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Matías Ramón Mella

Matías Ramón Mella Castillo (25 February 1816 – 4 June 1864), who was most known by his middle name (Ramón), was a Dominican revolutionary, politician, and military general. Mella is regarded as a national hero in the Dominican Republic. He is a hero of two glorious deeds in Dominican history: the proclamation of the First Republic, and the war to restore Dominican independence. Remembered as one of the three founding fathers of the Dominican Republic, the Order of Merit of Duarte, Sánchez and Mella is partially named in his honor.

Like many of his peers, Mella envisioned an independent republic that would be free of all foreign power. A man of loyalty and honor, his dream of establishing and maintaining a free nation would grow in his early years, strengthening his determination to make that dream a reality. From aligning himself with the independence movement, he quickly rose to prominence, becoming a part of the legendary trio along with Juan Pablo Duarte and Francisco del Rosario Sánchez.

Through sheer determination and strategy, Mella would play a very crucial role in the successful establishment of the Dominican Republic. He stands out for firing the iconic blunderbuss on the night of 27 February 1844 at Puerta del Conde during the moment of uncertainty and hesitation of many who supported the independence cause. This marked the beginning of the Dominican War of Independence. But this success was short-lived, as Mella would find himself, along with his fellow patriots, having to engage in a series of political standoffs against the very same people who had previously fought alongside him. Ill and financially crippled, he witnessed many of his comrades suffer the worst for their pro-Independent plans. Unfortunately, by 1861, the country was handed back to Spanish forces. Mella, who sided with the pro-independence rebels, excelled as a military strategist, creating the guerrilla warfare manual that contributed significantly to the Dominican Restoration War. Mella would continue to serve his duties as a revolutionary leader until his death in 1864. Afterwards, Spain was defeated and Dominican independence was restored in 1865.

Background and early activities
Mella was born to Antonio Mella Álvarez (1794–1837) and Francisca Javier Castillo Álvarez (1790–1864), on 25 February 1816, in the capital city of Santo Domingo during the España Boba period. While both his parents were of Spanish decsent, Mella's paternal grandmother, Juana Álvarez Pereyra, who was a native from San Carlos, has origins in the Canary Islands. His father was a merchant by profession. On 6 March, at 11 days old, he was baptized in the Cathedral Church by Fr. Augustin Tavarez. He had two other siblings named Idelfonso (1818-1910) and Manuela Mella Castillo (1827-1894). His brother Ildefonso accompanied him in the activities of the Trinitarios, and was one of the first to protest against the annexation to Spain. Finding himself in Puerto Plata, he toured the city on horseback waving a flag while shouting: “Long live the Dominican flag, regardless of who it may be.” He was later sent to Cuba as a prisoner.

Mella was born in a period of economic and political decline. The inhabitants of the colony numbered roughly 65,000, of which had previously suffered a demographic collapse due to a large emigration of Dominicans to Venezuela, Cuba and Puerto Rico as a result of the session of Santo Domingo to France under the Treaty of Basel of 1795. In 1809, Juan Sánchez Ramírez, aided by Spanish and British forces, arrived in Santo Domingo and defeated the French soldiers in the War of Reconquista, effectively ending French rule in eastern Hispaniola. While Santo Domingo was back in the administration of Spain, Dominicans lived immersed in a social lethargy. The economy, once again, was stagnant and suffered one of the most severe crises remembered in colonial Dominican history. Cultural activities had ceased, and despite the university, only a few Dominicans had the privilege to attend.

Like almost all of his ideals companions, Mella was a child when José Núñez de Caceres, an enlightened revolutionary, organized a revolt against the Spanish government and successfully declared independence on 1 December 1821. The newly independent nation was renamed as Republic of Spanish Haiti. Plans were made for the new nation to join the South American project, Gran Colombia, but these plans had little support, and its organizer, Simón Bolívar, was unwilling to lend his attention to Núñez de Caceres. But in February 1822, just two months after the independence, Jean Pierre Boyer, the president of neighboring Haiti, entered Dominican territory at the head of a large army and annexed the newly liberated nation. This marked the beginning of the Haitian occupation of Santo Domingo.

Very little is known in regard to his school life, but perhaps due to the scarcity of public educational centers during his childhood and adolescence, it is believed that his parents chose to send him to the few "private schools" that were secretly available during that era. It was there that the young Mella would receive a proper education from respectable Dominican teachers.

From a young age, he had a latent talent for handling a sword and a sabre. Since his teenage years, he was known for being brave and fearless. He would spend his early life involving himself in productive work for his society. He did military service and acquired notoriety among his colleagues and superiors for his seriousness, responsibility, and his courage. The skill he exhibited in the handling of weapons was so great, that it is said that when his youthful companions of the town were confronted by groups of armed unscrupulous Haitians, who disrupted the nighttime entertainment, Mella intervened with admirable success.

Given his family responsibilities, Mella dedicated himself to productive tasks from a young age, combining his patriotic and political activities with a constant vocation for work. At that time it was common for people from urban areas to dedicate themselves to cutting precious woods, especially mahogany. Wood cutters were often linked to official positions, primarily because the work required the recourse of authority. Mella began this economic activity in San Cristóbal, in 1835, when he was 19 years old. He continued this habit for many years.

