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Concession (politics)

In politics, a concession is the act of a losing candidate publicly yielding to a winning candidate after an election after the overall result of the vote has become clear. A concession speech is usually made after an election.

History
The first time in the United States that a candidate lost a presidential election and privately conceded was Federalist John Adams to Democratic-Republican Thomas Jefferson in 1800. In 1860, Northern Democrat Stephen Douglas conceded to Republican Abraham Lincoln with the words: 'Partisan feeling must yield to patriotism. I'm with you, Mr. President, and God bless you.' However, during the country's first century, a public concession was the exception rather than the rule.

The first "concession telegram" occurred when William Jennings Bryan sent William McKinley a message two days after the 1896 US presidential election. Prior to that election, results took many days to be processed and made public, and thus candidates maintained an air of detachment from the process. The telegram was rather brief and read as follows:

Lincoln, Neb., November 5.

Hon. Wm. McKinley, Canton, Ohio: Senator Jones has just informed me that the returns indicate your election, and I hasten to extend my congratulations. We have submitted the issue to the American people and their will is law.

W.J. Bryan

Over time, concession speeches were introduced aimed at the electorate, especially one's own supporters. These were first broadcast on the radio by Al Smith in 1928, on a newsreel by Wendell Willkie in 1940, and on live television by Adlai Stevenson II in 1952. In the period between the 1896 and 2016 presidential elections, there had been 32 concessions speeches by major party candidates over the course of 120 years.

Template
In modern U.S. elections (presidential or otherwise), a concession is usually a two-step process: first, the losing candidate makes a concession phone call to the winning candidate and congratulates them personally. Second, the losing candidate makes a televised public speech, known as a concession speech, to their supporters, on an (improvised) podium surrounded by the candidate for the vice presidency, their spouses or other important relatives and friends. The concession speech consists of four elements:
 * 1) The statement of defeat: an admission that the candidate has lost the election to their opponent, who is congratulated on their victory.
 * 2) The call to unite: an expression of support for the victor's upcoming term in office, and a call for unity under their leadership, necessary after an often divisive and polarizing election campaign.
 * 3) The celebration of democracy: a reflection on why democracy and the participation of millions of voters in the electoral process is important, and that their choice should be respected.
 * 4) The vow to continue the fight: a reminder of the importance of the issues the candidate has raised during the campaign, and the policies their party advocates for. The candidate says that these remain important goals to strive toward, promises to continue fighting for them, and urges their supporters to do the same.

A losing candidate usually thanks their supporters for their valiant efforts and points to the non-electoral successes of the campaign in building party strength and raising issues to attention that would not otherwise be in public discussion. It is also traditional, unless the campaign has been exceptionally bitter, to congratulate and wish well the winning candidate, perhaps even offering a parting word of advice. The speech could be ultrashort or last for minutes, and there is variation in how lighthearted they present their loss, and how warmly they congratulate the winner; it depends on whatever the defeated candidate prefers. In the broadcast age, the concession speech of a candidate for high office reaches a wide audience and is seen as the final swan song of a lost campaign. By publicly and honestly admitting defeat, the candidate is deemed to gain honor.

Republican John McCain's 2008 concession speech to Democrat Barack Obama is frequently cited as a good example to follow. "The American people have spoken, and they have spoken clearly," McCain said. "A little while ago, I had the honor of calling Senator Barack Obama to congratulate him on being elected the next president of the country that we both love." Republican Richard Nixon's 1962 California gubernatorial concession speech is notorious for not being reconciliatory, but begrudging toward his winning rival, Democrat Pat Brown.

Timing of concession
Out of courtesy, the winner of the campaign usually waits for a concession speech, if one is forthcoming, before delivering the acceptance speech. A losing candidate commonly offers a private concession directly to the winning candidate, usually by telephone, before making a public announcement.

In American history, the losing candidate usually made their concession speech a few hours after midnight when the outcome was clear. It's possible for a candidate to believe they have already lost or to do their political allies a disservice by making their concession too early. When Jimmy Carter made his concession speech in 1980, he either forgot or ignored the fact that polling places on the West Coast were still open; many Democratic voters seeing or hearing about the concession speech were too demoralized to still bring out their vote for Carter and Democratic senatorial candidates, who possibly lost a seat due to this last-minute lower Democratic voter turnout.

If the vote is relatively close, it can be unclear when it is appropriate for a losing candidate to concede an election. On election night, pressures from a media looking for news to report, an opposition campaign anxious to declare victory, and one's own campaign unwilling to concede defeat if there is any hope of a last-minute turnaround are all factors in the decision of the losing candidate.

One of the slowest concessions ever in American history was in 1916, when the counting took days and Republican Charles Evans Hughes was initially reported to be the winner by several newspapers, because he had a large lead over incumbent Democrat Woodrow Wilson. However, when all the votes were counted, Wilson had carried several key states and won re-election. Some Republicans cried foul, but Hughes calmed his supporters, saying 'in the absence of absolute proof of fraud, no such cry should be raised to becloud the title of the next president of the United States'. After two weeks, Wilson's narrow win was confirmed, and Hughes sent him a gracious telegram with congratulations.

It is exceedingly rare for a concession, once issued, to be retracted; such an event occurred in the 2000 presidential election, when Democrat Al Gore telephoned Republican George W. Bush on November 8 to concede the election. Gore was apparently unaware of the close vote count in the state of Florida, and when he realized it, he proceeded to cancel his concession address, and retracted his concession call. After a legal challenge that lasted 35 days, in which the Supreme Court ruled that Bush had won, Gore conceded a second time on December 13, 2000, this time with a concession speech. He began by saying, somewhat jokingly: 'Good evening. Just moments ago, I spoke with George W. Bush and congratulated him on becoming the 43rd President of the United States, and I promised him I wouldn't call him back this time.'

Importance
A concession, usually in the form of a concession speech, is considered a matter of courtesy and a gracious celebration of American democracy that helps with the peaceful transition of power, although there is no legal or constitutional need for it. However, when election campaigns have been very polarized and the race close, conceding one's loss was important in order to get the losing candidate's supporters to accept the outcome and ensure social and political stability in any form. Failing to urge one's own supporters toward reconciliation will let embitterment remain between supporters of both candidates, who need to live and work together in the same country for the next four years under a president, whose office term is not fully accepted by almost half of the population. This is why John McCain was commended for calming down his supporters who booed when he first mentioned the name of his opponent Barack Obama in his concession speech, and managed to have them applaud for their opponent later in his speech.

Presidential elections
After an unexpected defeat in the 1916 election, Republican Charles Evans Hughes waited two weeks before sending a concession telegram to President Woodrow Wilson. Upon receiving it, Wilson joked that it was "a little moth-eaten when it got here but still quite legible."

After losing the 1944 election, Republican Thomas E. Dewey conceded publicly in a radio address the following morning, but declined to personally call or send a telegram to President Franklin D. Roosevelt. This irritated Roosevelt, who sent Dewey a telegram reading, "I thank you for your statement, which I heard over the air a few minutes ago."

In the 1960 election, Republican Richard M. Nixon considered refusing to concede to his Democratic opponent John F. Kennedy and challenging the results in Illinois and Texas because of allegations of voter fraud in those states. However, he found that the United States had no legal framework for a losing candidate to challenge an election and decided that a lengthy constitutional crisis would destabilize the country and weaken its international standing, as well as damage Nixon's own political reputation.

In the 2000 election, Al Gore conceded to Bush and then on November 8, retracted his concession and refused to acknowledge Bush as the winner for over a month until the Supreme Court in a 5–4 decision, ruled in Bush v. Gore that certified George W. Bush as the winner of the closely called state of Florida. This was the longest refusal to concede of any modern presidential candidate until the 2020 election. On the night of the 2004 election, Democratic John Kerry also considered waiting to concede to Bush pending a challenge of the results in Ohio, but ultimately decided against a potential repeat of the contentious events of 2000.

