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User talk:Lester DK Chow

Welcome and re your additions to "Eber", "Joktan" and "Zhou Dynasty"
Hi Lester

First welcome to Wikipedia! Second I am very glad that you and your fellow researchers want to add to and improve Wikipedia.

Being on the Wikipedia mailing list I read your email concerning the reversions of the additions you made to Eber, Zhou Dynasty and Joktan articles.

A few points on your additions to Eber:
 * Wikipedia is not designed to have individuals credited at all, because it is assumed that other people will improve or alter that individual's contribution in the future anyway, as information changes, new research reveals new information or to correct a biased viewpoint into a neutral viewpoint.
 * Your additions to Eber were explicitly credited to you and you even went to the length of putting your own name in a sub heading. This is indisputably contrary to Wikipedia policy.
 * The first sentence and heading were written in the first person voice. Wikipedia articles, as for other encyclopaedic and most academic articles, are written in the third person.
 * A Wikipedia article is only meant to contain detailed information about the topic specified by the article title. In fact, all content in the article should fit directly into the topic of the article. Detailed information about related topics should be in other articles.
 * Some of your additions were repeating what was in the previous paragraphs. Just rephrase the existing article if it needs rewording.
 * Some of your additions were personal information. Perhaps include this on your user talk page instead.
 * The rest of your additions included information about the surname Jo/Je and the sinicization of an ancient Hebrew family. Actually this sounds like a fascinating topic, but these are completely different topics and are perhaps candidates for new articles or these topics may already exist in Wikipedia. You can do a thorough search to check and contribute to these articles -- or if none exist just leap right in and start one yourself!

Welcome again and look forward to more of your contributions.

Cheers Lisa 02:05, 19 August 2005 (UTC)

Hi, Lisa!

I am the best authority on the Zhou Dynasty at this time in the entire world. I suspect that someone didn't like my additions and he or she was still stuck in the old mode of thinking...not being fresh to new ideas and NOT allowing OTHERS to see and share. If I credit myself, it is only so others will know the source of information, where it came from and who the suthority was that wrote the article. I am not doing this for profit or money.

 * People can see from the history who has made recent additions. So people will know the source of the information - don't worrry - especially since I see you've created your User page now. --Lisa 13:31, 20 August 2005 (UTC)

I, also, suspect that it could have been deleted by people who thought that the information was false and bogus, which is not so. All of this information comes from my family records or from the Bible with additional research and verification from and by me.

 * No one challenged the veracity of the information you wrote to my knowledge. The concerns were principally about the unencyclopaedic style used. --Lisa 13:31, 20 August 2005 (UTC)

It is very important to let people know who posted the information and it is good to share knowledge with people. Colleges do not do this and many professors are not open to new ideas, nor the truth...whereas I am. So, I thought that this would be a good free froum to post some facts on my family's history and dynasty as well as little published facts about my past ancestors.

 * Fact and even theories about the Zhou dynasty are welcomed on Wikipedia as far as I'm concerned! For personal information about you though I would recommend to keep it to your User page so it doesn't confuse the other editors of the Zhou Dynasty article. --Lisa 13:31, 20 August 2005 (UTC)

My family's dynasty is a Hebrew dynasty, which was sinocized by Nimrod in 2200 BC. We went to China, when God dispersed mankind from the Tower of Babel and our clanfather Jobab is the son of Joktan, who is the son of Eber. So, knowing this, I thought that I would publish these little known facts, which had escaped the notice of many qualified historians.

The current Imperial family of China is the Chou Dynasty (Zhou Dynasty) and my firm represents China's Imperial Family as its agent in Washington DC. I am a self-taught China history scholar. I am the best in my field of ancient China history and the origins of the Chinese people. There is no one better than I in Beijing University or Harvard!

I am, also, the second cousin to the late Premier Zhou Enlai and second cousin, by marriage, to the late Sun Yat-sen and the late Chiang Kai-shek. If I posted my credentials online, I thought, no one would want to challenge me or erase my postings without asking.

It is a dirty shame to keep the world in darkness and to not allow the world to see, know, and learn!

 * Let's work together to make the information as complete as possible, Lester! Let's be ready to compromise opinion in the name of neutrality and be ready to provide sources for information that people might question. Let's also try to meet the basic requirements of Wikipedia - specifically that means keeping a neutral point of view (NPOV), keeping as close as we can to the Wikipedia Style Guide. Cheers Lisa 13:31, 20 August 2005 (UTC)

I will repost my articles at http://chinatownhawaii.com/wikipedia/ and put a link or reference to this article. I hope that no one erases these comments. If they do, it is being done in bad taste and by someone who has no respect for others. Truth should reign and not the selfish emotions of others. What I posted bests any scholar at the top universities in the US, China, and Israel.

People can write to me at lchow@lava.net

Lester D.K. Chow, President The Chouclansmen Association of America P.O. Box 4604 Honolulu, Hawaii 96812

Lester DK Chow 10:20, 19 August 2005 (UTC)

 * Lester, I've looked at your contributions and have read your concerns here. I can only reinforce what Lisa has already said, but you need to understand what she mentioned. Being that Wikipedia is an encyclopedia, there is a certain structure to be followed for articles. The main 2 reasons I see that your contributions were reverted was that they were from the 1st person perspective (your own viewpoint) and that you added your name for credit. If you want credit, fear not, because if you look in the History tab at the top of the article, your username is there associated with your changes. If anybody wants to see what you wrote, even after it's been reverted, it's still saved in the History. If somebody is further interested in what you wrote, they can visit your User Page and find out more information there, where I've seen you've stated your credentials. Albeit, immodestly.

 * The other major reason was that you wrote from a personal perspective. Regardless how you feel that others from an opposite viewpoint may be out to get you, you MUST write as though you're describing what a person other than yourself believes. In other words, write from the 3rd person perspective. If you choose to ignore this, your will be reverted everytime. How many encyclopedia articles have you read that are of the author's viewpoint? None. It's just not the proper format. One of the principles Wikipedia operates by is a Neutral Point of View (NPOV).

 * So to sum it up, your changes have not necessarily been reverted because somebody disagrees with your viewpoint, but rather because of the style you chose to write it in. Rewrite what you have to say bearing the advice above, and you should be fine. Now, if somebody DOES disagree with your viewpoint later and challenges it, your words will still most likely still remain in the article, but described as one viewpoint among multiples. TimothyPilgrim 12:53, August 19, 2005 (UTC)

Added by The Chouclansmen Association of America
By Lester D.K. Chow

The Zhou Dynasty of China is the third dynasty in China's history to rule the Chinese people. We have done our own research into Chinese history and have found that there were early errors made even by the best of ancient historians. For example, in early times people either did not have last names or were known by their clan father's name. People surnamed Zhou (Chou), today, hold that name, because their founding ancestor's name was Zhou. People of the Zhou clan were never surnamed Chi (Je) as stated by Ssi-ma Ch'ien. Chi was originally not a surname, but a label or classification of a grouping of people in China. Zhou in Chinese is Jo in Hebrew (See Wikipedia article on Eber), the exact same name and word meaning. Compare more accurately the Hebrew name of Joshua (Jo.shua), which means God is my salvation. Je and Jo are syllables used in the ancient Hebrew (Eberite) language carried over to ancient Chinese.

China has always been governed by indigenous Chinese people, descendants of Huang Di. The mainland of China has only been conquered twice in its four thousand year history by foreigners. The first conquest of China by foreigners was by Mongolians, Genghis Khan, in 1206 AD and the second conquest of China occurred in 1643 AD by Manchurians. In 1644, when the Manchurian leader was installed as Emperor of China, as Shun Chih, a quiet installation by China's Han-Chinese court took place installing the Zhou Dynasty king descendant as emperor of all of China as Shun Cheong. So, it is the Zhou Dynasty that, today, is China's Royal family and Court.

See http://www.oocities.com/zhouclan/chia_pu.html

Mr. Lester D.K. Chow is the younger second cousin of China's late Premier Zhou Enlai and younger second cousin, by marriage, to the late Sun Yat-sen and the late Chiang Kai-shek and the author of the above copyright information.

Lester, if you are willing to license the section of text above to the Wikipedia project, I will be happy to "massage it" into shape for publication. It is our custom not to include copyright notices within our articles. Rather, the "history" feature shows who supplied what text.

If information is condensed and summarized, it is often useful to supply an "external link" to the web site where it came from - especially when there is 3 times or even 10 times as much knowledge there.

Our primary purpose is the organization and presentation of knowledge. Please help us by following our conventions. (I have written you privately, offering to discuss this matter over the telephone.) Uncle Ed 14:15, August 19, 2005 (UTC)

--- how can you guys even waste your time and take this dude seriously? he's obviously pulling facts out of himself. quote: "I am the best authority on the Zhou Dynasty at this time in the entire world." from this line alone you should know not to entertain his mumbojumbo

--- Seriously, legitimate family member's shouldn't be so bashful about it. He is just modeling Wiki for his fantasy-world benefits. The Almanach De Bruxelles, does not recognize him, nor does any Ministry of the People's republic of China. As far as genealogists are concerned, he failed to provide any real proof of descent. Lester, your own studies are not concrete enough to lay a real claim to any line of descent, much less an Imperial line that ended decades ago.

title: User talk:Lester DK Chow


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Bourne Bridge

The Bourne Bridge in Bourne, Massachusetts, carries Route 28 across the Cape Cod Canal, connecting Cape Cod with the rest of Massachusetts. It won the American Institute of Steel Construction's Class "A" Award of Merit as the "Most Beautiful Steel Bridge" in 1934. Most traffic approaching from the west follows Route 25 which ends at the interchange with US 6 and Route 28 just north of the bridge. The highway provides freeway connections from Interstate 495 and Interstate 195.

History

The bridge and its sibling the Sagamore Bridge were constructed beginning in 1933 by the Public Works Administration for the United States Army Corps of Engineers, which operates both the bridges and the canal. Each bridge carries four lanes of traffic over a 616-foot (188 m) main span, with a 135-foot (41 m) ship clearance. Construction ended in early 1935 and the bridge opened on June 22, 1935. The approaches to the main span of the Bourne Bridge are considerably longer than those of the Sagamore Bridge due to the topography of the land. The bridge replaced an earlier 1911 bascule bridge (drawbridge), the Bourne Highway Bridge, the original approaches of which are still accessible. The current structure was built to accommodate the widening of the canal.

The bridge commences at a major rotary on the Cape Cod end.