His years of wood cutting and commercial work allowed him to engage with multiple social sectors, thus allowing him to understand the social dynamics and the intricacies. But of course this was not just limited to the exploiters, but to the exploitative sector as well. However, as usual, this activity did not provide him with a fortune, but only with maintaining a modest and dignified standard of living.

According to some historians, Mella also became affiliated with Freemasonry. He was said to have been part of a Masonic lodge, eventually becoming a freemason at the legal age of 21.

Marriage and family
In August 1836, a 20-year-old Mella married Josefa Brea, the daughter of hero José Gertrudis Brea and Josefa Hernández, born on 14 February 1814. (Brea was also the first cousin of Doña Concepción Bona y Hernández de Gómez, who was responsible for making the first Dominican flag raised at the Puerta del Conde in February 1844. She died in Puerto Plata on 2 January 1899). A will revealed that the marriage lacked contributions from both sides of the union. It is alleged that some of the assets in which Mella acquired during the marriage may have been due to the inheritance he received after the passing of his father. It is also revealed that Mella was a devout Roman Catholic, as he declared with the following text from the same will:

I declare that I am of the Catholic, Apostolic and Roman religion, whose Church is directed and governed by the Holy Spirit, in whose faith and belief I was born, lived, and from now on I protest to live and die. Invoking for my help, from now on, for my death, the protection of the great Queen of angels, Mary Most Holy, so that by interceding with her most precious Son I may obtain the salvation of my soul, which I commend to God Our Lord, who created her. and redeemed, with the inestimable price of his blood. And the body sent to the land that I was forming...

Together, they produced 4 children: Ramón María, Dominga América María, Antonio Nicanor, and Ildefonso. Many of their descendants live in Dominican Republic, Cuba, and the United States.

 * Ramon Maria, the eldest, witnessed his father's blunderbuss shot in 1844. He studied in Paris, worked a painter, and became an active official in the Dominican Restoration War. He later served as deputy for Santiago in 1866. He even fought in the Six Years' War against the government of Buenaventura Baez, until his death on 21 March 1868.
 * Dominga Amèrica María, Mella's only daughter, was not active in politics.

 * Ildefonso, who had also studied in Paris, worked as a lawyer, painter, and judge of First Instance in Puerto Plata. He even served as governor of the province.

 * Antonio Nicanor, Mella's youngest son, also avoided taking part in politics, instead taking a job as a talor in Havana, Cuba. He was known as a tailor for high Cuban society at the time. He specialized in men's clothing "in the French style." He would go on to father Julio Antonio Mella, a Cuban activist who was later assassinated on the orders of dictator Gerardo Machado in Mexico City, Mexico. (He was also one of the founders of the Popular Socialist Party, the original Cuban communist party, founded in 1925).

Among the witnesses of Mella's wedding was Juan Isidro Perez, who befriended Mella. Perez, (who was later referred to as "The Illustrious Fool"), was a young activist who, like Mella, was aware of his Dominican identity and of the conditions taking place during that time; both men understood that the Dominicans were worthy of living in freedom and didn't deserve to continue enduring humiliation and oppression under foreign domination. It was this friendship that would integrate Mella to a scene of revolutionary reactions that were taking shape into Dominican society.

Confusion about his name
To this day, historians have debated on the correct pronunciation of his name. In his baptism certificate, marriage certificate as well as in his will and official documents such as his appointment as Minister of War and later Vice President of the Dominican Republic during the restoration government, it is stated that his name was Ramón Mella Castillo and he cannot be found any historical support, except for a few documents that he signed as Mr. Mella and M. Ramón Mella, that his name was Matías Ramón Mella.

For example, in Mella's baptismal certificate, signed by the parish priest Agustín Tavares, reads as follows: “In the city of Santo Domingo and March six of one thousand eight hundred and sixteen, I, the undersigned Lieutenant Priest of this Holy Church of the Cathedral, solemnly baptized I put oil and chrisma on Ramón, eleven days old, the legitimate son of Antonio de Mella and Francisca Castillo, natives of this city and our parishioners." Years later, after getting married, on August 30, 1836, in the departure of marriage, it can be read that “at seven o'clock at night, before me, Martín Guzmán Galicia, Official of the Civil Status of the Common of Santo Domingo, the citizens Ramón Mella, a native of this city, of older age, Preposé of the common of San Cristóbal and Josefa Brea, a native of this city, of older age.”

Historian Alcides García Lluberes maintains that Mella was apparently born around midnight between February 24 and 25, 1816, because her middle name, Matías, corresponds to the Saint of the day February 24. Prior to independence, however, there are documents in which Mella signed as MR Mella, as recorded in the Manifestation of January 16, 1844 and in a communication of February 28 that the Central Government Board addressed to the French Consul Saint Denys. However, his friends and co-religionists of the Trinitarios did not call him Matías. In a letter dated November 15, 1843, that Francisco del Rosario Sánchez and Vicente Celestino Duarte addressed to Juan Pablo Duarte, then in Caracas, during his first exile-, in which, among other things, they informed him: “Ramón Mella He is preparing to go there, although he tells us that he is going to Saint Thomas and you should not trust him.”