Donald Trump has been an exception to the tradition of concession in American presidential politics, refusing to concede defeat and declaring victory for himself despite having lost both the popular vote and electoral college in the 2020 presidential election. He has alleged that there has been electoral fraud or miscounts in close races which negatively impacted him, despite there being no evidence of this according to election officials and media outlets. A candidate has the right to mount legal challenges against the electoral process if they have evidence that it was conducted improperly, and potentially they could thus subvert the outcome. If these legal challenges to the electoral processes fail and the losing candidate still refuses to concede, the winning candidate nevertheless starts their presidential term on January 20 (and if the losing candidate is the incumbent president, their term will end on the same day), in accordance with the Twentieth Amendment. On January 7, 2021, in what some news outlets have regarded as a concession despite lacking any admission of defeat, Trump condemned the attack on the United States Capitol and proceeded to say that his focus is to ensure a smooth transition of power to the Biden administration (without mentioning Biden's name).

If the incumbent president refuses to concede the election, the General Services Administration (GSA) may delay the transition process, as it did following both the 2000 election and 2020 election. The GSA has to "ascertain" the election in order to release funds, office space, briefings, and other government resources needed for a transition.

Gubernatorial elections
Republican Jim Ross Lightfoot did not concede his loss in the 1998 Iowa gubernatorial election, won by Democrat Tom Vilsack.

In the 2018 Georgia gubernatorial election, Democrat Stacey Abrams did not concede to Republican Brian Kemp, despite acknowledging him as governor-elect. Her refusal to concede has drawn comparisons to Trump's refusal to concede his loss in Georgia, though Abrams rejected such comparisons.

In the 2022 Arizona gubernatorial election, Republican Kari Lake did not concede to Democrat Katie Hobbs and had filed lawsuits against the state's largest county Maricopa, citing voting irregularities.

Senate elections
After losing the 2017 United States Senate special election in Alabama, Republican Roy Moore refused to concede defeat to Democrat Doug Jones. On December 27, 2017, Moore filed a lawsuit to block Jones from being certified as the winner of the race. However, the lawsuit was rejected by the Alabama Supreme Court, who declared Jones the winner.

Belgium
Not all countries have a formality or tradition of concession speeches, especially not in multi-party systems, where there may be multiple candidates, and the election results are not necessarily as binary as in two-party systems, and sometimes candidates represent their parties more than themselves. For example, when the Parti Socialiste lost 5 seats in Parliament and became the second-largest Francophone party out of five in the 2007 Belgian federal election, party leader Elio Di Rupo described his concession on behalf of his party as follows: 'We had lost, and I have quickly acknowledged our defeat. I had never suffered an electoral defeat before, but I had been preparing for it, and I knew we would end up in the opposition benches. When I came into the television studio, I conceded our defeat. During earlier victories, I never humiliated the losers. That's just how democracy works: you win some, you lose some.'

New Zealand
In the New Zealand political system, because of mixed-member proportional representation, it is difficult for one party to win enough seats to govern alone and there are examples of concession speeches not being given until coalitions are confirmed. These negotiations can take several days or even weeks. For example, after the 2017 New Zealand general election ended in a hung parliament both the centre-left New Zealand Labour Party and the centre-right New Zealand National Party looked for a coalition with NZ First, a right-wing populist party led by Winston Peters. With almost 46% of the vote counted on election night it was looking promising for the National Party and their leader Bill English, was confident that he would form the coalition with NZ First and be able to govern. On the night, however, the leader of the Labour Party, Jacinda Ardern said she was hoping for a better result and had phoned Bill English, with both agreeing that neither of them would decide the outcome. The battle was close and early in the evening Ardern said she took responsibility for Labour's 10-point loss at that stage, but ended her address on a positive note, neither confirming or conceding. Almost three weeks later, NZ First backed a Labour-led coalition. English immediately conceded and paid tribute to his opponent saying "Ms Ardern did a remarkable job in turning around the party after such a short time in the role, and said he hoped the incoming government took the opportunity provided by the 'pretty good shape' of the economy". In the 2020 New Zealand general election, the Ardern-led Labour Party did win enough seats to govern alone, and the leader of the National Party, Judith Collins, promptly rang Ardern and congratulated her on an "excellent result for the Labour Party".

Peru
Following the 2021 Peruvian general election, Popular Force leader Keiko Fujimori, daughter of former Peruvian President Alberto Fujimori, refused to concede defeat to socialist Free Peru candidate Pedro Castillo. She has alleged that there were voting irregularities, which has been rejected by the Organization of American States. She has also attempted to challenge the results, which has drawn comparisons to Trump's attempts to overturn the election. On July 19, Fujimori admitted defeat but reiterated her claim that Castillo's party "have stolen thousands of votes from us".

Philippines
Fernando Poe Jr. notably did not concede to Gloria Macapagal Arroyo after the 2004 Philippine presidential election. Poe subsequently put the result of the election under protest. Poe later died in December 2004, still not conceding his defeat.

In 2010, Joseph Estrada conceded to Benigno Aquino III after the latter became president-elect. Estrada, who was second place in the election, was the last candidate to concede, with all other of Aquino's opponents conceding prior to the certification of results a month after the actual election.

In the 2016 election, Mar Roxas conceded to Rodrigo Duterte the day after the election. Roxas, who ultimately finished second, was the second candidate to concede, after Grace Poe (Fernando Poe Jr.'s daughter).

United Kingdom
After the 2015 United Kingdom general election, Labour Party leader, Ed Miliband telephoned the Conservative Party leader and Prime Minister, David Cameron to concede defeat and then announced his resignation.

title: Concession (politics)


text:
Talk:Charles Chauvel (filmmaker)

Untitled
How can this guy be only 32 years younger than his grandfather? Did both his grandfather and father sire children at a tender 16 years? — J I P | Talk 19:19, 25 August 2005 (UTC)

Disambiguation required
I've come to this page because I clicked on a link pointing the the New Zealand politician. Never mind. So I've had a look into this, and what I find is that this page is not the primary topic, as determined by page views:
 * this page had 629 views in November 2010, and
 * the NZ politician had 571 views that month.

And if you look closely, the film maker had a real spike in views on 26 November. Maybe the NZ politician was in the news that day and people looked him up on Wikipedia.

Looking at 'What links here', there are quite a few articles incorrectly pointing here that refer to the NZ politician.

So all in all, that's good reason to disambiguate. I shall move this page to Charles Chauvel (film maker) for those reasons. I'll go through the incoming links and point them to wherever they should point.  Schwede 66  04:54, 16 December 2010 (UTC)
 * No arguments about the move itself. However, I just shifted the page to Charles Chauvel (filmmaker) rather than Charles Chauvel (film maker) to reflect the more popular spelling. The latter still redirects to the correct page. Thanks, Ackatsis (talk) 13:57, 16 December 2010 (UTC)
 * And a big thank-you for following-up on the page move with the appropriate disambiguations; this is all too often omitted by less conscientious editors. Thanks again. -- Michael Bednarek (talk) 11:59, 17 December 2010 (UTC)

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title: Talk:Charles Chauvel (filmmaker)


text:
Carl Elliott

Carl Atwood Elliott (December 20, 1913 – January 9, 1999) was a U.S. representative from the U.S. state of Alabama. He was elected to eight consecutive terms, having served from 1949 to 1965.

Background
Elliott was born in rural Franklin County in northwest Alabama. He graduated at the age of sixteen from Vina High School in Vina in Franklin County. Few expected him to be able to afford college because of the Great Depression. However, the University of Alabama, under its president George H. Denny, allowed young Elliott to work at a variety of jobs about campus to pay his educational expenses. In 1933, he received his undergraduate degree, and he subsequently enrolled at the University of Alabama School of Law, also located in Tuscaloosa.

While a law student, Elliott ran for the high-profile position of president of the student government. With the support of the growing number of out-of-state students and women, Elliott became the first person ever to defeat "the Machine", a select coalition of fraternities and sororities that to this day dominates campus politics at the university. In 1936, Elliott completed his term as SGA president and graduated with his law degree.

Legal and congressional career
Elliott then began his law practice in Russellville near his hometown but soon moved to the community that he would call home for the remainder of his life: Jasper in Walker County, Alabama. As an attorney in Jasper, Elliott spent most of his time representing coal miners and their families, foreshadowing his long political career of fighting for Alabama's poorest, most disadvantaged people.

World War II
He served in the United States Army from 1942 to 1944.