Suicide deterrent fences
Between 1967 and 1977, 36 persons were recorded as having died by suicide from the Bourne and Sagamore bridges, and another 24 had attempted but either survived or were apprehended. From 1979 to 1983, as part of "major rehabilitation work," both of the bridges' four-foot high railings were replaced with suicide deterrent fencing. The 12 ft fencing consists of 1 in round pickets spaced a maximum of 6 in apart; the tops of the picket are bent on a 7 in radius toward the roadway. In the 28-year period after the new fencing was installed (1984–2012), seven persons are known to have died by suicide from the bridges, and during 2013–2021, two attempts were prevented. The fencing was cited in 2021 as a possible model for bridges in Rhode Island.

On the mainland side, New York Central Tugboat 16 sat on dry land at the approach to the bridge from the rotary from 1982 to 2006, serving as a local attraction.

Future
In October 2019, the Army Corps of Engineers recommended replacing the bridge with a wider bridge with four travel lanes, one auxiliary lane in each direction, bike and pedestrian paths, shoulders, and a median. The recommendation said that replacement was more cost-effective than upgrading the existing bridge in order to reduce long summertime backups.

The Massachusetts DOT is following up on the 2019 study about the future of the bridge along with the Sagamore Bridge. The 2019 study concluded that improvements were needed to connectivity across the canal. The Cape Cod Bridges program is currently taking public input into the multi phased project and have unveiled different design types for feedback.

Bicycle/pedestrian access
There is a 6 ft sidewalk for pedestrian and bicycle access on the west side of the bridge. The sidewalk is slightly raised, but there is no fence or barrier between it and car traffic, and cyclists are recommended to walk their bicycle. The bridge road is plowed in winter, although the sidewalk is sometimes unplowed and unpassable. Bridges to the Cape are sometimes closed for safety during high winds.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Bourne Bridge


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Dispensation

Dispensation may refer to:

 * Dispensation (Catholic canon law), the suspension, by competent authority, of general rules of law in particular cases in the Catholic Church
 * Dispensation (period), a period in history according to various religions
 * Dispensation (album), an album by Jimsaku

title: Dispensation


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Ankle–brachial pressure index

The ankle-brachial pressure index (ABPI) or ankle-brachial index (ABI) is the ratio of the blood pressure at the ankle to the blood pressure in the upper arm (brachium). Compared to the arm, lower blood pressure in the leg suggests blocked arteries due to peripheral artery disease (PAD). The ABPI is calculated by dividing the systolic blood pressure at the ankle by the systolic blood pressure in the arm.

Method
The patient must be placed supine, without the head or any extremities dangling over the edge of the table. Measurement of ankle blood pressures in a seated position will grossly overestimate the ABI (by approximately 0.3).

A Doppler ultrasound blood flow detector, commonly called Doppler wand or Doppler probe, and a sphygmomanometer (blood pressure cuff) are usually needed. The blood pressure cuff is inflated proximal to the artery in question. Measured by the Doppler wand, the inflation continues until the pulse in the artery ceases. The blood pressure cuff is then slowly deflated. When the artery's pulse is re-detected through the Doppler probe the pressure in the cuff at that moment indicates the systolic pressure of that artery. The higher systolic reading of the left and right arm brachial artery is generally used in the assessment. The pressures in each foot's posterior tibial artery and dorsalis pedis artery are measured with the higher of the two values used as the ABI for that leg.

 * $$ABPI_{Leg} = \frac { P_{Leg} }{ P_{Arm} }$$
 * Where PLeg is the systolic blood pressure of dorsalis pedis or posterior tibial arteries
 * and PArm is the highest of the left and right arm brachial systolic blood pressure

The ABPI test is a popular tool for the non-invasive assessment of Peripheral vascular disease (PVD). Studies have shown the sensitivity of ABPI is 90% with a corresponding 98% specificity for detecting hemodynamically significant (stenosis of more than 50%) in major leg arteries, defined by angiogram.

However, ABPI has known issues:
 * ABPI is known to be unreliable on patients with arterial calcification (hardening of the arteries) which results in less or incompressible arteries, as the stiff arteries produce falsely elevated ankle pressure, giving false negatives ). This is often found in patients with diabetes mellitus (41% of patients with peripheral arterial disease (PAD) have diabetes ), kidney failure or heavy smokers. ABPI values below 0.9 or above 1.3 should be investigated further regardless.
 * Resting ABPI is insensitive to mild PAD. Treadmill tests (6 minute) are sometimes used to increase ABPI sensitivity, but this is unsuitable for patients who are obese or have co-morbidities such as Aortic aneurysm, and increases assessment duration.
 * Lack of protocol standardisation, which reduces intra-observer reliability.
 * Skilled operators are required for consistent, accurate results.

When performed in an accredited diagnostic laboratory, the ABI is a fast, accurate, and painless exam, however these issues have rendered ABI unpopular in primary care offices and symptomatic patients are often referred to specialty clinics due to the perceived difficulties. Technology is emerging that allows for the oscillometric calculation of ABI, in which simultaneous readings of blood pressure at the levels of the ankle and upper arm are taken using specially calibrated oscillometric machines.

Interpretation of results
In a normal subject the pressure at the ankle is slightly higher than at the elbow (there is reflection of the pulse pressure from the vascular bed of the feet, whereas at the elbow the artery continues on some distance to the wrist).

The ABPI is the ratio of the highest ankle to brachial artery pressure. An ABPI between and including 0.90 and 1.29 considered normal (free from significant PAD), while a lesser than 0.9 indicates arterial disease. An ABPI value of 1.3 or greater is also considered abnormal, and suggests calcification of the walls of the arteries and incompressible vessels, reflecting severe peripheral vascular disease.

Provided that there are no other significant conditions affecting the arteries of the leg, the following ABPI ratios can be used to predict the severity of PAD as well as assess the nature and best management of various types of leg ulcers. Studies also indicate that the assessment of PAD in people with diabetes should use both ABPI ratios and Doppler waveforms.

Predictor of atherosclerosis mortality
Studies in 2006 suggests that an abnormal ABPI may be an independent predictor of mortality, as it reflects the burden of atherosclerosis. It thus has potential for screening for coronary artery disease, although no evidence-based recommendations can be made about screening in low-risk patients because clinical trials are lacking. It is noteworthy that abnormal values of ABI predispose to development of the frailty syndrome.

title: Ankle–brachial pressure index


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Talk:Hammerschmidt Villa

Uploading a picture
It seems I am at a loss in how to upload an image of the Hammerschmidt Villa. For practical purposes I would suggest to use the same picture as the corresponding article in the German Wikipedia. Could someone help please. --Istabraq 02:08, August 19, 2005 (UTC)

Thank you very much PMA for your help. --Istabraq 23:12, August 23, 2005 (UTC)

title: Talk:Hammerschmidt Villa


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Talk:Center for Global Infectious Disease Research

Name Change
In the February 15, 2010 email newletter, Seattle Biomedical Research Institute announced that they were changing their colloquial name from the acronym "SBRI" to Seattle Biomed. I have been unable to find an online source for this name change, but it is apparent from their current website, which also changed from sbri.org to seattlebiomed.org. In response, I have changed instances of "SBRI" in the article to read "Seattle Biomed".  Blue Rasberry  20:36, 1 March 2010 (UTC)

Also, I created the redirect page to send people who search for "Seattle Biomed" to here.  Blue Rasberry  20:39, 1 March 2010 (UTC)

 * They changed it again to Center for Infectious Disease Research  I have moved the page. --TeaDrinker (talk) 19:01, 25 April 2016 (UTC)

Promotional content
Someone just added a large amount of unreferenced content to the article - see here where I removed it. Content added to Wikipedia has to come from a published reliable source. I am happy to help anyone edit this article. See WP:HELP or ask questions at WP:TEAHOUSE for other advice.  Blue Rasberry   (talk)   18:29, 25 October 2012 (UTC)
 * I've cleaned up the article and have warned the user. In my message to the user, I referenced WP:RS, WP:EDITWAR, and other policies, and invited him to discuss any proposed changes here on the article's talk page before unilaterally making additions. Qworty (talk) 21:40, 7 November 2012 (UTC)

 * Yes I'll be watching this article too.--Tomwsulcer (talk) 01:37, 8 November 2012 (UTC)

Possible acceptable references
Here are some I found which might be considered for possible inclusion:

— Preceding unsigned comment added by Tomwsulcer (talk • contribs) 01:37, 8 November 2012


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Toba people

The Toba people, also known as the Qom people, are one of the largest indigenous groups in Argentina who historically inhabited the region known today as the Pampas of the Central Chaco. During the 16th century, the Qom inhabited a large part of what is today northern Argentina, in the current provinces of Salta, Chaco, Santiago del Estero, Formosa and the province of Gran Chaco in the southeast of the Department of Tarija in Bolivia (which the Qom have inhabited since the 20th century). Currently, many Toba, due to persecution in their rural ancestral regions, live in the suburbs of San Ramón de la Nueva Orán, Salta, Tartagal, Resistencia, Charata, Formosa, Rosario and Santa Fe and in Greater Buenos Aires. Nearly 130,000 people currently identify themselves as Toba or Qom. With more than 120,000 Qom living in Argentina, the Qom community is one of the largest indigenous communities in the country.

Like most indigenous groups in South America, the Qom have a long history of conflict and struggle following the arrival of the Spanish. While the Qom incorporated some aspects of European society into their culture, such as horseback riding, violent conflicts were fairly common. The Toba people, in particular, opposed the ideas of Christianity and the systems of forced labor that were imposed upon the Qom during the lives at Jesuit reductions. In some cases, attempts to assimilate the Toba people to Spanish society were accomplished with force and, when met with resistance from the indigenous group, resulted in massacres such as the Massacre of Napalpí. In more recent history, the Qom have struggled with problems such as poverty, malnutrition, discrimination and tuberculosis due to a lack of support from the community and the inequalities they have endured.

In 2010, a historic protest for land rights developed in the province of Formosa when the government announced it would build a university on lands traditionally claimed by the Qom. After the Tobas' roadblock of National Route 86 was met with violence on behalf of the Argentine police, resulting in the death of one Toba man and one police officer, the protest sparked national controversy and attention. Led by chief Félix Díaz, the Qom community, joined by other indigenous groups, began the Qopiwini organization and built an encampment in the middle of the city of Buenos Aires in order to continue protests and gain further recognition. While the protests have gained support from famous artists such as Gustavo Cordera, as well as international organizations such as Amnesty International and the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, the Qom's struggle for land rights and the Formosa case is still developing.