The generality of the official and private documents consulted indicates that, during his public life, the hero never signed Matías Ramón, but instead indistinctly stamped his signature as Ramón Mella, R. Mella or simply Mella. In his Will, made and signed on May 5, 1859, the following is recorded: “Before me, José Leandro García, Public Notary of the residence of Puerto Plata, signed below. Mr. Don Ramón Mella, Division General of the Armies of the Republic, Commander of Arms of this city, where he is the owner and domiciled, appeared at my office and declared.” At the end of the aforementioned will, the hero signed: R. Mella; signature with which he also endorsed a patriotic Proclamation addressed “To my fellow citizens," on 16 January 1864. During the restoration war, several official documents show that the Minister of War and also General in Chief of the Armies of the South was Ramón Mella, a name that appears in various decrees issued by the restoration government. Not many people are aware that on 17 March 1864, with his health already very deteriorated, Mella was elected vice president of the restoration government. Additionally, in the Book of Minutes of the Sessions of the Supreme Government of the Republic we read that "by secret scrutiny, and the vote was collected, the honorable General Ramón Mella was unanimously elected." Immediately afterwards the Government ordered that "it be duly communicated to Mr. General Ramón Mella the election that has been made in his person for vice president."

In various letters that he shared with his relatives and collaborators of the independence cause, they never referred to him as Matías and in fact, they did not mention his middle name, so it is not known how or why in some history texts their first names have been exchanged. Because of this, it has led to historical confusion about his name. But in most cases, he is referred to as Matías Ramón Mella.

First activities under Duarte
By 1838, Mella's friendship with Perez allowed him to be introduced to his mentor, Juan Pablo Duarte. Conveiniently, Duarte was looking to recruit new members for the nationalistic movement, La Trinitaria, a secret organization that seeks to establish an independent nation by liberating the Dominican people from Haitian rule. For Duarte and the other independence members, imbued with the nationalist and liberal ideology that had spread throughout Europe since the French Revolution, the former Spanish part of the island had its own identity and should become an independent state. Mella happily accepted this recruitment. Although he may not have been among those who took the oath on 16 July 1838, according to Duarte himself, Mella was one of the founders of the secret society La Trinitaria. In any case, he stood out as one of the most notable activists of the contingent of young people who set out to overthrow the Haitian yoke and found the Dominican Republic. The motto of his personality was action, but penetrated by the lofty motivations that Duarte had preached. Precisely for this reason, Mella was one of the young people who began the patriotic struggles with the cult of the personality of the father of the country as his motto.

Over the next five years, the Trinitarios carried out various activities in order to propagate separatist and independence ideas to other Dominicans. However, when this movement was caught on by the Haitian authorities, it became necessary to create two other organizations, which were much more flexible than La Trinitaria - La Filantrópica and La Dramática, through which awareness-raising efforts were less compromising. Within these five years, Mella among others, stood out from the rest of their companions, even earning Duarte's full confidence.

Duarte and his companions managed to create in the minds of many Dominicans the conviction that it was feasible to achieve independence. This explains why they were prepared when struggles for power began between leading sectors of Haitian society. Since the early 1830s, a liberal opposition emerged in the Haitian Chamber of Deputies against Boyer. Almost all the delegates from the Department of the South were part of this opposition, which had as its social base a segment of the same ruling mulatto sector. Boyer proceeded to dismiss some of the elected liberals, mainly Hérard Dumesle and David Saint Preux, with which his government adopted undisguised dictatorial overtones. The liberal leaders resorted to the conspiracy with the aim of overthrowing Boyer. Aware of the plans of the Haitian liberals and showing signs of lucidity about what the process of preparing the conditions for Dominican independence should be, Duarte decided to establish an alliance with them. Duarte calculated that the fall of the Boyer regime would lead to a worsening of the conflicts within Haiti and weaken their power.

Duarte saw in Mella, a man of great discipline and leadership qualities, characteristics which Duarte deemed perfect to substitute for candidate Juan Nepomuceno Ravelo, after the failure of his mission to reach an alliance with the deposed liberals. Mella, at the request of Duarte, was sent to the Haitian village of Les Cayes, with the mission of looking for allies to form a reform movement, with the purpose of overthrowing Boyer's regime in January 1843. There, Mella stayed at the house of Jérôme-Maximilien Borgella, a Haitian general and politician, who was also a former governor of Santo Domingo. Meanwhile, Boyer's acceptance had begun to wane because of the excessive rise in taxes, the benefits of which did not revert to the population, but to France, to which Boyer had promised compensation in exchange for recognizing Haitian independence. In this way, groups opposed to the Boyer regime arose in Haiti itself. By this time the island had become increasingly frustrated with Boyer's repressive dictatorship, combined with his negligent response following a sudden earthquake that had struck Haiti a year earlier, and was plotting to overthrow the government, a situation to which Duarte believed could be used as an advantage. Subsequently, Mella came into contact with the Haitian opposition leader Charles Rivière-Hérard, who in turn led the reform movement, which came to be known as La Reforma, in March 1843. It only took Mella several days to reach an agreement with the revolutionaries. Thanks to Mella's demonstration of diplomatic skills, the Trinitarios placed themselves in a solid position against the Haitian Reformists and were able to organize themselves in favor of the movement. However, for Hérard, he was completely unaware of the Dominicans' true purpose was to prepare for the definitive separation of the Haitian government. On 24 March, Mella, along with Perez and Pedro Alejandro Piña met at Plaza del Carmen to proclaim the Dominican adherence to the Reform movement. After a month and a half of military operations in the vast southern peninsula of Haiti, Boyer's troops were defeated, causing Boyer to flee the island, ending his reign if tyranny once and for all.