Congress
He was twice elected a local judge in Jasper before he ran for Congress in 1948. His "Farm Boy to Congress" persona proved popular among the working class in his district, and in 1948, he unseated Representative Carter Manasco, to the surprise of many political observers. Upon winning the election, Elliott and his wife purchased a residence in the nation's capital and spent the next sixteen years traveling back and forth between Washington, D.C., and Jasper.

Elliott represented Alabama's 7th congressional district. He served on the House Veterans Committee, the Education and Labor Committee, and the Rules Committee. He chaired the Select Committee for Government Research. In 1956, Elliott authored the Library Services Act, which brought mobile libraries (bookmobiles) and continuing library service to millions of rural Americans. The same year, he was one of 101 politicians to sign the Southern Manifesto in opposition to racial integration of public places. In 1957, he voted against the Civil Rights Act. In 1958, he co-authored the National Defense Education Act, which, in the wake of the U.S.S.R.'s early post-Sputnik lead in the Space Race, improved science, foreign language, and technology education nationwide and provided low-interest loans for college and graduate school for needy students. Both laws have been extended; more than 30 million college students nationwide have obtained loans under Elliott's NDEA legislation. In 1960 and 1964, he voted against the Civil Rights Acts of those years.

Other political races
Alabama had failed to redistrict itself from nine to eight districts in 1962, based on the 1960 census. Primaries were held in each of the nine districts, and a statewide runoff election narrowed the number elected to eight. By the time of the 1964 primaries, a redistricting plan still had not passed, so Elliott defeated later 7th District Representative Tom Bevill in a primary. Then in the statewide runoff, Elliott was the congressman who was eliminated. His defeat was attributed to his policy conflicts with then Governor George C. Wallace. Alabama passed a redistricting plan after the runoff primary to avert a second statewide general election.

In the 1964 congressional general election, the Democrat George C. Hawkins, the president pro tempore of the Alabama State Senate, was defeated by the Republican James D. Martin, an oil products distributor from Gadsden. Martin had made a strong but losing race in 1962 against U.S. Senator J. Lister Hill. Some Elliott backers threatened to withhold votes from Hawkins or even to vote for Martin on the theory that Elliott might be able to reclaim the House seat in 1966 if he were pitted against a Republican in the historically Democratic district.

In 1966, Elliott did not run for Congress against Martin; nor did Martin seek reelection to the U.S. House. Instead, Elliott and Martin were unsuccessful candidates for governor. Elliott and three other prominent Democrats, Attorney General Richmond Flowers, Sr. and former governors James Folsom and John Malcolm Patterson, lost their party's nomination to Lurleen Burns Wallace, the surrogate candidate of her husband, George Wallace, who was ineligible to succeed himself at that time. Lurleen Wallace then defeated Martin in the gubernatorial general election. In his gubernatorial bid, Elliott stressed federal assistance to the needy, improved education, and racial tolerance. In the campaign, he faced bomb threats, defaced campaign billboards, and Ku Klux Klan protest appearances at several of his speeches.

Death and legacy
After Elliott's defeat, he slipped into political obscurity, having spent his congressional pension on the failed gubernatorial bid. He resumed practicing law, writing books about local history, producing columns and book reviews for area newspapers, and publishing books by local authors. His books include five volumes of Annals of Northwest Alabama, a history of Red Bay, Alabama, and seven volumes on the history of area coal miners.

In 1982 he was awarded American Library Association Honorary Membership.

In 1990, Elliott received new recognition of his achievements when he became the first recipient of the John F. Kennedy Profile in Courage Award; the second in 1991 was U.S. Representative Charles Weltner, another civil rights advocate from Georgia. In the twilight of his life, he received long-sought vindication when he was able to travel to Boston, Massachusetts, to accept the award from then U.S. Senator Edward M. Kennedy. His autobiography, The Cost of Courage: The Journey of An American Congressman, written with journalist Michael D'Orso and published in 1992, was reprinted by the University of Alabama Press.

A one-hour television special, Conscience of a Congressman: The Life and Times of Carl Elliott, was produced as an episode of The Alabama Experience documentary series by the University of Alabama Center for Public Television & Radio. Only weeks before her death, the ailing Jacqueline Kennedy Onassis watched "Conscience of a Congressman." She had met Elliott when he had served in Congress with her husband. Mrs. Onassis was also the editor of Elliott's memoirs. In a letter to Elliott, she wrote that the power of the program "was going to be in what it does to young people."

title: Carl Elliott


text:
Aymar de la Baume Pluvinel

Count Aymar Eugène de la Baume Pluvinel (6 November 1860 – 18 July 1938) was a French astronomer and professor in the Grandes écoles SupOptique (École supérieure d'optique). He belonged to an old noble family, whose most famous descendant was Antoine de Pluvinel, King Louis XIII's master of equitation.

He was a pioneer of astrophotography on the French expedition to Haiti to observe the transit of Venus in 1882 and on several French expeditions to observer solar eclipses.

He was a member of the Société Astronomique de France from 1889 and its president from 1913 to 1919. He was awarded the Valz Prize in 1909 by the French Academy of Sciences. In 1923, he received the Prix Jules Janssen, the highest award of the Société astronomique de France, the French astronomical society.

title: Aymar de la Baume Pluvinel


text:
Robert Goss

Robert E. Shore-Goss is a theologian and author.

Goss was brought up in a devout Roman Catholic family and felt called to the priesthood, being ordained as a Jesuit in 1976. He left the Jesuits in 1978 going on to receive a Th.D. in Comparative Religion from Harvard University.

Goss taught in the Religious Studies Department of Webster University (1994–2004), and served as chair of the department. His denial of tenure by the university was controversial with allegations by Goss that this was due to his outspoken views on sexuality. Webster Pride, the student organization for gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgender rights, did not take an official stance. Webster Pride's president was quoted in the student newspaper as not opposed to the decision "because she doesn't believe the decision had anything to do with homophobia."

He has been involved in gay organizations such as ACT UP, Queer Nation, and the gay Roman Catholic group DignityUSA. Goss has served as co-chair of the Gay Men's Issues in Religion Group of the American Academy of Religion. He serves on the National Advisory Board of the Center for Lesbian and Gay Studies in Religion and Ministry of the Pacific School of Religion. He married for the second time in 2009.

Works
His published works include:
 * Jesus ACTED UP: A Gay and Lesbian Manifesto 1993, San Francisco, CA: HarperCollins
 * Take Back the Word: A Queer Reading of the Bible 2000 (co-edited with West, Mona), Cleveland, OH: Pilgrim Press
 * Queering Christ: Beyond Jesus ACTED UP 2002, Cleveland, OH: Pilgrim Press
 * Gay Catholic Priests and Clerical Sexual Misconduct: Breaking the Silence of Sodom 2005 (co-edited with Boisvert, Donald), New York, NY: Haworth Press
 * The Queer Bible Commentary 2006 (co-edited with Bohache, Thomas; Guest, Deryn; West, Mona), London: SCM-Canterbury Press
 * Queering Christianity: Finding a Place at the Table for LGBTQI Christians 2013 (co-edited with Bohache, Thomas; Cheng, Patrick S.; West, Mona), Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO

Shore-Goss is currently an adjunct faculty member at Claremont School of Theology.

title: Robert Goss


text:
Murray Isle

Murray Isle is an island in the Thousand Islands region of the St. Lawrence River in the U.S. state of New York. The island lies in the Town of Clayton, near its border with the Town of Orleans, in the northern part of Jefferson County.

Today, Murray Isle is the site of many summer cottages.

While the record is unclear, it is believed that the first cottage on Murray Isle was built in 1860. The structure, a simple log cabin, was owned by Daniel Sherman. By 1880, the island had four cottages, all located upriver, on the northern portion of the island.

Murray was formerly known as Hemlock Island due to the presence of that variety of tree, but the name was changed in the late 18th century to Murray Hill Park after the Murray Hill area of New York City when the island was developed and lots sold off. The development was never finished. The name was shortened to its present form some time later.

The Murray Hill Hotel was built on the island in the late 19th century, and served tourists who came over on steam ships from Clayton, NY through the early 20th century when it closed and was ultimately torn down. Today a community house and post office sit on the former site of the hotel. The post office operates yearly from June until September. An annual "Fish Fry" is hosted on the grounds of the community house every summer; the event takes place on the first Saturday of July.