Early history
At the time of the arrival of the Spanish in the 16th century, the Qom primarily inhabited the regions known today as Salta and Tarija and from there, Qom communities extended in territory until the Bermejo River and the Pilcomayo River, overlapping with other indigenous communities. The large demographic growth of the Wichi put pressure on the Qom and forced them to displace themselves farther east, to the territories that they largely inhabit today. Traditionally, the Qom and the Mocoví peoples regarded each other as allies while the Abipon peoples were typically treated as enemies to the Qom.

Like other Guaycuru peoples, the Qom organize themselves into bands composed by up to 60 families that would establish relationships with other bands. The principal groups among the Toba were the sheu’l’ec who inhabited the northern or sheu region, the dapigueml’ec who inhabited the western or dapiguem region, the l’añagashec who inhabited the southeastern or l’añaga region, the tacshic who inhabited the eastern or tagueñi region and the qollaxal’ec who inhabited the southernmost region known as qollaxa.

Contact with Europeans
The first written record of Spanish interaction with the Qom appears at the beginning of the 1700s but no formal study of the Qom people was done until Father José Cardú, a Spanish Franciscan missionary, estimated that there were at least 4,000 Tobas living in the western or dapiguem region. The first missionaries to make contact with the Qom did not immediately try to introduce them to an agricultural lifestyle, an approach that was adopted in almost every other part of Latin America in order to "civilize" the indigenous group. Instead, the limited resources and the difficulties presented by the landscape of the Chaco forced missionaries to accept the Qom's hunter-gatherer lifestyle as the only sustainable option. The presence of the Spanish resulted in a great revolution for the Qom, in part because the Qom encountered a new and powerful enemy and in part because the Spanish involuntarily provided the Qom with a great contribution to their culture: in the 17th century the Qom began to utilize horses and soon developed a powerful equestrian complex in the center and southern part of the Gran Chaco region, known as the Chaco Gualamba.

The Qom became competent horsemen despite the fact that their territory was in large part covered in woodlands forests. When riding their horses through the trees the Qom used to fasten pieces of leather to their heads in order to prevent injuries from the spines of the trees and attacks from jaguars and pumas that would jump from the tree branches to attack them. As enemies of the Paraguayan state, on nights of the full moon, the Qom and other neighboring guaycurú groups would cross the Paraguay River on horse in order to carry out raids. With the adoption of horseback riding, the Qom could extend the reach of their raids, transforming themselves into the dominant indigenous group of the Central Chaco. Furthermore, their command of the horses permitted the Qom to advance further west and even conduct raids in the northeast zones that correspond to what is today known as the Pampas. From their horses, armed with bows and arrows, the Qom hunted not only indigenous animals but also cattle that had been imported from Europe. While the horse played a revolutionary role in changing the way in which the Qom travelled and participated in hunts and raids, some historians believe that some bands of Qom maintained more traditional hunting methods. Here, the Qom would use horses to approach their targets but would dismount and stalk their prey on foot in order to avoid notice.

In 1756 the Jesuits founded the Toba reduction, San Ignacio de Ledesma, near the Ledesma fort in the province of Jujuy. At the time of the expulsion of the Jesuits from Latin America in 1768, there were 600 Qom living at the reduction.

The Qom became one of the most resistant indigenous groups that opposed attempts at transculturation and usurpation of the white man in the Chaco region. Led by famous chiefs such as Tayolique, the Qom frequently used guns to oppose European intervention and continued to update their rifles in order to better defend themselves and their territory. In 1858, the Qom even threatened the city of Santa Fe. However, after 1880 they could not confront the Argentine Army that confined them to the so-called "Impenetrable Chaco", a densely forested area of the Chaco that was difficult to navigate and survive due to the scarcity of water. In 1901, the government, led by Julio Argentino Roca, as well as Franciscan missionaries from the convent of San Carlos Borromeo of San Lorenzo in Santa Fe agreed to found two indigenous reductions in the National Territory of Formosa. One of the missions, San Francisco Solano de Tacaaglé, was initiated by the Franciscan friar Terence Marcucci on March 21, 1901 with 150 Qom and Pilagá people largely coming from the northern Chaco in Paraguay. The mission occupied 20,000 hectares of land near the Pilcomayo River, inside of which the mission itself was moved various times. The second reduction, San Francisco de Laishí was founded with the Qom people on March 25, 1901 in the southeast region of Formosa by Father Serafín Iturralde and Father Ghio. This mission was composed of 74,000 hectares of land in which there was a sugar factory that operated until 1946. When Formosa became an official province in 1955, the two missions were given civil control, resulting in the towns of Misión Tacaaglé and San Francisco de Laishí.

The indigenous people of the Gran Chaco, in general, maintained their sovereignty until the late 19th century. The conquest of the territory and the subjugation of their people during the Conquest of the Gran Chaco decimated the population. In the second half of the 20th century, when the Qom stopped working as agrarian labor, a massive expulsion of indigenous people from the area resulted. The first conquest over the territories began in 1884 and is remembered as the Conquest of the Gran Chaco. One of the principal protagonists of this campaign was General Victorica. During this mission that began in 1911, General Victoria led his men into the Chaco region, ultimately ending a revolt led by the Qom in 1916. Afterwards, the Qom remained marginalized in the poorest areas and as a result of the reduction in the size of their territories, survival became even harder. In 1924, when the government led by Marcelo Torcuato de Alvear wanted to increase farming areas by giving land to foreigners and Creoles while concentrating the Qom on reservations, the Qom fought their last military resistance in the Indigenous Colony of Napalpí in the province of Chaco. This battle resulted in the death of 200 Qom, an event that is known as the Massacre of Napalpí. Many Qom were forced to work on cotton plantations or in manufacturing plants. On July 19, 1924, during the presidency of Marcelo T. de Alvear, 200 people from the Qom and Mocoví communities died at the hands of the Chaco police and estancia owners. More than 700 people were injured, including women, children and the elderly. Those who weren't killed by police gunfire had their throats slit with machetes and axes by the National Police troops, sent by Alvear. In 2022, Argentina opened a 'truth trial' about the Napalpí massacre, the first to look at persecution of Indigenous people in the country.

Recent history
In 2006, the primary groups of the Qom were located in the western part of the province of Formosa, the center and eastern sections of the Chaco province and the northern part of the province of Santa Fe, as well as the Chaco Boreal in Paraguay. In Argentina, there are 69,462 registered Qom, with 59,800 members of the tribe who speak the indigenous language. In Paraguay, there are around 700 Qom. In the western region of the province of Formosa, the Qom have mixed with the Pilagá community and are referred to as the Toba-Pilagá.

There is currently an intense internal migration of the Qom to Gran Rosario. There, the Qom gather especially densely in the neighborhood of Toba and in the northeastern part of the province of Santiago del Estero. Another settlement is found in the jurisdiction of La Plata in the province of Buenos Aires.

The Supplementary Survey of Indigenous Communities (Encuesta Complementaria de Pueblos Indígenas) 2004–2005, complementary to the Argentina's National Census of 2001 recognized 69,452 people living in Argentina as Qom or first-generation Qom descendants, of which 47,591 lived in the provinces of Chaco, Formosa and Santa Fe, 14,466 lived in the city of Buenos Aires, 24 in the province of Buenos Aires and 7,395 in the rest of the country.

The National Census of 2010 in Argentina revealed that 126,967 people self-identified as Qom in the country. A breakdown of the survey results showed that 35,544 lived in Gran Buenos Aires, 30,766 in the province of Chaco, 13,475 in the province of Buenos Aires, 12,246 in Formosa, 4,117 in Córdoba, 3,845 in the city of Buenos Aires, 3,427 in the province of Salta, 1,630 in the province of Entre Ríos, 947 in Santiago del Estero, 928 in Mendoza, 927 in Tucumán, 905 in Corrientes, 681 in Chubut, 419 in Catamarca, 221 in Tierra del Fuego, 210 in La Rioja, 209 in Neuquén, 189 in La Pampa and 157 in Santa Cruz.

The economic situation for the majority of the Qom is precarious. Many Qom live in areas associated with poverty, or in Argentine slum communities known as villas miserias. Members of the Qom community who maintain their ancestral lands live in rural communities regulated by neighboring commissions, community association or run by traditional leaders, sometimes referred to as caciques. There are some positive indicators such as the fact that 1000 hectares of land were donated to the Qom. This land was used to build houses, supply potable water and establish new bilingual schools were children learn their ancestral history and receive instruction about their culinary traditions.

Today, the Qom suffer from a lack of adequate medical care, seen in January 2015 when many Qom died of malnutrition and Tuberculosis. During Roy Nikisch's time as governor, the situation with the Qom in the province of Chaco was declared a "true humanitarian emergency" by senator Rosa Chiquichano and legislation was passed to confirm the humanitarian situation after dozens of Qom died due to a lack of nutrition. The bishop of Resistencia, the capital of Chaco, arrived to ask for intervention on behalf of the governor when ten indigenous people also died due to a lack of proper nutrition. In 2015, the death of Néstor Femenia, a seven year old Qom child, gained national attention when the child died of multi-organ failure as a result from complications stemming from malnutrition and tuberculosis. The government has recently built two new hospitals, Laguna Blanca and Hospital El Espinillo, in Qom communities in the province of Formosa. Laguna Blanca is located 15 kilometers from Argentina's border with Paraguay and about 2000 kilometers from the capital of Formosa. The Nam Center for Primary Health Care for Qom, located on National Route 11 in the city of Formosa, was also established in an attempt to provide better healthcare for Qom people.

Land protests
From 2008 to the present, the Qom have participated in a series of protests, in both the province of Formosa as well as the city of Buenos Aires, in order to raise awareness of the discrimination the group has encountered and demand rights to their traditional lands that are guaranteed by the Argentine Constitution.

Roadblock of Route 86
Since 2008, many indigenous people have joined the "Movimiento Nacional Campesino Indígena" (National Movement of Indigenous Peasants) and fight for the legal right to their land and against agribusiness. In 2010 this movement became especially powerful when the governor of Formosa, Gildo Insfrán, began to push for the construction of the University Institute of Formosa as part of the National University of Formosa, near the Pilcomayo National Forest. However, the La Primavera Qom Community alleges they possess the title to land, which resulted in territorial conflicts when construction began. Felix Díaz, a Qom leader, along with other Qom, decided to cut off the National Route 86 in Argentina in order to protest construction of the University Institute. The Qom claim that the Argentine Constitution establishes that indigenous communities have the right to their ancestral lands, as does the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples which acknowledges the relationship between these communities and their lands. Throughout this period, there were incidents of shootings and accusations of aggression towards both the Qom and the police. As a result of the protests, construction of the University Institute was suspended awaiting a decision from the Argentine National Supreme Court of Justice.