It can be inferred that the Triniatrios and the Haitian liberals in the city of Santo Domingo did not have much strength, as they had to wait for the news to arrive that Boyer had resigned to start an uprising in favor of La Reforma. In fact, many people spontaneously took to the streets when news of the events in the Haitian capital became known. But the Trinitarios placed themselves at the forefront of the demonstrations, thus becoming the representatives of the population's desires. Mella was one of those who stood out in the events that led to the capitulation of the Boyer's troops of Santo Domingo. He, along with Duarte, was among the member ps2 of the Popular Board of Santo Domingo, a local body of power in which Trinitarios and Haitian liberals coexisted. Relations between the two sectors quickly deteriorated. The Trinitarios began to carry out almost open independence propaganda, and on the basis of that preaching, they won the local elections held on June 15 in Santo Domingo. At this moment the rupture between Haitian liberals (reformists) and Dominican liberals (Trinitarios) was consummated.

In June of that same year, Duarte, who considered necessary it for the next stage of the cause, entrusted Mella to return to Santo Domingo with the mission of disseminating the political ideas advocated by the revolutionaries. At that time, debates arose in the eastern portion of the island about who would obtain the representation of the Dominicans, causing friction between liberals and conservatives. Thus, in July 1843, Mella departed from Les Ceyes, and moved to the Central Cibao to continue promoting his republican Ideals for independence. However, Hérard, who was now the president of Haiti, learned of the true motives of Mella and his companions, and traveled to the eastern part of the island to arrest the conspirators. He would imprison Mella, (who was arrested in San Francisco de Macorís), in Port-au-Prince, where he remained for two months. However, in this very city a rebellion erupted against Hérard, who was only able to dominate with the help of Mella and the incarcerated veterans whom he freed. Herárd mistakenly considered that the insurrectional attempts of the Dominicans had ceased and was persuaded that they lacked sufficient power to crystallize independence because the eastern part was branded as poor, distant and sparsely populated. (In fact, from a demographic point of view, Haiti had approximately 800,000 inhabitants compared Santo Domingo, whose population numbered only 135,000 inhabitants).

Manifesto of 16 January 1844
As civil unrest continued to erupt in Haiti, Mella used the opportunity to return to Santo Domingo to proceed to the next phase of independence. But by now, Duarte was not present due to his exile when learning of the tenacious persecution that would be made against him by the Haitians. This left the Trinitarios without their leader. Therefore, in agreement with Vicente Celestino Duarte, Francisco del Rosario Sánchez, Tomas de la Concha, Jacinto de la Concha, Gabino Puello and José Joaquín Puello, they were left to lead the revolution and declare independence. It was agreed then that the date of which the declaration of Independence and the birth of the new nation was arranged for 27 February 1844.

However, following the Reform movement, the political situation of the eastern portion of the island became extremely effervescent. According to historian José Gabriel García, there was widespread concern to the point that all was left to do was for the statement to be made. However, clashes between the Trinitarios and various groups (pro- French and pro-Spanish separatists) disputed the primacy of the revolutionary movement and the new order of the change that was approaching.

Mella restarted his work in favor of independence and took initiatives on his own. The most important, as the documents indicate, was to advocate for an alliance with the conservatives. Taking stock of the raid carried out by Hérard, he came to the conclusion that the liberal sector lacked the necessary strength to overthrow Haitian rule on its own. Initially, Francisco del Rosario Sánchez, who had been in charge of the Trinitarios after Duarte's departure, opposed this approach, trying to have the declaration of independence made by the Trinitarios separately. Finally, Sánchez was convinced of the relevance of the alliance, so he resumed collaboration with Mella. The latter had established relations with Tomás Bobadilla, one of the most senior conservatives, who had also come to the conclusion that it was necessary to overcome the differences with the “boys," since neither of the two parties had the capacity to promote independence without the help of the other. Mella's impact on the agreement between liberals and conservatives led him to be one of the inspirers of the Manifesto of January 16, 1844, a document that set out the reasons for Dominican independence. The content of the document was first discussed between Sánchez and Mella, who then presented it to Bobadilla, so that he could introduce corrections and extensions, in recognition of his experience and intellectual capacity and because he acted as the representative of the higher social sectors. In the days before the revolution, after the agreement between liberals and conservatives, Mella had a hand in everything that was being planned.