Murray Isle is bounded by channels on both its eastern and western tips. The channel on the island's eastern tip, known as "The Narrows" separates Murray Isle and Wellesley Island. A small islet known as Wintergreen Island (formerly Whippoorwill Island) is connected by a footbridge along the southern length of Murray.

title: Murray Isle


text: Category:Club Atlético Banfield footballers


text:
Irene Rich

Irene Frances Rich ( Luther; October 13, 1891 – April 22, 1988) was an American actress who worked in both silent films, talkies, and radio.

Early life
Rich was born in Buffalo, New York.

At age 17, she wed Elvo Elcourt Deffenbaugh at All Saints' Cathedral in Spokane, Washington on February 17, 1909, after her parents talked about sending her to boarding school. The couple had one child, born Irene Frances Luther Deffenbaugh, who later adopted her stepfather's surname and was a stage and film actress in the 1930s known as Frances Rich before becoming a noted sculptor. Elvo Deffenbaugh was a salesman who traveled a lot. The young family moved to the Bay Area of San Francisco, where the marriage ended after two years.

Next, Irene married Charles Henry Rich, who was then a lieutenant in the United States Army (became a major during World War I and was later a lieutenant colonel), in Portland, Oregon on January 9, 1912. The two had met when he was stationed with the 25th Infantry at Fort George Wright in Spokane. They had one daughter, Martha Jane Rich, who was born on December 13, 1916. The marriage ended after four years. Luther went into real estate to provide for herself and her daughters. She then went to Hollywood in 1918 and found work as an extra.

Career
Rich worked for Will Rogers, who used her in eight pictures, including Water Water Everywhere (1920), The Strange Boarder (1920), Jes' Call Me Jim (1920), Boys Will Be Boys (1921) and The Ropin' Fool (1921). She often portrayed society women, such as in the 1925 adaptation of Lady Windermere's Fan and also in Queen of the Yukon (1940). In two of her last films she played a frontier wife and mother. She was the mother of Gail Russell's character 'Penelope Worth', in John Wayne's Angel and the Badman as well as in John Ford's cavalry story Fort Apache in which she portrayed Mrs. O'Rourke, the wife of Sergeant O'Rourke (Ward Bond).

In the 1930s, Rich did much work in radio. From 1933 to 1944, she hosted a nationwide anthology program of serialized mini-dramas, Dear John (aka The Irene Rich Show). Her leading man was actor Gale Gordon, (who later played Lucille Ball's apoplectic boss "Mr. Mooney" on TV). In the early 1940s, Rich starred in Glorious One on NBC Blue. Rich appeared in stage productions, including Seven Keys to Baldpate (1935) which starred George M. Cohan, the creator of the play, and later As the Girls Go in 1948.

Personal life
Rich married for the third time on April 6, 1927 in Del Monte, California, to real estate mogul David Ferguson Blankenhorn (1886–1969), at the home of William May Garland. Blankenhorn was well known in the Los Angeles real estate market, was a longtime resident of Pasadena and San Francisco, and handled the transaction of William Wrigley, Jr. purchasing Catalina Island in 1919. Rich and Blankenhorn separated at least three times in the summer and fall of 1931, they filed for divorce on October 30, 1931, they were divorced that November.

She became involved in a deadly love triangle in 1949 when Agnes Elizabeth Garnier shot and killed wealthy businessman John Edwin Owen (1881–1949). Owen, formerly a businessman and politician from Michigan, was president of the National Apartment House Owners' Association, among other business interests, including cattle and horse ranching in Gunnison, Colorado and Riverside, California. The Riverside County Sheriff's Department investigator said that Garnier killed Owen (who was married, but estranged and separated from his wife) and blamed Rich for coming between them. Garnier, Owen's personal secretary, told the district attorney that the gun went off accidentally and she took the gun from an intoxicated Owen as he was going to bed. Rich said that she was not in love with Owen and that they were just friends. Garnier pleaded not guilty. The prosecutor decided not to try for first degree murder, and she was found guilty of manslaughter, and received a sentence of "one-to-ten" years. Garnier, after losing her appeal in January 1950, was released from Tehachapi Prison in May 1951 after serving less than a year-and-a-half. She died in San Diego in 1990 at the age of 93.

Family and death
Rich was married four times, the first time at age 17. She had two daughters, Frances and Jane. On February 28, 1950, Rich married her last husband, George Henry Clifford (1881–1959), a public utilities executive, at The Sherry-Netherland Hotel in New York City. He was president of Stone & Webster Service Corporation. The couple bought an avocado ranch within Hope Ranch, near Santa Barbara, in 1956, where they lived out the remainder of their lives.

On April 22, 1988, Irene Rich died at age 96 of heart failure in Hope Ranch, California.

Rich has two stars on the Hollywood Walk of Fame, one for her contribution to the motion picture industry at 6225 Hollywood Boulevard and one for her contributions to the radio industry at 6150 Hollywood Boulevard.

title: Irene Rich


text:
User talk:81.240.62.71

Nomination for deletion of Template:Footer Olympic Medalists Belgium Tennis Women
Template:Footer Olympic Medalists Belgium Tennis Women has been nominated for deletion. You are invited to comment on the discussion at the template's entry on the Templates for discussion page. Ten Pound Hammer • (What did I screw up now?) 05:24, 10 October 2017 (UTC)

title: User talk:81.240.62.71


text:
User:Hamid~enwiki

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title: User:Hamid~enwiki


text: User talk:64.122.80.121

title: User talk:64.122.80.121


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Strood Rural District

Strood Rural District was a rural district in the county of Kent, England.

It was subject to boundary reforms in 1934 and 1935.

It consisted of the following civil parishes:

 * Allhallows (1935–1974; gained from Hoo Rural District)
 * Chalk (1894–1935; abolished and transferred to the Municipal Borough of Gravesend)
 * Cliffe
 * Cobham
 * Cooling (1935–1974; gained from Hoo Rural District)
 * Cuxton
 * Denton (1894–1935; abolished and transferred to the Municipal Borough of Gravesend)
 * Frindsbury Extra (part transferred to the City of Rochester in 1934)
 * Halling
 * Higham
 * High Halstow (1935–1974; gained from Hoo Rural District)
 * Hoo St Werburgh (1935–1974; gained from Hoo Rural District)
 * Ifield (1894–1935; abolished and split between Cobham and the Municipal Borough of Gravesend)
 * Isle of Grain (1935–1974; gained from Hoo Rural District)
 * Luddesdown
 * Meopham
 * Nurstead
 * Shorne
 * St Mary Hoo (1935–1974; gained from Hoo Rural District)
 * Stoke (1935–1974; gained from Hoo Rural District)
 * Strood Extra (1894–1934; abolished and split between Cuxton and the City of Rochester)

On 1 April 1974 the district was abolished and split between the new districts of Medway and Gravesham.

title: Strood Rural District


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Nando Boom

Nando Boom is a reggae en Español group from Panamá led by Fernando Brown.

Brown began singing in 1977, and "Nando Boom" started in 1985. Nando Boom's new and speedy music style has influenced heavily the evolution of Latin music over the past few years as one of the fathers of reggae en Español. His vm grinding dance moves have also changed the way people dance since the mid-1990s. This backwards dancing style is now the representative dancing of reggaeton listeners. His most popular songs are "A Danzar" and "Esa Chica Me Vacila", still one of the main songs played in nightclubs all over Latin America.

For many fans and critics he is considered to be a pioneer of reggaeton and one of the most important figures in reggae en Español.

The band received the Caracol of the Caribbean award from Colombia in 1992 and a Stefano award in Miami in 1994.

Nando Boom has released songs with homophobic lyrics, such as the song "No queremos mariflor". He was then criticized by the gay community of Panama.

Partial discography

 * Nando Boom (1988)
 * Spanish Reggae (1991)
 * Nando Boom & the Explotion Band (1992)
 * Greatest Hits (1994)
 * Back to Work (1996)

title: Nando Boom


text: User talk:198.151.13.15

title: User talk:198.151.13.15


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Frances Newton

Frances Elaine Newton ( McLemore; April 12, 1965 – September 14, 2005) was executed by lethal injection in the state of Texas for the April 7, 1987, murder of her husband, Adrian, 23, her son, Alton, 7, and daughter, Farrah, 21 months.