On November 23, the situation deteriorated when police were called in to forcibly disband the protest. The police burned down temporary shelters built alongside the road and violence erupted, resulting in the arrest of nearly 30 people, including some children. The same day, the Celía family would also come forward to claim the lands in question, bringing police with them to enforce their claim. By the end of the night, two people, a policeman as well as a Qom man named Roberto López, had been killed and several others were hospitalized due to the conflict. Díaz and other Qom protestors were even shot at by both the police and supporters of the Celía family. As a result of the violent events that occurred on November 23, Díaz, as well as 23 other members of the Qom community, were accused of crimes of illegal occupation and usurpation of land and became involved in criminal proceedings against them. In order to further protests and raise awareness of these incidents, Díaz and other Qom moved their protest to the city of Buenos Aires. However, no public or governmental entity received the Qom other than Florencio Randazzo, an Argentine politician who worked as the Minister of the Interior from 2007 to 2015. Díaz was also received by Pope Francis who was concerned over the severity of the incidents. Despite this, threats towards the Qom community did not stop.

The Supreme Court planned a public forum for March 7, 2012, in which all parties involved could come and express their positions. Members of the provincial government, officials from the Institute for Indigenous Affairs, CELS (the Center for Legal and Social Studies), and Felix Díaz, who served as a representative of the Qom community, were all invited. Stella Maris Zabala de Copes, the district attorney for the province of Formosa would attend the forum in place of the governor of Formosa. The two primary issues discussed during the forum were the controversy over land rights and the increasing acts of violence towards indigenous members. In August 2012, concern for violence towards indigenous members was especially apparent after Díaz was run over by a truck while traveling on his motorcycle. According to witnesses, the vehicle that ran over Díaz was owned by the same Celía family that had also claimed land in Formosa.

Defense attorneys for Díaz and CELS argued that the district attorney's office refused to listen to evidence presented by Díaz and instead only listened to testimonies brought forward by the police. In April 2012, the charges against Díaz and the other 23 Qom members were dismissed due to a lack of evidence. In November, the Chamber of Appeals for Resistance withdrew charges against Díaz and Amanda Asikak. The judges stated that the roadblock of the National Route 86 was the only measure the indigenous group had at their disposition in order to protest the construction of the National Institute. However, the Penal Council ordered that the investigation continue into Díaz's supposed violent acts that occurred November 23. Despite orders to continue investigating the events of November 23, the court has never investigated the attacks perpetrated against Díaz and his community. The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights asked Argentine authorities to take measures in order to guarantee security and safety for Félix Díaz and his family. Due to the increased police presence, other threats against the community were observed.

In 2012, while Díaz travelled along the intersection of Route 2 and Route 86, he was hit by an all-terrain vehicle (known commonly as a 4x4). The vehicle then fled the scene. The vehicle that caused the accident was recognized by inhabitants of the area as that of the Celía family, who besides being close friends to government officials in Formosa, had already been accused of a previous attack against Díaz during the roadblock of the Route 86. After the incident gained public attention, Díaz was moved to an intensive therapy program and would publicly claim that the incident was an attack against his life and a direct result of the Qom's land dispute.

Over the next year, several Qom would be killed in car accidents along the Route 86, a result of what many indigenous members claimed to be homicide. In January 2013, Juan Daniel Asijak, the 16-year-old nephew of Díaz, died in an accident on Route 86. He had been hit with a piece of oxidized iron that did not seem to be a result of the accident and could not be explained as belonging to the car or any nearby structures. The same month, Imer Ilbercio Flores, a young Qom child, was killed in a car accident in Villa Río Bermejito, in the province of Chaco. A month before, a similar accident had occurred when a truck charged a motorcycle driven by a Qom woman named Celestina Jara, resulting in her death and that of her granddaughter Lila Coyipé.

Qopiwini and Buenos Aires protests
By the end of February, 2015, the Qom, Pilagá, Wichi and Nivaclé communities (grouped together under the Qopiwini organization) established a camp at the intersection of the Avenida 9 de Julio and Avenida de Mayo in the city of Buenos Aires. Here, they hoped to denounce the actions taken by the government of Formosa and obtain more signatures of those who supported their land claim. Díaz also claimed that the government had not cooperated with any of the previously established treaties during the past four years that would protect the different communities. Amnesty International asked the Argentine government protect and ensure the physical safety of the communities. The camp gained international attention, including that of The Guardian and other famous news groups. In April, the camp suffered an attack when a person on board a motorcycle threw a Molotov cocktail into one of the camp tents and at nearly the same time, various unidentified people in the state of Formosa broke into the Qom Radio Station, FM 89.3, and destroyed much of the equipment. On July 1, 2015, more than one hundred members of the Federal Police surrounded the campsite. Díaz met with one of the deputies and was presented with an order of eviction. In September, Gustavo Cordera, a famous Argentine musician, visited the campsite and expressed public support for the Qom cause. Additionally, Cordera and Díaz made an appearance on the TV show Intratables, a program that analyzes the most important and controversial news stories.

On November 3, 2015, Mauricio Macri, at the time a presidential candidate for the Cambiemos political coalition, visited the campsite and interviewed Díaz. Marco signed an act of compromise, promising to comply with several of the indigenous communities' demands should he win the ballotage on November 22. According to Díaz, Macri never asked for votes or support in exchange for his cooperation. Instead, Macri signed the act in order to promote indigenous rights. Díaz publicly asked Daniel Scioli, the other presidential candidate, to visit the campsite and meet with leaders but this ultimately never happened.

Qom protests under Macri administration
With the knowledge that Mauricio Macri had won the presidency, the Qom and other indigenous groups from the Qopiwini were able to have an interview with Claudio Avruj, the secretary for Human Rights, who confirmed that the new government would issue a response to the indigenous groups' claims. Following this interview on Tuesday, December 1, the Qopiwini announced in a press conference that they would be clearing the campsite on December 6. One of the reasons given for the abandonment of the campsite was the fear of further attacks on the campsite by supporters of former president Cristina Fernández Kirchner on December 10, the day of Macri's inauguration, given that attacks had already been perpetrated by pro-Kirchner supporters. On December 17, a week after officially being recognized as the President of Argentina, Macri held talks with Díaz and other indigenous leaders such as Relmu Ñamku. In February 2016, it was rumored that Díaz could be chosen to serve as president of the National Institute of Indigenous Affairs (INAI). This rumor was confirmed by Relmu Ñamku, one of those present during initial talks between Díaz and Macri. However, Raúl Eduardo Rudiaz was assigned as president of the institute instead. In an interview, Díaz confirmed that one of the points of the agreement that had been signed by Macri was that the INAI be presided over by an indigenous person. Despite the seeming lack of progress, Díaz continued to express hope that Macri would abide by the compromise act he had signed.

Díaz, together with other indigenous communities, returned to Buenos Aires on March 15, 2016 to rebuild the camp and raise awareness of the struggles of indigenous communities once again. However, this time, the indigenous communities decided to set up camp in the former Navy Petty-Officers School of Mechanics, a controversial site that had once been used as a clandestine detention center for the disappearance and torture of political prisoners during the Argentine military dictatorship, and known popularly as the ex-ESMA. The Qom and other communities hoped that by protesting in this historically important site, they would gain more attention and ultimately be received by the Secretary of Human Rights, Claudio Avruj. At the end of March, the Department of Human Rights proposed the creation of a process of Consultative and Participative Advice of Indigenous Peoples (Consejo Consultivo y Participativo de los Pueblos Indígenas) which had been formed and supported by various indigenous leaders. Claudio Avruj, the secretary of Human Rights, affirmed that the agreement had been the result of meetings of the Council of Work and Dialogue between Indigenous Peoples and the National Government. Avruj also stated that Díaz promised to dismantle the campsite at the ex-ESMA provided that the government continued to consult indigenous communities and move forward with Macri's previously signed compromise.

On July 15, 2016, the Consultative and Participative Advice of Indigenous Peoples program was officially created. During the next two days, nearly 300 indigenous community members and leaders attended meetings and debates in order to establish internal rules and design an executive commission within the program. Relmu Ñamku was designated Secretary General while Félix Díaz was chosen as president of the organization. Besides these two leaders, four vice-presidents were selected in order to represent the four historic regions of Argentina: Faustino Lencina in Central Argentina, Jorge Palomo in Northeast Argentina, Margarita Mamani and Rolando Flores in Northwest Argentina and Rubén Huanque in Southern Argentina.

Language
The language of the Qom is referred to as qom l’aqtac and from a linguistic point of view, it is assumed to belong to the Guaicuruan language group that many authors consider that, along with the Matacoana languages that form the mataco-guaicuruan linguistic family. In the Toba Qom language, the Qom originally referred to themselves as the ntokóit, but since the end of the 20th century, this indigenous group began to utilize the self-given name, Qom, that is derived from the personal pronoun qomi, meaning we. In a restricted sense, this name refers only to the Qom people and in a more ample context, it can refer to all indigenous groups. Also, although less frequently, the Qom refer to themselves as the qom’lek or qom’lik. Despite being an indigenous group from the Pampas region and not from the Andean region, since the 1980s, it is common to see the word written as qom where the "q" denotes a voiceless uvular stop that appears in Andean languages such as Quechua and Aimara and sounds similar to a "k".

As it commonly occurs in the spelling of indigenous names, there are many variations in spelling for indigenous words. "Toba" is an initially pejorative name of Guarani origin, but it is of ample use among the Qom themselves, in the self-naming of their communities and in the national census of Argentina. The name tová (forehead) came to be as a result of the idea that the Qom, according to some sources, used to shave the hair off of the front part of their scalps. Other sources attribute it to a custom, not currently practiced, of removing the hair from one's eyebrows. For these motives, the Spanish from Asuncion, called them frentones (meaning large forehead, a name also given to the Abipón people and the Guaicurues) following the first encounter between the two groups in the 16th century. The generalization of the toba name did not occur among the Qom themselves until the beginning of the 18th century.

In Paraguay, this group also used to call themselves the emok, a term in the Enlhet language that means friend or countrymen.

As of 2007, there were an estimated 40,000 people who spoke Toba Qom as native speakers. In 2010, the province of Chaco in Argentina recognized Toba Qom as one of the official languages of the province in addition to Spanish, Wichi and Moqoit.