Declaration of Dominican independence
Sources vary on how the events of the "blunderbuss" shot transpired. It is said that on the night of 27 February 1844, when the revolutionaries met at that the destined meeting spot, they were shocked to discover the number of those expected to appear was much smaller than expected. This was due to alertion of the Haitian authorities, who in response to conspiracy, deployed a military operation in key parts of the city. Faced with this situation, one of those present, having verified that not all of his fellow freedom fighters were present,  suggested postponing these plans until further favorable circumstances. Mella, however, objected the proposal, and declared the impossibility of turning back. He then fired his blunderbuss shot into the air to end the hesitation that threatened to bring failure. A testimony, written by Eustache Juchereaux Saint Denys, a member of the French consul in Santo Domingo, who had heard the famous blunderbuss, writes:

The night of the 27th was the day set for that attempt. The authority was on guard, the general restlessness, it was hoped, however, that the order would not be disturbed. The Vicar General, the most influential people in the city made useless efforts to bring more reasonable sentiments to that youth. They were unbreakable, and as they announced, the signal was given at 11 at night by a rifle shot fired into the air.

José María Serra de Castro, one of the founders of La Trinitaria, who was an author of one of the main historical sources of the 1844 revolution, wrote that once Duartistas and Febreristas met at La Misercordia, they found that the number of attendees was less than expected. He explains:

"The situation is compromised," said Mella. "Let's play everything for everything," and he fired his blunderbuss into the air.

However, Don Manuel de Jesús Galván, a politician and author, narrates those events in these terms:

The solemn hour arrived: a group of patriots anxiously awaited the defaulters in the secluded and lonely end of the city, called La Misericordia, at the foot of the Fort of San Gil. The exact ones to the appointment were counted with concern: the largest number of those committed to the company were missing. The conspirators always have to count these cowardly defections at the precise and critical moment of action. One of the faithful finally arrives, moved and painting: "I think everything is discovered," he says, "a patrol has chased me, and I've made a long detour to get here." These words spread suspicion among the few listeners; and someone full of fright talks about retiring home and giving up the glorious project: "NO," answers a robust and manly voice firmly, disturbing the nocturnal silence without any caution. "It is no longer given to back; Cowards as brave, we all have to go to the end. Long live the Dominican Republic!" He says, and a resounding detonation of the rock from him resoundingly accentuates the heroic cry. No one hesitates anymore: everyone makes a sacrifice of their lives and runs towards the classic Puerta del Conde. The bold shot made by the intrepid Ramón Mella announced to the world the birth of the Dominican Republic.After this, the patriots marched toward the stronghold of San Gennaro (today Conde Gate), where another patrician, Francisco del Rosario Sánchez, proclaimed to the world the birth of the Dominican Republic.

Return to the Cibao
After the proclamation of the First Republic, Mella took part in the Central Government Board, with Sánchez serving as president. On 2 March 1844, Mella sent a letter to Duarte, Pérez and Pińa, all of whom were in Curaçao, informing them of the success of the revolt and of affairs of the Dominican Republic. A few days later, Mella had left for the Cibao in order to direct the defense against the Haitians and proceed to the organization of the new state in said region, the most important in the country from the economic wealth and the size of its population. With the rank of colonel and delegate of the board, Mella proposed to organize the defense around the city of Santiago, believing that the city would prove to be vital in the war. Mella was aware that if the city was captured, the road to the capital would be clear for the enemy troops. Upon reaching the city, he replaced the weapons commander. He then realized then the city lacked soldiers, so he left a command chart and a combat plan before marching towards San José de Las Matas, then known as La Sierra, to recruit more soldiers. He also left the instruction of forcing the characters to subordinate themselves to the influential leaders, from the northwest line, of the new government who were still hesitating, avoiding actions of small conflicts against the Haitians and to concentrate all resources to defend Santiago, since defending the city was an easier tactic. Mella even considered the fact that since Santiago was far from the border, the invading troops would have to endure an exhausting march as well as supply difficulties.

He used that time to enlist José María Imbert, from Moca, as second in command of the newly constituted National Army, which would later become the Liberation Army. Mella would also assume the position of governor of Santiago and delegate of the Central Government Board, acting as chief political and general for the army.

When leaving Santiago in the direction of La Sierra, Mella did not calculate the enemy's maneuverability. The governor of the Department of Northern Haiti, General Jean-Louis Pierrot, at the head of 10,000 men, was approaching Santiago by forced marches. This was facilitated by the fact that he registered almost no opposition due to numerical superiority and Mella's directive to concentrate all available resources in Santiago. In a panic, Mella embarked on his journey back to Santo Domingo to warn his comrades, but not before giving instructions to Imbert, who was now the lieutenant, to combat the upcoming attack. The forecasts made by Mella and the competent leadership of Imbert resulted in a crushing defeat being inflicted on the Haitians in the Battle of Santiago, who had hundreds of dead, while, apparently, few Dominicans lost their lives. The confusion for the Haitians was so great that Pierrot accepted a truce and decided to return hastily to Cap-Haïtien when he was shown a flyer containing the false news that President Hérard had died in Azua. This withdrawal guaranteed the safety of the Cibao.