Forgery conviction
In December 1985, Newton was sentenced to three years of probation for forgery.

Details of killings
All three victims were shot with a .25 caliber pistol which belonged to a man that Newton had been seeing at the time. Newton claimed that a drug dealer killed the three. The Houston police presented evidence that Newton's husband was a drug dealer and was in debt to his supplier. Newton maintained her innocence from her first interrogation in 1987 until her execution in 2005.

Three weeks before the slayings, Newton had purchased life insurance policies on her husband, her daughter, and herself. These were each worth $50,000. She named herself as beneficiary on her husband's and daughter's policies. Newton claimed she forged her husband's signature to prevent him from discovering that money had been set aside to pay the premiums. Prosecutors cited these facts as the basis for her motive.

Newton was also found to have placed a paper bag containing the murder weapon in a relative's home shortly after the murders. On October 25, 1988, Newton was convicted of the murders and sentenced to death; she spent nearly 17 years on death row before finally being executed by lethal injection on September 14, 2005.

Death row
Two hours before her first scheduled execution on December 1, 2004, Texas Governor Rick Perry granted a 120-day reprieve to allow more time to test forensic evidence in the case. There were also conflicting reports as to whether a second gun was recovered from the scene; ballistics reports appeared to demonstrate that a gun recovered by law enforcement and allegedly connected to Newton after the offense was the murder weapon. A relative of Newton who was incarcerated shortly after the murders claimed a person he shared a cell with boasted of killing the family. Numerous individuals, including three members of the convicting jury, expressed concern over evidence that was not presented during the trial.

On August 24, 2005, the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals turned down a motion for a stay of execution. It turned down another appeal on September 9 for writ of habeas corpus. It was her fourth application. The Texas Board of Pardons and Paroles voted 7–0 on September 12 not to recommend that her sentence be commuted to life imprisonment, despite evidence raising doubt about her guilt and a letter from her husband's parents asking that her life be spared. The same day the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit refused an appeal of her sentence.

Her new attorney, David Dow, asked Governor Perry for a 30-day stay to prove that Newton was wrongly linked to the murder weapon. The Supreme Court of the United States declined without dissent two appeals on September 13.

Execution
The execution was carried out as scheduled on September 14, 2005, by lethal injection. Newton spent a little more than $17 1/2$ years on death row before her execution, and was the third woman executed in Texas since the resumption of capital punishment in the state in 1982. The first and second were Karla Faye Tucker and Betty Lou Beets. Like Beets before her, Newton made no final statement and did not have a last meal request.

Newton's story was featured in the Fatal Attraction episode, "A Lethal Love". It is the seventeenth episode of the program's third season. It has also been featured on Deadly Women. Newton also appeared as herself in the 2006 television documentary "Women on Death Row", where her guilt is put into question and her innocence was discussed before she was executed.

General references

 * Report from National Coalition to Abolish the Death Penalty
 * Report from Texas Moratorium Network
 * Last Statement. Texas Department of Criminal Justice. Retrieved on 2007-11-15.
 * Frances Elaine Newton. The Clark County Prosecuting Attorney. Retrieved on 2007-11-15.
 * Last Statement. Texas Department of Criminal Justice. Retrieved on 2007-11-15.
 * Frances Elaine Newton. The Clark County Prosecuting Attorney. Retrieved on 2007-11-15.

title: Frances Newton


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Antoine Émile Henry Labeyrie

Antoine Émile Henry Labeyrie (born 12 May 1943) is a French astronomer, who held the Observational astrophysics chair at the Collège de France between 1991 and 2014, where he is currently professor emeritus. He is working with the Hypertelescope Lise association, which aims to develop an extremely large astronomical interferometer with spherical geometry that might theoretically show features on Earth-like worlds around other suns, as its president. He is a member of the French Academy of Sciences in the Sciences of the Universe (sciences de l'univers) section. Between 1995 and 1999 he was director of the Haute-Provence Observatory.

Labeyrie graduated from the "grande école" SupOptique (École supérieure d'optique). He invented speckle interferometry, and works with astronomical interferometers. Labeyrie concentrated particularly on the use of "diluted optics" beam combination or "densified pupils" of a similar type but larger scale than those Michelson used for measuring the diameters of stars in the 1920s, in contrast to other astronomical interferometer researchers who generally switched to pupil-plane beam combination in the 1980s and 1990s.

The main-belt asteroid 8788 Labeyrie (1978 VP2) is named in honor of Antoine Émile Henry Labeyrie and Catherine Labeyrie. In 2000, he was awarded The Benjamin Franklin Medal.

Hypertelescope
Labeyrie has proposed the idea of an astronomical interferometer where the individual telescopes are positioned in a spherical arrangement (requiring them to be positioned to a fraction of a wavelength). This geometry reduces the amount of pathlength compensation required when re-pointing the interferometer array (in fact a Mertz corrector can be used rather than delay lines), but otherwise is little different from other existing instruments. He has suggested a space-based interferometer array much larger (and complex) than the Darwin and Terrestrial Planet Finder projects using this spherical geometry of array elements along with a densified pupil beam combiner, calling the endeavor a "Hypertelescope" project. It might theoretically show features on Earth-like worlds around other stars. According to New Scientist:

title: Antoine Émile Henry Labeyrie


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IOOF (disambiguation)

IOOF is the Independent Order of Odd Fellows, a fraternal order founded in 1819 in Baltimore, U.S., by Thomas Wildey

IOOF may also refer to:

 * Insignia Financial, Australian financial services company that previously traded as IOOF
 * IOOF Building (disambiguation), a number of buildings

title: IOOF (disambiguation)


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Batres

Batres is a small town and municipality in the autonomous community of Madrid in central Spain. The town as is known today was founded in the 12th century after it was recaptured by Christians from the Almoravids, or north African settlers.

Tourism
The town is a popular destination because of Batres Castle, which is the main tourist attraction.

title: Batres


text: Category:Nightrage albums

title: Category:Nightrage albums


text:
Category:Lakes of Indonesia

This category is for articles related to lakes and reservoirs in Indonesia.

title: Category:Lakes of Indonesia


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Anna Mae Aquash

Annie Mae Aquash (Mi'kmaq name Naguset Eask) (March 27, 1945 – mid-December 1975 ) was a First Nations activist and Mi'kmaq tribal member from Nova Scotia, Canada. Aquash moved to Boston in the 1960s and joined other First Nations and Indigenous Americans focused on education and resistance, and police brutality against urban Indigenous peoples. She was part of the American Indian Movement, participated in several occupations, and participated in the 1973 Wounded Knee incident at the Pine Ridge Indian Reservation, United States.

Aquash also participated in the 1972 Trail of Broken Treaties and occupation of the Department of Interior headquarters in Washington, DC. In the following years, Aquash was active in protests to draw positive government action and acknowledgement of First Nations and Native American civil rights in Canada and Wisconsin. After Aquash disappeared in late December 1975, there were rumors she had been killed. An FBI report by Special Agent David Price states an informant saw Aquash alive on February 12, 1976.

On February 24, Aquash's body was found in Wanblee on the Pine Ridge Indian Reservation in South Dakota; she initially was determined to have died from exposure by a Bureau of Indian Affairs medical examiner, but after a second autopsy two weeks later, was found to have been murdered by an execution-style gunshot wound to the head. Initially, her death was covered up and the body declared to be "unidentifiable". Aquash's corpse was photographed by FBI agent Price. As detailed in In the Spirit of Crazy Horse, the FBI and CIA had previously disseminated rumours that she had been an informant. During the trial of John Graham, Candy Hamilton testified that Aquash told her that agent Price had threatened that "he would see that she died" if she didn't cooperate with his investigation of the Pine Ridge shootings of two FBI agents. Leonard Peltier since stated, "I must remind you, it is court record that the FBI lied to extradite me back to the US. I know that their behavior hasn't changed just as I know that Anna Mae was not an informant." Aquash was thirty years old at the time of her death and had two young daughters, Debbie and Denise.