Religion
The Qom's system of beliefs have been classified as animistic and shamanistic. The Qom worship all natural beings and possess a belief in a supreme being. The Qom maintain this religious system through oral traditions and transmission of their beliefs. Traditionally, the Qom built tamnaGaikí that served as prayer huts where all members of Qom society were welcome to gather and pray together. In any case, even today, a large part of the Qom population turn to shamans or pio’oxonak which act as healers. Traditional medicine practiced by healers and shamans places a special emphasis on the use of animals—and especially animal fat—in the form of zootherapy. Studies show that Qom shamans have nearly 200 medicinal uses for almost 75 different species of animals, including birds, insects, reptiles and mollusks. While most of the animals used for medicinal purposes are native to the Chaco region, Qom shamans have also incorporated the medicinal use non-native species such as horses and bees. One possible explanation for the Qom's reverence of the use of animals in their medicine is seen through their animistic religious beliefs where animals were believed to have been gods and the original creators of the lands. In addition to their important role as spiritual leaders and healers, Qom shaman also serve as political leaders and as counselors to a band's chief.

During colonization, Jesuit and Franciscan missionaries viewed the Qom's religious beliefs as being inspired by the Devil, claiming that shamans, in particular, were weapons of Satan that prevented the successful evangelization of the Qom. Before the acceptation of Christianity, infanticide was frequent among the Qom, a custom that was a result of the scarcity of food and other resources that the Qom historically suffered. In return, the children who survived were treated with special dedication and affection.

Today, most Qom have adopted Christianity. While the Qom practice a variety of different sects of Christianity, Anglican and Pentecostal groups are especially prevalent given that many shamans converted to Protestant priests. Unfortunately, inequalities among the Qom do exist as a result of religious beliefs, especially between Anglicans and those who maintain traditional beliefs and practices. Here, many Anglican practitioners look down upon traditional religious practices and beliefs as well as ancient Qom society as a whole, believing that it represents a period in which the Qom were not civilized or developed people.

Traditional clothing
Qom culture, with respect to their customs and traditions, is very efficient and functional in design. The Qom lived in log shelters covered in straw with living spaces that measured some two meters in diameter. The Qom made ceramic objects, wove baskets and knit clothes for mostly utilitarian purposes.

During the warmest months, the Qom used almost no clothing, with the exception of simple loincloths. In the cooler months, the Qom used more complex clothing and on occasions such as ritual celebrations, the Qom adorned themselves elaborately. Here, they wore dresses called potos prepared with fibers from the Achmea distichantha plant also known as the Brazilian vaseplant, as well as leather and cotton, following the arrival of the Spanish.

During the coldest months of the year, the Qom wrapped themselves in ponchos. Adult males adorned their heads with the opaga, a headdress made from feathers and cords made from the vase plant. Women and younger men decorated themselves with onguaghachik: bracelets originally made using teeth and claws from animals, seeds, feathers, shells and cochleas. It appears that the Qom obtained many of these elements through a system of barter and trade with other indigenous groups. Necklaces called colaq were also worn and made using similar items to the onguaghachik. Another item, known as the nallaghachik were eminently festive accessories that were brightly colored and made using feathers, flowers and leaves.

Gender roles
While there is a strict division of labor among the Qom, men and women are considered equally important and respected in social and political terms. Traditionally, a man's primary job within the tribe was to hunt while women primarily worked as gatherers and maintained small plots of vegetables. Both jobs were considered equally important among the Qom and there was no discrimination between genders. The only role in society that did not have an equivalent role for the opposite gender was that of the warrior. For the Qom, only men were permitted to actively participate in raids and battles as warriors although women were frequently involved in the aftermath. Even before the raids, women were not allowed to participate in rituals such as the Dance of Courage, in order to ensure that the warriors were focused and ready for war. Following the event, women often divided the winnings of the battle or raid, splitting up the resources received and finding families to raise children from foreign tribes that were taken prisoner. In the aftermath of victory, the Qom would participate in the Dance of the Scalps in which everyone celebrated, indulging in fermented, alcoholic beverages. However, as part of their duties, women did not drink and had to remain sober in order to prevent and de-escalate any quarrels that might result and act as mediators.

Another difference in gender roles among the Qom appears in the way in which men and women display aggression. Traditionally, men would not engage in physical violence using their fists or weapons to hurt one another but rather would fight through a series of challenges to determine who was stronger. In the case that physical fighting did break out, other men would not interfere. In fact, only the intervention of a woman, particularly one with close ties to one of the men involved, could end the fight. However, for women, fights were often public and there was never any form of intervention. These fights were seen as spectacles and were often observed by various members of the group until one woman ceded or was sufficiently wounded. Additionally, women's fights differ from men's in the use of weapons. Traditionally, it was not uncommon for Qom women to use knuckle-dusters. These weapons were made from wood or pieces of hide and sharp objects such as piranha teeth or sharpened rocks could be added in order to cause more damage to one's opponent. Even among children, this difference between physical aggression between girls and boys has been observed in which young girls seem more aggressive and engage in physical fights more often than boys.

Today, gender roles among the Qom have changed. In more rural areas, women are becoming increasingly involved in maintaining sheep and goat herds as well as in craftsmanship, weaving complex tapestries and handbags. While men are still involved in hunting and farming, the emergence of jobs in state agencies such as a municipality or other public sector jobs have resulted in a large change in Qom society. Increasingly, men are being seen as the primary income recipient in the household, resulting in increasingly unequal gender roles for the Qom. On a larger scale, this development has led to the development of a social hierarchy among the Qom where there was previously none, resulting in social inequalities and unrest among some Qom communities.

Nutrition and agriculture
Until the 19th century, the Qom were primarily a hunter-gatherer, semi-nomadic society that traveled in pursuit of dietary resources. There also existed a very strict sexual division of labor: the men, from a very early age, dedicated themselves to hunting and fishing and the women collected food and worked in incipient agricultural gardens that were in large part influenced by contributions from the groups from the Andean and Amazonian regions. In this way, the Qom women cultivated plants such as nachitek (squash), oltañi (corn), avagha (beans), sweet potatoes and manioc on small and medium-sized plots. However, these products were only complementary to their diet and the Qom never produced a surplus of such items. One possible explanation for this is that between the months of August and September, the Qom went through what was known as the Hungry Season and the period of silence. This time, the end of winter and the beginning of spring, represents a period in weather in which it is hard to successfully support and produce agriculture and wildlife is often not as active as it might be due to periods of cold weather. During this time, Qom women would often gather what they considered to be emergency foods: such as prickly pears, tubers and reeds. Another ecological explanation for this apparent flaw is that the climate and soil of their territory did not have a high enough yield for agricultural production while the Chaco territory, in its natural state, was a great source for supplying the Qom's dietary needs, especially with respect to proteins. The Qom hunted principally tapirs, peccaries, deer, guanaco and a large variety of birds. Additionally, the Qom used to collect honey and large amounts of fruit and berries. During the 19th century and the first half of the 20th century, the Qom farmed small and medium-sized plots or worked as temporary laborers at rural jobs, such as being an axeman or a cotton picker. As incipient cultivators, their agriculture is primarily subsistence in nature where the cultivation of squash, manioc and sweet potatoes was most common. Another way in which the Qom obtained resources is the diversification of artisanal interests such as ceramics, Guaiacum products, and textiles. However, in the second half of the 20th century, many Qom were forced to migrate to the city, especially cities such as Roque Sáenz Peña, Resistencia, Gran Santa Fe, Gran Rosario and Gran Buenos Aires, due to the destruction of their agricultural lands and the introduction of the soybean plant. In such urban nuclei, almost all Qom in their entirety live in poorer economic zones.

One group on investigators from the Department of Agriculture in the University of Buenos Aires, together with members of the Qom community "La Primavera" are working to reintroduce some sixty indigenous types of corn that are not reproducing as they should. According to Julián Hernández, "The objective is to reintroduce native corn varieties adapted to the environmental conditions of the northeast Argentina and the Chaco region, to support the availability of food and to better the economic earnings of an indigenous group in the region". Hernández has studied these varieties of corn for more than thirty-five years and will be the director of a joint initiative to lead a team of agriculturalists, anthropologists and biologists from the University of Buenos Aires.

Presence in culture
Many Argentine authors and composers portray the Qom community as one of the themes of their works. One of such works is "Antiguo dueño de las flechas" ("The Ancient Owner of the Arrows"), a song more frequently recognized by its opening line: "Indio toba". The lyrics to "Antiguo dueño de las flechas" were written by historian and poet Félix Luna while the melody was composed by a pianist and composer from Santa Fe by the name of Ariel Ramírez. The song was registered by SADAÍC (The Argentine Society of Authors and Composers) in 1974 and the most popular version of the song was performed by Mercedes Sosa. The duo Tonolec interpreted the song in the Qom's own language and mixed then released the new version with electronic rhythms. The chief of the Qom, Félix Díaz, sang the song together with Gustavo Cordera at the Qom camp.

The general history of the Qom community and other Guaicurue ethnic group was captured in the work Historia sagrada del pueblo qom en el país chaqueño (The Sacred History of the Qom Community in the Country of Chaco) by the Argentine Flavio Dalastto, who has published volumes one and two of a collection of five.

In 2008, Jorge Luis Nuñez and Gustavo Giorgetti directed a short documentary called Tierras prometidas: El periplo de los aborigenes Tobas (Promised Land: The Journey of the Toba Aboriginals). While the documentary begins with interactions between the Qom people and Spanish missionaries and discusses the various struggles the Qom have historically faced until the present day, the vast majority of Tierras prometidas focuses on the April 19th Qom Community that lives in Buenos Aires, in the neighborhood of Dock Sud. As one of the largest petrochemical hubs in Buenos Aires, Dock Sud is regarded as one of the most polluted areas in Buenos Aires, where heavy metals and chemical contamination are prevalent and endanger the lives of those living around the contaminated river. Chief Ruben Sarmiento describes the struggles the Qom people face living in this community, including poverty, discrimination, malnutrition, crime, Tuberculosis and Chagas disease.

Flags
The Qom use three different flags in order to represent themselves and their culture. One flag, pictured to the left, shows yellow, green and red vertical stripes in a repeating pattern Here, the colors of the Qom flag represent the seasons in the Chaco region where the Qom traditionally live: yellow represents the flowers in the springtime, green represents all the trees in the summer and rusty-red color represents the ripe fruit of the fall. The repetition of the colors signifies the cycle of the seasons and the continuation of the Qom way of life. A second Qom flag shares similar color symbolism to the first. However, there are two major differences between the flags: their pattern and the use of blue horizontal stripes in the second flag. While there does not appear to be great significance with respect to the change in pattern between the two flags, the blue, horizontal stripes of the second flag represent water and its impact on life and the earth.