Over the next two months, Mella dedicated himself to consolidating the defense of the region and ordered the advance of Dominican troops to the border. As a representative of the liberal Trinitarios, Mella faced opposition from conservative sectors of the region, who obeyed the guidance of the majority of the Government Board. Despite this, Mella obtained broad support, which was a sign that liberal positions found greater acceptance in Cibao than in Santo Domingo. (The capital was the focus of the conservative group, as the residence of the leading sectors from the country. On the other hand, in the southern region, there were social relations that largely had their origin in colonial times, especially extensive livestock farming. On the other hand, in the surroundings of Santiago, tobacco production had been developing, allowing the emergence of a peasantry linked to the market and a more modern and dynamic urban middle class than that existing in Santo Domingo).

On one hand, in the South Band, there were social relations that largely had their origin in colonial times, especially extensive livestock farming. On the other hand, in the surroundings of Santiago, tobacco production had been developing, allowing the emergence of a peasantry linked to the market and a more modern and dynamic urban middle class than that existing in Santo Domingo.

Military Coup
Events took a different turn following the victory in the Battle of Azua. With the independence of the Dominican Republic now installed, and Duarte's return to the country, Mella voted to elect him as president of the Central Government Board with the purpose of preventing another annexation by any foreign power. He would address this in a letter to Sánchez:

These towns had no more disturbances than the coming of the Delegation; This ended with the arrival of Juan Pablo, thank God! Finally, I conclude by telling you that my wish has arrived and I will return it, President of the Dominican Republic.

But by now, Sánchez was no longer in power. The board was under the presidency of Bobadilla that the organization proposed, through the letter of 8 March 1844 addressed to the Consul of France, the French protectorate, which evidently implied a return to the Levasseur Plan. In addition to Bobadilla, Sánchez, Caminero, Valverde, Félix Mercenario, Echevarría and Carlos Moren signed this letter. But Mella's signature does not appear there: on that date he was still active trip to Cibao. Bobadilla had not yet assumed the Presidency of the Board, when it agreed to send the schooner “Leonor” to Curacao in search of Duarte, who arrived in the capital on 14 March 1844 and was immediately incorporated into the Central Government Board.

After learning of Bobadilla's annexationist plans, Duarte, backed by Mella and Sánchez, launched a military coup. On 9 June 1844, representatives of the “protectionist” sector were toppled, and Sánchez was reinstated. The new Board withdrew the powers of that Commission, and Mella felt free to act. He then concentrated his efforts on promoting a movement aimed at bringing Duarte—in whom he continued to see the immaculate teacher—to the Presidency of the Republic. Faced with such a situation of divergence, the Trinitarios, who were now in control of the government, decided to send Duarte to Cibao, in order to reinforce Mella's authority. This promoted that Duarte was received in an apotheosic way in all the towns he passed through. In Santiago, the troops and people gathered together hailed Duarte as president of the Dominican Republic. Even though Mella may have promoted the pronouncement, there is no doubt that Duarte was considered the father of the country and acted as an interpreter of popular sentiment, contrary to what some historians have stated, who maintain that the Trinitarios lacked influence in those critical moments.

Several historians have criticized Mella for having led the proclamation of Duarte as president, arguing that it was an improvised act and the first of the illicit pronouncements that would later give rise to civil strife. In reality, the proclamation responded to a well-defined criterion that the Trinitarios had about their leader and teacher. Additionally, at that time Mella and other liberals understood that the fate of the Republic was in danger, which justified Duarte being elevated to supreme command. They considered it imperative to confront the anti-national efforts of the conservatives, who by all means wanted the country to become a secret colony of France. On the other hand, it was not intended to establish an illegal dictatorship, since Duarte's presidency was always considered provisional, subject to subsequent consultation with the population, in accordance with the democratic conceptions of the Trinitarios.

Far from having been a mistake, Duarte's proclamation to the presidency exalts Mella's memory; shows that he captured in all its intensity the greatness of the father of the country and what he represented against the annexationism of the conservatives. Mella showed that he was endowed with superior ideas and showed signs of courage and audacity, traits that allowed him an unparalleled practical role in the fight for independence. However, Duarte's proclamation of the presidency lacked practical consequences in resolving the debate between conservatives and liberals.

Counterstrike and exile
Meanwhile, Pedro Santana, backed by his troops and by the tacit alliance they had reached with the French Consul and the most prominent members of the “colonialist” group, headed towards the capital of the new State, with the purpose of assuming the entire power. Eager to avoid this event, Juan Isidro Pérez and Pedro Alejandrino Pina did everything possible to organize a solid defense in the city. Unfortunately, on 12 July 1844, Santana crossed the city walls, where he found no opposition, and the next day he carried out a coup d'état. When the changes that had occurred in Santo Domingo became known, Mella's position weakened. The Cibaeño conservatives intensified the conspiracy and the liberals found themselves unable to confront the implementation of the Santana dictatorship. In any case, at the beginning Mella managed to maintain the fidelity of the main authorities, but his situation became increasingly unstable.