After decades of investigation and the hearing of testimony by three federal grand juries, in March 2003, Arlo Looking Cloud and John Graham (also known as John Boy Patton) were indicted for the murder of Aquash. Looking Cloud was convicted in 2004 and Graham in 2010; both received life sentences. Thelma Rios was indicted along with John Graham, but she pleaded guilty to charges as an accessory to the kidnapping. In 2008 Vine Richard "Dick" Marshall was charged with aiding the murder, but was acquitted of providing the gun. Numerous Aquash supporters and her daughters believe that higher-level AIM officials ordered her murder, fearing she was an FBI informant.

Early life and education
Annie Mae Pictou was born into the Mi'kmaq First Nation at Indian Brook Reserve in Shubenacadie, Nova Scotia. Her mother was Mary Ellen Pictou and her father Francis Thomas Levi. She had two older sisters, Mary and Becky Pictou, and a younger brother Francis. Her mother and sisters survived her death. Pictou and her siblings received their early educations on the reserve but had struggled with poverty throughout their early lives. At the age of eight, Pictou had tuberculosis in the eyes and lungs.

Marriage and family
In 1962, Pictou and James Maloney moved together from the reserve to Boston. They had two daughters together, Denise, born in June 1964, and Debbie, born in September 1965. They married that year, but divorced in mid-1970 after Pictou found Maloney was having an affair.

Pictou later married Nogeeshik Aquash, an Ojibwa activist, in a Native ceremony on April 12, 1973. She kept his last name after they separated.

Activism
In Boston, Pictou began to meet urban American Indians and other First Nations people from Canada. About 1968–1969, she met members of the American Indian Movement (AIM), founded in Minneapolis in 1968, who were organizing among urban Indians, initially to combat police brutality. Pictou became involved in the Teaching and Research in Bicultural Education School Project (TRIBES), a program in Bar Harbor, Maine to teach young American Indians about their history.

On Thanksgiving Day 1970, AIM activists in Boston held a major protest against the Mayflower II celebration at the harbor by boarding and seizing the ship. Pictou helped create the Boston Indian Council (now the North American Indian Center of Boston), to work to improve conditions for Indians in the city.

In 1972, Pictou participated in the Trail of Broken Treaties march of American Indian activists to Washington, D.C. Protesters occupied the Bureau of Indian Affairs national headquarters and presented a list of 20 demands to the government, 12 of them dealing with treaty issues. In Boston, Pictou met Nogeeshik Aquash, from Walpole Island, Canada, and they began a relationship.

In 1973, Nogeeshik and Anna Mae traveled together to the Pine Ridge Indian Reservation in South Dakota to join AIM activists and Oglala Lakota in what developed as the 71-day occupation of Wounded Knee, which ended on May 8, 1973. They were married there in a Native ceremony by Wallace Black Elk, a Lakota elder. Anna Mae took Aquash as her surname, keeping it after they later separated.

"'These white people think this country belongs to them,' Aquash wrote in a letter to her sister at the time. 'The whole country changed with only a handful of raggedy-ass pilgrims that came over here in the 1500s. And it can take a handful of raggedy-ass Indians to do the same, and I intend to be one of those raggedy-ass Indians.' On her first night in South Dakota, [Dennis] Banks told her that newcomers were needed on kitchen duty. 'Mr. Banks,' she replied, 'I didn't come here to wash dishes. I came here to fight.'"

Using the surname Aquash, in 1974 Annie Mae was based mostly in Minneapolis. She worked on the Red Schoolhouse project, for a culturally based school for the numerous American Indian students who lived in the city. That year she also participated in the armed occupation at Anicinabe Park in Kenora, Ontario by Ojibwe activists and AIM supporters. They were protesting treatment of the Ojibwe in Kenora and northwestern Ontario in relation to health, police harassment, education and other issues, and failures by the national government's Office of Indian Affairs to improve conditions. Aquash also continued to work for the Elders and Lakota People of the Pine Ridge Indian Reservation.

In January 1975, Aquash worked with the Menominee Warriors Society in the month-long armed occupation of the Alexian Brothers Novitiate at Gresham, Wisconsin. The Catholic abbey had been closed and abandoned, and the Menominee wanted the property returned to the tribe, as the land had originally been appropriated by the Alexian Brothers for their mission. That year, Aquash was arrested twice on federal weapons-related charges, but was quickly released. Her second release was shortly before she was assassinated.

Aquash's releases from jail heightened internal AIM suspicions, created by a disinformation campaign that Aquash might be a government informant. Leaders were nervous since they had discovered on March 12, 1975, that Douglas Durham, a prominent member who by then had been appointed as head of security for AIM, was an FBI informant. Durham gained the trust of leaders in AIM over the two years he went undetected, and created his false appearance by, "dying his hair black, wearing contact lenses and adopting the AIM-style dress - ribbon shirts, turquoise and silver jewellery and beadwork." Aquash had suspected and denounced Durham. The officials expelled him from AIM in March 1975 at a public press conference.

According to biographer Johanna Brand, by the spring of 1975 Aquash was "recognized and respected as an organizer in her own right and was taking an increasing role in the decision-making of AIM policies and programs." She was close to AIM leaders Leonard Peltier and Dennis Banks. She and Banks had developed an intimate relationship beginning in the summer of 1974, although he was in a common-law marriage with another woman.

When Banks went into hiding, Aquash and Darlene (Ka-Mook) Nichols joined him at various times in late 1975 as he along with Peltier and others moved throughout the West for several months in an R.V., lent by Marlon Brando, an AIM sympathizer. According to Ka-Mook Nichols, while camping in Washington in October 1975, Peltier bragged to her, Annie Mae and others about shooting the two FBI agents on June 26, 1975. On November 14, 1975, while heading south through Oregon, a state trooper pulled over the R.V., full of guns and explosives, and ordered everybody out. Peltier and Banks escaped, but Kenny Loud Hawk, Russ Redner, Aquash, and others were taken to jail.

After having spent ten days in jail, Annie Mae Aquash was released on bail in Pierre, South Dakota on November 24. A couple of days later, she went to stay at the home of Troy Lynn Yellow Wood-Williams in Denver, Colorado. After having been seen in Denver and Rapid City, South Dakota for the last time on December 11, she disappeared in mid-December 1975.

Murder
On February 24, 1976, rancher Roger Amiotte found Aquash's body by the side of State Road 73 in the northeast corner of the reservation, about 10 mi from Wanblee, South Dakota. Her remains were revealed when snow melted in February. An autopsy was conducted by medical practitioner W. O. Brown, who wrote: "it appears she had been dead for about 10 days," and she had "died from frost." Failing to notice a bullet wound at the base of her skull, Brown concluded that "she had died of exposure." Under FBI orders, according to In the Spirit of Crazy Horse, Aquash's hands were cut off and sent for fingerprinting to FBI headquarters in Washington, D.C. Since Aquash was not officially identified at the time, her body was buried in South Dakota as a "Jane Doe".

On March 10, 1976, eight days after the burial, Aquash's remains were exhumed due to requests made by the American Indian Movement and her family. AIM arranged for a second autopsy to be conducted by Dr. Garry Peterson, a pathologist from Minneapolis. He found that she had been shot by a .32 caliber bullet on the left side at the back of her head, under the hairline, in a shot that traveled upwards, missing the brain and lodging in her left eye socket. It was described as execution-style murder. She was reinterred in Oglala Lakota land. Rumors persisted that she had been killed by AIM as an informant, related to federal prosecution of activist Leonard Peltier in the 1975 shooting deaths of FBI agents at Pine Ridge. In the Spirit of Crazy Horse further details the planting of the disinformation about Aquash by a CIA informant years before her murder.

Aquash's murder was investigated by the Bureau of Indian Affairs, who started the investigation as the death appeared to have taken place on the reservation. It was learned that she had been seen at the Pine Ridge Reservation before her disappearance in December 1975. Federal grand juries were called to hear testimony in her case in 1976, 1982 and 1994, but no indictments were made. In 1997 Paul DeMain, editor of the independent newspaper News From Indian Country, started regularly publishing articles about the investigation of the murder of Aquash.