The final flag used by the Qom is the Wiphala, a flag used by many indigenous communities in South America. The Qom, and other indigenous groups in Argentina, use the Qullasuyu version of the flag where the longest diagonal stripe of the flag is made using white squares. The Qom's use of this flag became especially popular during more recent land protests when various indigenous groups protested jointly in an attempt to regain their ancestral lands.

Argentina
Since 1995, the National Institute of Indigenous Issues (INAI) began to recognize legal capacity through the means of registration with the National Register of Indigenous Communities (RENACI) to indigenous communities in Argentina. For the Qom or Toba people, the following communities have been legally recognized.

Province of Buenos Aires Province of Chaco Province of Santa Fe Toba and Mocoví communities in Santa Fe Province of Salta Province of Formosa
 * Daviaxaiqui Indigenous Community, Morón, September 27, 1995
 * April 19 Indigenous Community, Marcos Paz, May 23, 1996
 * Yecthakay Indigenous Community, Tigre, September 15, 1999
 * Migtagan Toba Aboriginal Community, Almirante Brown, December 20, 2000
 * Dapiguen La’Ecpi’ Community — The Natives of Northern Argentina —, Quilmes, June 8, 2001
 * Toba Roots Community, La Plata, October 9, 2002
 * Yapé Toba Aboriginal Community, Quilmes, January 7, 2004
 * Community of Indigenous Peoples, Berazategui, April 16, 2004
 * Laphole Community, San Nicolás, November 1, 2005
 * Nam Qom Community, La Plata, April 7, 2011
 * Makable Indigenous Community, November 28, 1995
 * Cacique Moreno Indigenous Community, June 30, 1995
 * Villa Teresita Indigenous Community, June 30, 1995
 * El Pindo Indigenous Community, June 30, 1995
 * Cincuenta Viviendas Indigenous Community, November 28, 1995
 * Delek Island Indigenous Community, June 30, 1995
 * Laguna Pato — Lapel Huptaxañilay — Indigenous Community, June 30, 1995
 * Paraje Maipú Indigenous Community, June 30, 1995
 * Rancho Viejo — Payrore — Indigenous Community, June 30, 1995
 * Rincón del Zorro Indigenous Community, June 30, 1995
 * Villa Margarita Indigenous Community, June 30, 1995
 * Yatay Indigenous Community, June 30, 1995
 * 7 Tree Colony Indigenous Community, August 12, 1996
 * Barrio Industrial Indigenous Community, May 17, 1996
 * Barrio Toba-Lote 532 Indigenous Community, May 17, 1996
 * Basail Indigenous Community, January 10, 1996
 * Campo Winter Indigenous Community, April 1, 1996
 * Costaine Indigenous Community, January 10, 1996
 * Barrio Esperanza Indigenous Community, May 9, 1996
 * Fidelidad Indigenous Community, April 1, 1996
 * Laguna Lobos Indigenous Community, May 17, 1996
 * Mapic Indigenous Community, January 10, 1996
 * Margarita Belén Indigenous Community, January 10, 1996
 * Nala — Sol de Mayo — Indigenous Community, Bermejo, June 1, 2001
 * El Toroltay Aboriginal Toba Community, General Güemes, May 23, 2003
 * Barrio Norte Río Bermejito Toba Community, General Güemes, April 22, 2008
 * Barrio Curishi Aboriginal Community, General Güemes, October 5, 2010
 * Torolshere Aboriginal Community, Paraje Pozo del Toro, Juan José Castelli, General Güemes, April 18, 2012
 * El Zanjón Qom Community, Paraje el Zanjón, Juan José Castelli, General Güemes, October 8, 2013
 * Barrio Quinta Number 12 Qom Community, Juan José Castello, General Güemes, March 11, 2014
 * Las Lomas Indigenous Community, October 9, 1995
 * Florencia Aboriginal Community, General Obligado October 4, 1999
 * Cotapic-El Quebracho Aboriginal Community, General Obligado, October 18, 2001
 * Quompi-Mucha Gente Aborigen Aboriginal Community, General Obligado, August 8, 2001
 * Nam Qom Community, Rosario, February 28, 2002
 * Qadhuoqte Community, Rosario, July 1, 2004
 * Barrio Toba Cacique Francisco Moreno Aboriginal Community, Rosario, April 22, 2008
 * Toba Qom Lmac’Na Alua Aboriginal Community — Land of the Aboriginals —, Rosario, December 19, 2008
 * Qomlashi Lma Nam Qom Toba Community — Place of the Toba —, The Capital, July 31, 2009
 * Qar Ka La Community, Rafaela, Castellans, November 17, 2010 (This community is the only one listed that has been resisted and recognized by the Special Registry of Aboriginal Communities of Santa Fe but is not recognized by the National Registry of Indigenous Communities)
 * El Pignik Mocoví and Toba Aboriginal Community, General Obligado, November 3, 2000
 * Ralagay Yogoñí — New Dawn — Aboriginal Community, Rosario, November 7, 2006
 * Kom Lek Toba Community, Tartagal, General José de San Martín, September 1, 2000
 * Misión La Loma Toba Indigenous Community, Embarcación, General José de San Martín, October 14, 2003
 * Berger Johnson Barrio El Tanque Aboriginal Community, Embarcación, General José de San Martín, June 5, 2014
 * Com Km 3 Toba Aboriginal Community, General Mosconi, General José de San Martín, August 1, 2003
 * Toba Aboriginal Community 1, Tartagal, General José de San Martín, July 13, 2000
 * Aboriginal Community for Ethnic Toba, Tartagal, General José de San Martín, December 28, 2000
 * Kom Toba Community, Tartagal, General José de San Martín, March 24, 2003
 * El Algarrobal Ethnic Toba Community, Tartagal, General José de San Martín, July 13, 2010
 * Hcomlaje Toba Community, Tartagal, San José de San Martín, February 11, 2011
 * Kom Lañoko-Misión Toba, Santa Victoria Este, Rivadavia, November 27, 2000
 * Monte Carmelo-Kom Lahachaca Community, Santa Victoria Este, Rovadavia, October 8, 2013
 * Barrio Mitre de El Colorado Aboriginal Community, Pirané, October 18, 2001
 * Laguna Gobernador Llaxataxay Aboriginal Community, Laishí, September 5, 2002
 * San Antonio Dalaxaic Ñalacpi Aboriginal Community, Laishí, January 7, 2004
 * El Desaguadero Quanogoqui Alejo Alegre, Pirané, January 14, 2004
 * Alua’ Poxoyaxaic — Santo Domingo — Community, Patiño, October 19, 2009
 * Qom Potae Napocna Community, Pilcomayo, August 19, 2011

Paraguay
In accordance with Paraguay's National Census for Indigenous Groups of 2012, 2,057 Qom live in Paraguay. Of these 2,057 people, 1,840 live in the region of Presidente Hayas and 217 live in the region of San Pedro.

Bolivia
In Bolivia, the Toba live as nomads in the forest between the rivers Bermejo and Pilcomayo and as far as Villa Montes. Conflicts between the Qom and the Spanish were common. In the early 1840s, the Qom revolted against Spanish soldiers led by General Manuel Rodríguez Magariños after their attempts to build forts and reduce Toba territory. In 1880, the Mission of San Francisco was founded in Villa Montes with the goal of civilizing the Toba, Mataco (a Wichi tribe) and Chiriguanos. In 1882, the Toba were in conflict with the colonies of Caiza. On April 27, 1882, a group of Toba killed a French explorer by the name of Jules Crevaux who worked on behalf of the Bolivian government. Throughout the entirety of the 1880s, the Bolivian government sponsored and financially supported groups of colonists in the Chaco region to kill members of the Qom and other indigenous groups. After continued confrontations, many Toba immigrated to Paraguayan territory. In 1912, a massacre of Toba people by military troops led by Colonel Ponce occurred in San Francisco. The Qom who survived fled to Argentina. By 1923, most Toba people had fled Bolivia, leaving the remaining members essentially powerless.

title: Toba people


text:
The Hungry Tiger of Oz

The Hungry Tiger of Oz (1926) is the twentieth book in the Oz series created by L. Frank Baum and his successors, and the sixth written by Ruth Plumly Thompson. It was illustrated by John R. Neill. The novel was followed by The Gnome King of Oz (1927).

Plot summary
Thompson begins with a usurping tyrant, Irasha the Rough, the Pasha of Rash, a tiny kingdom in the southwest of Ev. The Pasha has a problem: his prison is too full to cram any more Rashers in. His Vizier's solution is to obtain a ferocious animal from nearby Oz to devour the luckless prisoners. Travelling to the Emerald City by his magical "hurry cane", the Vizier lures the Hungry Tiger (first seen in Ozma of Oz) to Rash. As might be expected from his history, however, the Hungry Tiger is too tenderhearted to eat prisoners.

Meanwhile, through an unfortunate series of events involving a winding road and a pair of Quick Sandals, Betsy Bobbin (introduced in Tik-Tok of Oz) and her new acquaintance, Carter Green, the Vegetable Man, end up in Rash, and no sooner do they arrive than they're thrown into the crowded prison. There they meet the Scarlet Prince Evered (known as Reddy), the rightful ruler of Rash. Together with the Tiger, they escape, and have varied adventures with Big Wigs and Gnomes in their search for three magic rubies.

Back in Oz, Princess Ozma has troubles of her own: she is confronted by Atmos Fere, a balloon-like being who lives in the upper stratosphere. His plan is to kidnap her up to his own kingdom, to prove to his skeptical fellows that living beings can exist on the surface of the Earth. Ozma, however, has a secret weapon (a pin).

In time, the adventurers recover the magic rubies, and Reddy is restored to the Rashian throne. The Pasha and his evil Vizier end up stranded on a desert island in the Nonestic Ocean.

Promotion
Publisher Reilly & Lee mounted an imaginative promotional campaign for the book. The company returned to the tactic of issuing press releases in the form of the Ozmapolitan, the supposed newspaper of the Emerald City. They also formed a fan-club for children called the Ozmite Club — though it lasted for only two years.

title: The Hungry Tiger of Oz


text:
Dubai World Trade Centre

Dubai World Trade Centre (DWTC) (مركز دبي التجاري العالمي) is a convention and exhibition centre.

History
The history of the Dubai World Trade Centre dates back to its completion in 1979 when it was originally named the Sheikh Rashid Tower, marking Dubai's inaugural major tower and business center. Designed by John R. Harris and Partners (JRHP), the tower was inaugurated by Queen Elizabeth II on February 26, 1979. Subsequent expansions included the inauguration of Halls 1 and 2 of the Dubai International Convention and Exhibition Centre (DICEC) in 1988, followed by Hall 3. In 1996, Halls 4–8 expanded DWTC's exhibition space by approximately 27,870 square meters. The year 2003 witnessed the opening of the new Dubai International Convention Exhibition Centre, along with a concourse connecting Halls 1 and 2, the Convention Tower, Novotel, and Ibis Hotels.