Despite its economic and demographic weight, the Cibao region lacked power mechanisms, especially in the military aspect, as there were no command systems that could compete with those of Santo Domingo. A considerable part of its leaders – although they were not supporters of Santana and the conservatives – came to the conclusion that it was impossible to oppose them, because it introduced the risk of a civil war, in which they would probably be defeated and open the doors upon the return of the Haitians. The fear of the Cibaeño leaders of civil war, which led them to lean towards an agreement with the authority established in Santo Domingo, meant the defeat of the region against the centralism of Santo Domingo, which would be reiterated on subsequent occasions.

Immediately, the Trinitarios were persecuted: Duarte was reduced to prison in Puerto Plata, and Mella himself suffered the same fate. Under pressure from some prestigious figures in the area, Mella decided to go to Santo Domingo to negotiate with Santana on behalf of Cibao. Upon arriving at the end of August, he was immediately reduced to prison, which gave the signal for all Cibaeño authorities to decide to abide by Santana's authority. The hostility towards Mella was led by General Francisco A. Salcedo, but other figures with a hesitant stance, such as General Antonio López Villanueva, decided to join the conservative Junta. In fact, no one dared to support Duarte after Mella left Santiago. That same day, the new government issued the resolution that declared them, like Mella, Pina, Sánchez and others, traitors to the country, and condemned them to permanent exile. While in exile, Mella chose to settle in Puerto Rico, opting to remain close to his homeland.

Return to Dominican Republic
Eventually in 1848, Mella, along with Sánchez, was granted an amnesty decreed by president Manuel Jimenes to return to the country. A few weeks after arriving in the country, he attempted to hatch a conspiracy against the Jiménes administration, which he rightly accused of being improvident and inept. But he gave up the purpose, since he encountered the opposition of Pina, Sánchez and Juan Evangelista Jiménez, who had also returned to the homeland protected by the amnesty decree. He then resettled in Puerto Plata, working in the woodcuts, away from political affairs. That was until 1849, when Haitian forces invaded the country once again, in which Mella rejoined the army to defend his nation. Mella led a troop sent to the border to confront the overwhelming force. Forced to retreat to Azua, he advised Antonio Duvergé to continue the retreat towards Baní. Two weeks later, Santana took over the leadership of the army by Congress. Mella took part in the Battle of Las Carreras, in one of the main command positions. He was said to have occupied Palmar de Ocoa to repel the attack of the invading Haitian army, securing Dominican victory.

After delivering the famous defeat to the Haitian troops, Santana ignored the Jiménez government. Mella became linked to Santana, who appointed him his private secretary. Like Sánchez, Mella saw that there was no possibility of reconstituting a liberal grouping, so he believed it was necessary to integrate into current politics. Now, the two heroes took largely divergent positions in the politics of the time: while Sánchez associated with Buenaventura Báez, Mella maintained a constant relationship with Santana. Mella made the mistake of supporting the autocrat in associating the fate of the country with the protection of a power. This position opens a difficult stage to evaluate in the life of Mella, who as part of the leadership team that surrounded Santana, remained silent in the face of the ruler's despotic actions. However, he did not renounce his liberal conceptions; Even when he accepted the establishment of a protectorate, at all times he conditioned it on respecting the independent status of the State.

When Baez became president in September 1849, Mella was appointed Secretary of State for Commerce and the Treasury. He even briefly served as Minister of Finance of the Dominican Republic from 1849 to 1850. After serving his term, Mella once again retired to his home in Puerto Plata. For unknown reasons, Mella did not reconcile with Báez, instead choosing to align himself with Santana. Thus, upon Santana's return to power, Mella denounced Báez and even advocated to banished him.

Diplomatic mission to Spain
Mella's most important performance during those years was the diplomatic mission to the Spanish government, in order for it to agree to take charge of a protectorate over the Republic or, if it was not interested, to make diplomatic recognition. Mella believed that the plans of Haiti's government constituted a real and imminent danger, and that the country had no other option than to obtain the protection of a power. The panic caused by previous Haitian invasion was still alive in the collective memory, and the reports reaching the Dominican capital indicated that a new invasion would occur at any moment. It can be deduced that this fear was the basis of Mella's agreement with the Santana leadership, who was seen as a guarantee of independence against the aggressions from Haiti. In mid-December 1853, Mella embarked for Puerto Rico, where he obtained credentials from the governor, Fernándo Norzagaray y Escudero, and from there, he continued to Spain.

This mission lasted for six months. He arrived in the old metropolis at the beginning of February 1854 and during the following months he held negotiations with Spanish officials, without any consequences. At that time, Spain had no interest in taking charge of a protectorate over the Dominican Republic, and refused to recognize independence because it considered that it did not bring it any advantages. Secretly, Mella, still holding onto the morals of the Trinitarios, had anticipated for Spain to agree to recognize Dominican independence. However, in one of the documents that he presented to the Spanish government, he stated that Spain is the legitimate owner of the territory of the Dominican Republic, and that the protectorate over the latter meant for the old Metropolis one more guarantee, over those it may have today to be preserved indefinitely in the Caribbean. In May 1854, Mella decided to return to the Dominican Republic, but not before addressing in a farewell letter to Luis José Sartorius, who also was the President of the Council of Ministers, the reluctance of the Spanish government to recognize the independence of the Dominican Republic. In that letter, he writes:

Denied by Spain the recognition of the independence of the Republic; that is to say, having denied everything that today would surely make the Haitian invasion impossible or frustrating, it only remains for me to go to the point of danger to consecrate to my country and my family the services that I owe them as a citizen, as a soldier and as a father. The case is serious and urgent; There is no time to lose; and the days that I spend here outside of mine are long and eternal centuries for my just how painful impatience.