People come forward
On November 3, 1999, Robert Pictou-Branscombe, a maternal cousin of Aquash from Canada, and Russell Means, associated with the Denver-based AIM movement, held a press conference in Denver at the Federal Building to discuss the slow progress of the investigation into Aquash's murder. It had been under investigation both by the FBI and the BIA.

Earlier that day in a telephone interview with journalists Paul DeMain and Harlan McKosato, journalist Minnie Two Shoes commented about the importance of Aquash,

"Part of why she was so important is because she was very symbolic. She was a hard working woman. She dedicated her life to the movement, to righting all the injustices that she could, and to pick somebody out and launch their little cointelpro program on her, to bad jacket her to the point where she ends up dead – whoever did it – let's look at what the reasons are. You know, she was killed and lets look at the real reasons why it could have been any of us. It could have been me. It could have been... Ya gotta look at the basically thousands of women. You gotta remember that it was mostly women in AIM. It could have been any one of us and I think that's why it's been so important. And she was just such a good person."

Paul DeMain (Ojibwe/Oneida), publisher and editor of News from Indian Country, said that day,

"...Anna Mae had a legacy of doing things differently, in 1975 she was alcohol- and drug-free, which made her stand out within the movement boldly because many people were still using and partying and there were many things going on in that area."

In a January 2002 editorial in the News from Indian Country, DeMain said that he had met with several people who reported hearing Leonard Peltier in 1975 admit the shootings of the two FBI agents on June 26, 1975, at the Pine Ridge Reservation. They also said that they believed the motive for the death of Aquash, "allegedly was her knowledge of who shot the two [FBI] agents, and Joe Stuntz." DeMain did not reveal his sources because of their personal danger in having spoken to him. In an editorial of March 2003, DeMain withdrew his support for clemency in the life sentence of Peltier. In response, Peltier sued DeMain for libel on May 1, 2003. On May 25, 2004, after Arlo Looking Cloud was convicted by the jury, Peltier withdrew the suit; he and DeMain reached a settlement.

Indictments and a co-conspirator
In January 2003, a fourth federal grand jury was called in Rapid City to hear testimony about the murder of Aquash. She was known to have been given a ride from the home of Troy Lynn Yellow Wood of Denver on December 10, 1975, by AIM members Arlo Looking Cloud, John Graham and Theda Nelson Clarke, who transported her to Rapid City, South Dakota. Rumors that they took Aquash further to the Pine Ridge Reservation in mid-December have never been confirmed; however, Aquash "failed to make her traditional Christmas phone calls to her daughters, sisters and close friend in Nova Scotia. So accustomed were they to hearing from her that they began to fear something was seriously wrong."

On March 20, 2003, a federal grand jury indicted Looking Cloud (an Oglala Lakota) and Graham (aka John Boy Patton; a Southern Tutchone Athabascan) from Whitehorse, Yukon, Canada for her murder. Although Clarke, Graham's adopted aunt, was alleged to have been involved, she was not indicted; by then, she was in failing health and being cared for in a nursing home.

Bruce Ellison, who has been Leonard Peltier's lawyer since the 1970s, invoked his Fifth Amendment rights against self-incrimination and refused to testify at the grand jury hearings on charges against Looking Cloud or at his trial in 2004. During the trial, the federal prosecutor referred to Ellison as a co-conspirator in the Aquash case.

Looking Cloud convicted
On February 8, 2004, the trial of Arlo Looking Cloud began before a U.S. federal jury; five days later he was found guilty of murder. On April 23, 2004, he was given a mandatory sentence of life in prison. Although no physical evidence linking Looking Cloud to the crime was presented, a videotape was shown in which he admitted to having been at the scene of the murder, but said he was not aware that Aquash was going to be killed. In that video, Looking Cloud was interviewed by Detective Abe Alonzo of the Denver Police Department and Robert Ecoffey, the Director of the Bureau of Indian Affairs Office of Law Enforcement Services. On March 27, 2003, Looking Cloud said that John Graham was the gunman.

Looking Cloud said that he was making his statement while high and under the influence of "a little bit of alcohol." Trial testimony showed that Looking Cloud told a number of other individuals in various times and places about having been present at the murder of Aquash.

Looking Cloud appealed his conviction. In the appeal, filed by attorney Terry Gilbert, who replaced his trial attorney Tim Rensch, Looking Cloud retracted his videotaped confession, saying that it was false. He appealed based on the grounds that his trial counsel Rensch was ineffective in failing to object to the introduction of the videotaped statement, that he failed to object to hearsay statements of Anna Mae Aquash, failed to object to hearsay instruction for the jury, and failed to object to leading questions by the prosecution to Robert Ecoffey. The United States Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit denied Looking Cloud's appeal. On August 19, 2005, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit affirmed the judgment of conviction. Richard Two Elk, adopted brother of Looking Cloud; Troy Lynn Yellow Wood, former AIM chairman John Trudell, and Aquash's daughters Denise and Debbie Maloney were other witnesses who testified at the trial that Looking Cloud had separately confessed his involvement to them before any indictments or arrests.

Extradition of Graham
On June 22, 2006, Canada's Minister of Justice, Vic Toews, ordered the extradition of John Graham to the United States to face charges on his alleged involvement in the murder of Aquash. Graham appealed the order and was held under house arrest with conditions. In July 2007, a Canadian court denied his appeal, and upheld the extradition order. On December 6, 2007, the Supreme Court of Canada denied Graham's second appeal of his extradition.

In an interview, recorded in the studios of Pacifica Radio KPFK, Los Angeles March 30, 2004, when being asked by Antoinette Nora Claypoole about the last time he saw Annie Mae Aquash, Graham replied: "Last time when we drove from Denver to Pine Ridge, and you know that ride there going to Pine Ridge, and talking with her, gearing up. And then gettin to a safe house."

Richard Marshall
In August 2008, a federal grand jury indicted Vine Richard "Dick" Marshall with aiding and abetting the murder. Marshall was a bodyguard for Russell Means at the time of Aquash's murder. It was alleged that Graham, Looking Cloud, and Theda Nelson Clarke had taken Aquash to Marshall's house, where they held her, then took her to be executed in a far corner of the reservation. Marshall's wife, Cleo Gates, testified to this at Looking Cloud's trial. Marshall is alleged to have provided the murder weapon to Graham and Looking Cloud. Marshall was imprisoned in 1976 after being convicted in the 1975 shooting death of a man. He was paroled from prison in 2000. He was acquitted of the charge of conspiracy to murder Anna Mae.

State trial for Graham and Rios
In September 2009, Graham and Thelma Rios, a Lakota advocate in Rapid City, were charged by the State Court of South Dakota with the kidnapping, rape and murder of Anna Mae. The case against the defendants continued through much of 2010.

Thelma Rios
Thelma Conroy-Rios, a longtime Lakota advocate in Rapid City, South Dakota was charged by the state of South Dakota in September 2009, along with John Graham, for the kidnapping, rape and murder of Aquash. Already in poor health, she avoided a trial on murder charges by agreeing to a plea bargain "that acknowledged her role in the events leading up to Aquash's death." In November 2010, she pleaded guilty to the charge of being an accessory to kidnapping and received a five-year sentence, most of which was suspended due to her poor health.

Rios admitted in court that she "relayed a message from AIM leadership to other AIM members to bring Aquash from Denver to Rapid City in December 1975, because they thought she was a government informant." Rios died of lung cancer February 9, 2011. Although names were redacted in her plea agreement at court, she had said she heard two people ordering Aquash to be brought from Denver to Rapid City and that there was a discussion about "offing her".

Graham convicted of felony murder
On December 10, 2010, after two days of deliberation in the state court, jurors found John Graham guilty of felony murder, but acquitted him of the charge for premeditated murder. The felony murder conviction carries a mandatory sentence of life in prison. After an appeal by Graham, the South Dakota Supreme Court upheld the lower court conviction in May 2012.

Theories
Observers and historians speculate about who ordered the murder of Annie Mae Aquash. Before her death, Aquash allegedly said FBI Special Agent David Price threatened she would die within the year if she refused to inform on Leonard Peltier.

