paired up to split the matchdays between Tuesday and Wednesday. Clubs with the same pairing letter would play on different days, ensuring that teams from the same city (e.g. Milan and Internazionale, who also share a stadium) did not play on the same day.

Tie-breaking criteria
Based on paragraph 4.05 in the UEFA regulations for the current season, if two or more teams are equal on points on completion of the group matches, the following criteria are applied to determine the rankings:
 * 1) higher number of points obtained in the group matches played among the teams in question;
 * 2) superior goal difference from the group matches played among the teams in question;
 * 3) higher number of goals scored away from home in the group matches played among the teams in question;
 * 4) superior goal difference from all group matches played;
 * 5) higher number of goals scored in all group matches played;
 * 6) higher number of coefficient points accumulated by the club in question, as well as its association, over the previous five seasons.

Groups
Times are CET/CEST, as listed by UEFA (local times are in parentheses).