In 2009, Sheikh Saeed Halls opened, augmenting the total exhibition floorspace to 92,900 square meters. In 2015, the DWTC Authority was established under the leadership of His Highness Sheikh Mohammed Bin Rashid Al Maktoum, Vice President of the UAE and ruler of Dubai. The year 2016 witnessed the addition of Za’abeel Halls, contributing 15,500 square meters of event space. Simultaneously, phase 1 of One Central, a commercial development in DWTC, was completed, including Offices 1 with 14,197 square meters of leasable space for businesses and multiple retail and F&B outlets. The same year marked the opening of the 588-room Ibis One Central hotel.

In 2017, phase 2 of One Central was completed, featuring offices 2 and 3, offering over 69,000 square meters of combined leasable space for companies, along with numerous retail and F&B outlets and a rooftop restaurant space. In December 2018, One Central's phase 3, including Offices 4 and 5, was completed, providing more than 64,500 square meters of commercial space.

Sheikh Rashid Tower
Sheikh Rashid Tower is a commercial property historic for its role in Dubai’s rise as a destination for international trade and commerce. It was the region’s first high-rise tower, inaugurated in February 26, 1979 by Queen Elizabeth II. It comprises 39 floors.

Convention Tower
The 13-story Convention Tower is a purpose-built commercial building that provides office spaces to various corporate entities. Completed in 2004, this building accommodates both private and government tenants. Notably, the structure incorporates floor-to-ceiling windows, and its office spaces vary in size from 2,500 sq ft to entire 19,600 sq ft floors. The tower also has on-site business hotels and hosts business events throughout the year.

One Central
One Central is a Grade-A commercial development located within the Central Business District of Dubai, United Arab Emirates. One Central has over 58000 m2 of office space and is a commercial district. It is also home to a 588-room Ibis hotel and a growing collection of restaurants and cafés. It is in close proximity to surrounding city landmarks as well as many dining options, as well as co-working spaces.

Expo Village Residences
Originally developed by Dubai World Trade Centre as the official residential community for Expo 2020 Dubai delegates, Expo Village is a residential and business hub situated centrally in the Dubai South development. It offers short-term or annual lease rental options for 2,273 units spread across four clusters. There is nearby access to a dedicated metro station as well as various businesses and green spaces.

The Apartments
The Apartments is an extended-stay property featuring 543 units, centrally located facing Sheikh Zayed Road, and less than a minute from the main exhibition halls, that offer short-stay serviced accommodation to event organisers and exhibition professionals. The apartments range in size from studios to three bedrooms and benefit from amenities that include a business centre, an outdoor pool with attached cafe, an eatery and bar, gym facilities, a sauna and a steam room.

Jumeirah Living World Trade Centre Residences
Located adjacent to Dubai World Trade Centre, Jumeirah Living World Trade Centre Residences offers luxurious 5-star accommodation for business and leisure travellers. Guests can choose from a range of one-to-four-bedroom serviced apartments for short, mid-term and extended stays. These serviced apartments are well-suited for corporate retreats, offering in-room services and amenities on-site.

DWTC Authority
Established in 2015, Dubai World Trade Centre Authority (DWTCA) is a competitive free zone ecosystem. Located in Dubai's Central Business District, offering Grade A commercial buildings and various workspaces, its tenants benefit from networking and collaboration opportunities during world-class events. The free zone is home to 2,000+ companies from 40+ industries spanning construction, healthcare, IT, media, and trade. In line with DWTC’s overall commitment to growing industry sectors, the free zone regulated by the DWTC Authority provides an environment for leading companies, start-ups, and entrepreneurs and is open to businesses across a multitude of industry sectors that require world-class commercial offices. It is the DWTC Authority’s focus to create the regulatory framework and policies to create and sustain a business-friendly and enabling destination.

Free zone services
In December 2021, as part of the Dubai government's efforts to create new economic sectors, DWTC became a comprehensive zone and regulator for virtual assets and crypto, including digital assets, products, operators, and exchanges.

Company formation
Guidance for Free Zone Establishment (FZE), Free Zone Company (FZCO), LLC branch, foreign company branch, and Business Operating Permit issuance. Support for registration amendments, ownership changes, and share capital amendments.

Licensing services
DWTCA provides different types of licences including support for obtaining new licences, business operating permits and renewal, amendment, or cancellation of existing licences in Dubai’s Central Business District strategic location, for businesses seeking a well-regulated ecosystem under the jurisdiction of the DWTC Authority.

License types

 * Commercial
 * General Trading
 * Professional
 * Event Management
 * E-commerce
 * Single Family Office
 * Multi-Family Office
 * Virtual Assets

Awards and recognitions
Over the years, the Dubai World Trade Centre (DWTC) has received numerous awards, recognising its contributions to the business and events industry, its architectural significance, and its role in promoting Dubai as a global business hub. Some of the notable awards and recognitions include:

World travel awards
Source:

2023, 2022, 2021, 2020, 2019, 2018, 2017 & 2010: DICEC - Middle East’s Leading Exhibition & Convention Centre

2011, 2010: DICEC - Middle East’s Leading Meetings & Conference Centre

2021, 2020, 2013, 2006 & 2007: DICEC - World's Leading Meetings & Conference Centre

2001 - 2009: DICEC - Middle East's Leading Conference Centre

Emirates Salon Culinaire
Expo Culinaire 2023 – 19 Medals

Salon Culinaire 2019 – 35 Medals

Salon Culinaire 2018 – 37 Medals

Salon Culinaire 2017 – 51 Medals

Salon Culinaire 2016 – 44 Medals

Food safety and hygiene awards
ISO 22000 Food Safety Certification 2021

title: Dubai World Trade Centre


text:
Nicholas Sand

Nicholas Sand (born Nicholas Francis Hiskey; May 10, 1941 – April 24, 2017) was a cult figure known in the psychedelic community for his work as a clandestine chemist from 1966 to 1996 for the Brotherhood of Eternal Love. Sand was part of the League for Spiritual Discovery at the Millbrook estate in New York, has been credited as the "first underground chemist on record to have synthesized DMT" and is known for manufacturing large amounts of LSD.

Early life
Sand was born in Brooklyn, New York City, on May10, 1941. His father, Clarence Hiskey, was a researcher in the Manhattan Project's Metallurgical Laboratory who attempted to spy for the Soviet Union. After his parents divorced, Sand took his mother's maiden name.

Sand graduated from Erasmus Hall High School in 1959 and then spent a year working on a kibbutz in Israel. He graduated from Brooklyn College with a degree in anthropology and sociology in 1966.

Career
Sand became interested in the teachings of George Gurdjieff, the study of different cultures, and various Eastern philosophers. In 1961, he had his first mescaline experience. Shortly after graduating from college, Sand followed Leary and Alpert to Millbrook. During this time Sand also began synthesizing DMT in his bathtub, and he is credited with being the first to discover that it was active when volatilized (smoked).

Sand later started Bell Perfume Labs as a front for the production of mescaline and DMT.

Sand and David L. Mantell were arrested on April1, 1967 when their truck failed to stop at the Dinosaur, Colorado Port of Entry. The truck was eventually searched and federal agents reportedly found 313,000 doses of LSD and a laboratory-on-wheels.

In 1967 Sand was introduced to fellow chemist Tim Scully, who trained under Owsley Stanley until Stanley's legal troubles in December 1967.

In December 1968 Sand purchased a secluded farmhouse in Windsor, California, a small town in rural Sonoma County. There he and Scully set up a large LSD lab. Here they produced over 3.6 million tablets of LSD that was distributed under the name "Orange Sunshine, which was considered the quality standard for LSD in 1969.

1972 indictments
A joint state, federal and local strike force called "Operation BEL" was assembled in early 1972. On August 3, 1972, the Orange County, California, Grand Jury returned an indictment against 29 alleged members of the Brotherhood of Eternal Love, including Sand; the indictment was primarily aimed at the hashish smuggling arm of the Brotherhood.

The investigation continued and on December 6, 1972, the Orange County, California, Grand Jury returned another indictment, this time aimed primarily against the Brotherhood of Eternal Love's "Orange Sunshine" LSD system; Sand was included in that indictment too.

1973 arrest and prosecution
On January 19, 1973 "Leland H. Jordan" (later identified as Sand) and Judy Neal Shaughnessy were arrested on drug charges by Kirkwood, Missouri, police, shortly after they arrived from San Francisco. Their residence at 425 North Highway 21 in Fenton, Missouri, an elaborate hilltop home on 18 acres of land, had been found to contain hundreds of gallons of chemicals and elaborate laboratory equipment.

On April 25, 1973, Sand, Tim Scully, Michael Randall, and four other major figures in the LSD operation were indicted by a Federal grand jury in San Francisco.

On January 30, 1974, Sand and Scully were found guilty, partially due to the testimony of Billy Hitchcock and other informants. On March 8, 1974, Sand was sentenced to 15 years in a federal penitentiary.

The defense presented at his trial claimed that the defendants had made ALD-52 instead of LSD-25.

Sand's attorney appealed his conviction, based on four technical legal issues: pre-indictment delay, refusal to suppress bank records, lack of a taint hearing and use of Swiss bank records. The appeal was denied by the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals on September 13, 1976, and rehearing was denied October 8, 1976.

LSD chemist William Leonard Pickard contributed to Sand's legal defense fund.

Sand fled to Canada in 1976, evading imprisonment. LSD historian Mark McCloud reports that Sand then traveled to the ashram of so-called "sex guru" Rajneesh in west India. Sand eventually returned to North America, again producing large quantities of LSD. Sand was arrested for drug manufacturing in 1990 in British Columbia, but as he was living under an alias, police did not determine his identity and Sand fled while on bail.

1996 arrest
Sand was arrested again in 1996 in Canada. Refusing to cooperate with the police, it took forensic investigators two months to determine Sand's real identity. Police found 43 grams of crystalline LSD at Sand's lab, approximately 430,000 doses of LSD. The bust also uncovered six million dollars worth of designer drugs such as MDMA, and hundreds of thousands of dollars in laboratory equipment. In 1998 he pleaded guilty and was sentenced to 14 years to be served in an American prison. He was paroled in 2001.

Death
Sand died of a heart attack in his sleep at his home in Lagunitas, California, on April 24, 2017, at the age of 75.

title: Nicholas Sand


text:
User talk:Mpinck

Welcome!