John Trudell testified in both the 1976 Butler and Robideau trial and the 2004 Looking Cloud trial that Dennis Banks had told him that the body of Anna Mae Aquash had been found before it was officially identified. Banks wrote in his autobiography, Ojibwa Warrior, that Trudell told him that the body found was that of Aquash. Banks wrote that he did not know until then that Aquash had been killed, although she had been missing.

In Looking Cloud's trial, the prosecution argued that AIM's suspicion of Aquash stemmed from her having heard Peltier admit to the murders of the FBI agents. Darlene "Kamook" Nichols, former wife of the AIM leader Dennis Banks, testified that in late 1975, Peltier told of shooting the FBI agents. He was talking to a small group of AIM activists who were fugitives from law enforcement. They included Nichols, her sister Bernie Nichols (later Lafferty), Nichols' husband Dennis Banks, and Aquash, among several others. Nichols testified that Peltier said, "[t]he motherfucker was begging for his life, but I shot him anyway." Bernie Nichols-Lafferty gave the same account of Peltier's statement.

Other witnesses have testified that once Aquash came under suspicion as an informant, Peltier interrogated her while holding a gun to her head. Peltier and David Hill later had Aquash participate in bomb-making so that her fingerprints would be on the bombs. The trio planted the bombs at two power plants on the Pine Ridge reservation. Extensive testimony suggests that AIM leaders ordered the murder of Aquash; because of her prominent position in the organization, lower-ranking members would not have taken action against her without permission from above.

Denise and Debbie Maloney
Together with federal and state investigators, Aquash's daughters Denise and Debbie believe that high-ranking AIM leaders ordered the death of their mother due to fears of her being an informant; they support the continued investigation. Denise Pictou-Maloney is the executive director of the "Indigenous Women for Justice", a group she founded to support justice for her mother and other Native women. In a 2004 interview, Pictou-Maloney said her mother was killed by AIM members who thought she knew too much. She knew what was happening in California, she knew where the money was coming from to pay for the guns, she knew the plans, but more than any of that, she knew about the killings. In March 2018, Denise Maloney spoke at the Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women inquiry in Montreal about her mother's murder.

Re-interment at Indian Brook Reservation
After the conviction of Looking Cloud in 2004, Aquash's family had her remains exhumed. They were transported to her homeland of Nova Scotia for reinterment on June 21 at Indian Brook Reservation in Shubenacadie, Nova Scotia. They held appropriate Mi'kmaq ceremonies and celebrated the work and life of the activist. Family and supporters have held annual anniversary ceremonies in Aquash's honor since then.

Film

 * The Spirit of Anna Mae (2002) – a 72-minute film directed by Catherine Anne Martin, a tribute by women who knew Aquash. Produced by the National Film Board of Canada (NFB).
 * Maggie Eagle Bear – a leading character in the drama Thunderheart, loosely based on Aquash.

Literature

 * Lakota Woman - Mary Brave Bird's 1990 memoir (published under the name Mary Crow Dog). Having been a close friend of Aquash, Brave Bird dedicates the chapter "Two Cut-off Hands" to her friendship with Aquash and the events leading to her death.

 * Aquash is the subject of June Jordan's "Poem for Nana," from Passion, her 1980 collection of poems.

Music

 * "Slaying the Sun Woman", "Bury My Heart at Wounded Knee" on the Coincidence and Likely Stories album, and "The Uranium War" on Power in the Blood, by American singer-songwriter, musician and activist, Buffy Sainte-Marie.
 * "Anna Mae" – song by British Socialist folk singer Roy Bailey set to the tune of The Wind and Rain
 * "Today's Empires, Tomorrow's Ashes" – wherein punk band Propagandhi sing, "No justice shines upon the cemetery plots marked Hampton, Weaver or Anna-Mae".
 * "Anna Mae" – song by American folk singer-songwriter and social activist Jim Page
 * "Anna Mae" – song by Larry Long
 * "Stolen Land" – song by Canadian singer Bruce Cockburn wherein he mentions "The spirit of Almighty Voice, the ghost of Anna Mae Call like thunder from the mountain, you can hear them say "it's a stolen land"
 * "Anna Mae Aquash" – song by Canadian folk/jazz singer-songwriter and Canadian social activist Faith Nolan
 * "For Anna Mae Pictou Aquash" – poem by Joy Harjo, recorded as a song by Harjo and the band Poetic Justice
 * "¿Do the Digs Dug?" – song by alternative political hip hop trio The Goats containing the line "Whatcha afraid of? Annie Mae Aquash? Found her lying in the ditch with no place for a watch."

Theatre

 * Annie Mae's Movement (1999, reprinted 2006), a play by Yvette Nolan about Aquash and her participation in AIM

title: Anna Mae Aquash


text:
User talk:Sdaire

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title: User talk:Sdaire


text: User talk:86.134.96.255

title: User talk:86.134.96.255


text:
Henri Génès

Henri Génès (2 July 1919 – 22 August 2005) was a French singer and actor who appeared in such films as The Sucker, La Grande Vadrouille, The Brain, The Counterfeit Constable, and The Little Bather. He was born in Tarbes, and died, aged 86, in Saint-Cloud.

Partial filmography

 * Hanged Man's Farm (1945) – Jérôme
 * Plume la poule (1947)
 * The Chocolate Girl (1949) – Félicien Bédarride
 * We Will All Go to Paris (1950) – Julien
 * Pigalle-Saint-Germain-des-Prés (1950) – Gustave dit Tatave
 * The Lovers of Bras-Mort (1951) – Nestor
 * Paris Is Always Paris (1951) – Paul Gremier
 * Nous irons à Monte Carlo (1951) – Antoine Lacassagne
 * A Hundred Francs a Second (1953) – Fernand
 * Une fille dans le soleil (1953) – Virgile
 * Au diable la vertu (1953) – Pierre Montabrel
 * Jeunes mariés (1953) – Le garagiste
 * Les détectives du dimanche (1953) – Molot
 * L'Œil en coulisses (1953) – Tonin Bonafous
 * Women of Paris (1953) – Lucien Mosca, le patron du Ruban Bleu
 * Soirs de Paris (1954) – Tino Carivari
 * Queen Margot (1954) – Annibal de Coconas
 * La rue des bouches peintes (1955) – Philippe Jacquemod
 * Trois de la Canebière (1956) – Girelle
 * Ces sacrées vacances (1956) – Le brigadier de gendarmerie
 * Coup dur chez les mous (1956) – Ernest Mamourette
 * Three Sailors (1957) – Honoré
 * The Counterfeit Constable (1964) – Gros Max
 * The Sucker (1965) – Martial
 * La Grande Vadrouille (1966) – L'employé du zoo
 * Le Petit Baigneur (1968) – Le paysan
 * The Brain (1969) – Le gardien-chef de la prison de Poissy
 * Les gros malins (1969) – Docteur Vergeze
 * L'homme qui vient de la nuit (1971) – André
 * Le rallye des joyeuses (1974) – Le paysan
 * Young Casanova (1974) – Maxime Lavaux
 * En grandes pompes (1974) – Henri
 * Animal (1977) – Camille, le patron du bistrot
 * Ça va pas la tête (1978) – L'oncle
 * Embraye bidasse... ça fume (1978) – Le capitaine
 * The Gendarme and the Extra-Terrestrials (1979) – Le patron du restaurant 'Le Cabanon'
 * L'avare (1980) – Le commissaire
 * Sacrés gendarmes (1980) – Le curé
 * Touch' pas à mon biniou (1980) – Riton
 * Prends ta rolls et va pointer (1981) – Le douanier à l'accent
 * The Cabbage Soup (1981) – le brigadier chef
 * Mon Curé Chez les Nudistes (1982) – Truffard
 * Le braconnier de Dieu (1983) – Le patron du 'Café de la paix'
 * Vive la sociale! (1983) – Monsieur Armand
 * Waiter! (1983) – Sangali
 * Y'a pas le feu... (1985) – Le maire
 * Le facteur de Saint-Tropez (1985) – L'adjudant Antonin Ficelle
 * La fille des collines (1990) – Le maire
 * Le provincial (1990) – L'abbé
 * L'écrou (1991)
 * Justinien Trouvé, ou le bâtard de Dieu (1993) – Grand Vigilant (final film role)

title: Henri Génès