Welcome to Wikipedia, Mpinck! My name is Ryan, aka Acetic Acid. I noticed that you were new and haven't received any messages yet. I just wanted to see how you were doing. Wikipedia can be a little intimidating at first, since it uses different formatting than other sites that use HTML and CSS. In the long run, though, you'll find that the WikiSyntax is a lot easier and faster than those other ways. Here are a few links to get you started:

 * How to edit a page
 * Editing, policy, conduct, and structure tutorial
 * Picture tutorial
 * How to write a great article

There are a lot of policies and guides to read, but I highly recommend reading over those first. If you have any questions, feel free to leave me a message on my talk page. Please be sure to sign your name on Talk Pages using four tildes (~~~~) to produce your name and the current date, along with a link to your user page. This way, others know when you left a message and how to find you. It's easier than having to type out your name, right? :)

I hope you enjoy contributing to Wikipedia. We can use all the help we can get! Have a nice day. Sincerely, Acetic Acid 02:09, August 19, 2005 (UTC)

April 2010
Welcome to Wikipedia. The recent edit that you made to the page Forbes Fictional 15 has been reverted, as it appears to be unconstructive. Please use the sandbox for testing any edits; if you believe the edit was constructive, please ensure that you provide an informative edit summary. You may also wish to read the introduction to editing for further information. Thank you. Imperial  Monarch  (D•R) 04:26, 16 April 2010 (UTC)

Talkback
My fault. Imperial  Monarch  (D•R) 04:53, 16 April 2010 (UTC)

AfD:Orphan initialism
Hello, Mpinck. You may be interested in the discussion at Articles for deletion/Orphan initialism. Happy editing, Cnilep (talk) 01:45, 13 January 2013 (UTC)

ArbCom elections are now open!
MediaWiki message delivery (talk) 13:08, 23 November 2015 (UTC)

ArbCom elections are now open!
MediaWiki message delivery (talk) 13:33, 23 November 2015 (UTC)

July 2019
Hello, I'm Wham2001. I noticed that you made an edit concerning content related to a living (or recently deceased) person   on Brian Kilmeade, but you didn't support your changes with a citation to a reliable source, so I removed it. Wikipedia has a very strict policy concerning how we write about living people, so please help us keep such articles accurate and clear. If you think I made a mistake, or if you have any questions, you can leave me a message on my talk page. Thank you! Wham2001 (talk) 04:21, 29 July 2019 (UTC)

title: User talk:Mpinck


text:
Musical: The Prince of Tennis

Musical: Prince of Tennis (ミュージカル・テニスの王子様), also known as TenniMu (テニミュ) for short, is a series of live action stage musicals directed by Yukio Ueshima based on the manga series The Prince of Tennis created by Takeshi Konomi and serialized by Shueisha in Weekly Shōnen Jump.

The first musical premièred in the Golden Week of 2003, and the unexpected popularity, especially among girls, and requests for merchandise of the show encouraged Marvelous Entertainment to follow through with the series. Each new show covers an arc of the manga storyline, though adaptations to the original story were made to fit the format. Female characters were removed, and irrelevant scenes or minor arcs were cut to move the plot forward.

At the start of the production, tickets did not sell out and the type of production was merely an experiment. Manga-based musicals were not frequently seen, if at all. However, the musicals soon became popular via word-of-mouth and social media enough to demand for double casting of characters to handle the number of performances and to allow for overseas performances in Korea and Taiwan. In addition multiple shows were live streamed into theatres all around the country to make up for the lack of enough seats in the actual venue. Even Europe got a taste of the production, when three of the actors (namely Ryousuke Katou, Shintarou Akiyama and Yuuichirou Hirata) hit Paris to attend the 10th edition of the Japan Expo in 2009

In May 2010, after 7 years, 22 musicals, 5 main casts and about 150 different actors, the "first season" came to an end with the last performance of Dream Live 7th on the 23rd. Not too long after the end of the first season the start of a "second season" was commenced. The shows featured a completely new cast and a new script, but covered the same arcs as the first season. Following the end of the second season in 2014 a "third season" was made; similar to the second season, it featured a completely new cast and a new script, but covered the same arcs. The 3rd season commenced in February 2015 and ended in May 2020.

Synopsis
12-year-old tennis prodigy Ryoma Echizen returns to live with his father in Japan after winning the American Junior Tournament four consecutive times. He enrolls in Seishun Academy (known as "Seigaku" for short) and joins its famous tennis team, who strives to win the National Middle School Tennis Tournament. Though Ryoma immediately becomes a regular on the team, he begins to develop his own tennis style and discover what the sport means to him as he encounters new friendships and obstacles during his journey to reach the top.

Extra
Echizen Nanjirou:

Reception and legacy
Musical: The Prince of Tennis has sold over 2 million tickets during the first 10 years of its run and is credited with the growing interest in 2.5D musicals. The musical productions were also credited for providing a starting point for young talents and launched the careers of many of young Japanese actors. The success also led its initial director, Makoto Matsuda, to launch the Japan 2.5-Dimensional Musical Association in 2014.

Musical: The Prince of Tennis celebrated its 15th anniversary with a cultural festival taking place at Sunshine City in Tokyo from 23 and 24 November 2018.

Production history
The original run started in 2003 and ended in 2010 with a total of 22 different shows. During the first show, only half of the seats in the theater were filled; however, interest was spread quickly via word-of-mouth, when audience members would get up from their seats to call their friends during intermissions. Two weeks before the premiere of Remarkable 1st Match: Fudomine, Kotaro Yanagi, who was portraying Ryoma Echizen, was involved in a car accident, causing him to be pulled out of the musicals temporarily to rehabilitate. He rejoined the first Seigaku cast for their last show and finished up as the second cast's Echizen. While he was recovering, the role of Echizen was filled in temporarily by Kimeru, who was portraying the role of Shusuke Fuji, before Yuya Endo was cast as the new Echizen. Endo continued to share the role when Yanagi rejoined the production, and he graduated from the musicals during Dream Live 2nd.

After the graduation of the second Seigaku cast, Hiroki Aiba stayed on the production to provide guidance to the new cast members, and eventually graduated with the third cast. Tomo Yanagishita, who came in late as the third cast's Kaidoh, stayed on as well with the fourth cast briefly and graduated on his own during Dream Live 5th. Also, Kousuke Kujirai and Aiba returned to the production later as last-minute replacements: Kujirai returned for the third cast's debut showings of the Advancement Match, Rokkaku after Takahiro Tasaki withdrew from the show, and Aiba returned for the fifth cast's debut showings of ''The Imperial Presence Hyotei Gakuen feat. Higa'' as it seemed there was trouble casting an actor for Fuji at the time. The majority of the first cast members returned for Dream Live 7th to perform their roles once more alongside fifth cast in 2010 to celebrate the end of the first run, with the exception of Yoshitsugu Abe, who was unavailable to reprise the role of Kawamura. Eiki Kitamura, who had played the role solely in the More Than Limit: St. Rudolph Gakuen musical, filled in.

2nd Season began in 2011 and ran until 2014 with a total of 11 different shows. It featured an all new script and cast. The first Seishun Academy cast of that generation graduated at their own exclusive event in 2012, Seigaku Farewell Party, with the exception of Yuuki Ogoe, who would go on to play Ryoma Echizen for the entirety of 2nd Season. The next Seishun Academy cast, Ogoe included, graduated during Dream Live 2014, marking the end of 2nd Season.

3rd Season began in 2015. The eighth Seishun Academy cast graduated during Seigaku VS Hyotei in 2016. Followed by the ninth Seishun Academy cast graduated during Seigaku VS Higa in 2018. Lastly, the tenth Seishun Academy cast are set to graduate during Dream Live 2020, marking the end of 3rd Season.

Productions
Aside from the musicals, which tell the plot of the original manga, Musical: The Prince of Tennis also tours with live concerts featuring music from the previous performances, known as "Dream Lives." Live concerts featuring music from specific teams are known as "Team Lives". Some of the shows are also classified as re-runs of a previous production, or also include a "graduation show", a special ceremony held to celebrate cast members who are leaving the production.

Discography
Each musical, excluding the winter performance of "The Imperial Match Hyoutei" and the summer performance of "Musical The Prince of Tennis" had a CD released, featuring all songs sung during the musical. Besides that 4 singles and 13 "Best of Actor Series" have been released. The singles feature multiple versions of the same song, already performed in the musicals. The "Best of Actor Series" CDs feature multiple song sung by one or two actors of the production. Some of the songs on these CDs are new, but some of them have already been performed during the musicals (by the same or other actors). For both the Musical CDs and the "Best of Actor Series" CDs box sets have been released.

Due to double casts, multiple versions of "The Imperial Presence Hyoutei" CD, "The Treasure Match Shitenhouji" CD and the "Complete Box 3" have been released.

CDs of "The Imperial Match Hyoutei in Winter" and "The Best of Actor Series 013" are only available through buying the box sets.

title: Musical: The Prince of Tennis


text: Category:1915 elections

title: Category:1915 elections


text:
User talk:GrahamH

Welcome!

Welcome to Wikipedia, GrahamH! My name is Ryan, aka Acetic Acid. I noticed that you were new and haven't received any messages yet. I just wanted to see how you were doing. Wikipedia can be a little intimidating at first, since it uses different formatting than other sites that use HTML and CSS. In the long run, though, you'll find that the WikiSyntax is a lot easier and faster than those other ways. Here are a few links to get you started:

 * How to edit a page
 * Editing, policy, conduct, and structure tutorial
 * Picture tutorial
 * How to write a great article

There are a lot of policies and guides to read, but I highly recommend reading over those first. If you have any questions, feel free to leave me a message on my talk page. Please be sure to sign your name on Talk Pages using four tildes (~~~~) to produce your name and the current date, along with a link to your user page. This way, others know when you left a message and how to find you. It's easier than having to type out your name, right? :)

I hope you enjoy contributing to Wikipedia. We can use all the help we can get! Have a nice day. Sincerely, Acetic Acid 02:10, August 19, 2005 (UTC)

Image:O'Connell Street Cupolas.JPG
Hi. You uploaded this image and stated that it was released into the public domain but could not be used for commercial purposes. How can it be PD if there is such a restriction? I have tagged it non-commercial which means it can be deleted at any time. Please change the licensing terms or if you do not want it to be used for commercial purposes, request deletion of the image on WP:IFD. RedWolf 17:56, 23 October 2005 (UTC)

A user is trying to have the Template:Irish Republic infobox deleted. Your comments would be welcome. FearÉIREANN \(caint)  22:14, 5 November 2005 (UTC)

title: User talk:GrahamH