At the end of May, Mella left Madrid and arrived sick in Santo Domingo in the first days of August. Days later he received votes for the vice presidency. Upon his return from Spain, Mella asked to be given a mission in Puerto Plata for the purpose of attending his mahogany court. After declining the position of Secretary of War, he was appointed to Commander of Arms for the city. He even accepted the position of governor of La Vega and became of one Santana's advisors.

By 1856, there was another threat to Dominican sovereignty. The Spanish consul, Don Antonio María Segovia, conspiring with Báez, carried out a plan to destabilize Santana's administration. This was due to the fact that Mella's mission in Madrid had failed, causing Santana to turn his attention to the United States for a protectorate. Alarmed, Spain reconsidered the recognition of Dominican independence to cease detrimental effects on its control of Cuba, an island that the U.S aspired to annex. This resulted in a political scandal known as La Matricula de Segovia. Báez's supporters registered at the consulate and took advantage of their status as Spaniards to deploy an active opposition. At one point Mella was proposed to exercise dictatorship in order to counteract the Spanish consul, but he did not accept, an advocated for Segovia to be expelled from the nation. During a meeting at the Dominican National Palace, Mella exclaimed with the following: "The Constitutional Government has enough force of law to be respected and save the Nation. I, the Government, take Segovia, I wrap him in his flag, and expel him from the country." Santana, however, did not share his views.

In July 1856, he was tasked to draft a bill with the purpose of organizing the army, once again demonstrating his skills as a combatant and military man. He was even nominated for the position of Vice President, but he rejected, instead suggesting the position to Felipe Alfau. The position was eventually filled by Manuel de Regla Mota, but resigned after a short term, handing the seat back to Báez. Immediately after assuming office, Baez ordered Santana's arrest and expulsion off the island. Santana would be deported to Martinique. However, most of his supporters, including Mella, were spared from persecution. He once again remained in Puerto Plata, away from public affairs and concentrated on his wood cutting.

Cibaeño Revolution and aftermath
When the revolution against Buenaventura Baez began in Santiago on 7 July 1857, who with his economic mistakes had led the country to the threshold of a financial catastrophe, Mella was one of the first to join that movement of liberal and neo-Duartist orientation. In this famous civil war, Mella consolidated his immense military prestige with the audacious seizure of Plaza de Semaná, which he personally directed at the beginning of May 1858. For his heroic action, he received one of the most brilliant and jubilant receptions that the people of Santiago gave him, of which the government was headed by José Desiderio Valverde. Although they did not coincide in frontal combat, the revolution put Mella and his old friend, Francisco del Rosario Sánchez, on opposing sides. Mella remained related to Santana after he took the presidency of the Republic for the last time in August 1858, after Báez's flight. Despite the consideration that President Valverde had shown him, Mella supported Santana's coup d'état, who again appointed him commander of arms of Puerto Plata.

By the end of the 1850s, the nation fell into political and economic turmoil. Báez had ruled the country under a corrupt bureaucracy. He would bankrupt the national treasury for his profit, and propose that the country be annexed to the United States. Santana, on the other hand, presided over the country with Báez, but ruled the nation under military dictatorship. He would eventually overthrow and send Báez into exile. During his administrations, Santana continued to propose that the country be annexed by Spain, which Mella strongly rejected. Also plunging the nation's economy were the constant Haitian invasions. Haiti had already made numerous attempts to reconquer the Dominican Republic, but each attempt was crushed by the Dominicans, who despite being greatly outnumbered, managed to successfully rebel off every invasion so far. These attempts would intensify as Haiti's new leader, Faustin Soulouque, who later declared himself emperor, made more drastic and desperate attempts to bring the island under his control. From 1849 to 1856, Soulouque made numerous attempts to reconquer the Dominican Republic, each at the head of a 30,000-man army, with the purpose of reinstalling Haitian rule. Despite his best efforts, his army retreated after suffering heavy losses, and Soulouque came close to falling into the hands of the Dominican army. His support eroded over the years, mostly from Haitian women, fearful of losing their sons, brothers, and husbands in these failed invasions. He would later be overthrown in a coup d'état, led by his former general Fabre Geffrard, in 1859, and sent into exile in Jamaica. He returned to Haiti at some point just in time to see Geffrard himself be overthrown in 1867, and died that same year at age 84.

Return of Spanish rule
Despite the country's independence being secured, the nation was still in a crisis. Following the conclusion of the war, Santana had inherited a bankrupt government that was on the brink of collapse. The misrule of his power, as well as the aftermath of Baez's corrupt government, drastically exhausted the nation's treasury. Faced with the economic turmoil, and fearful of another invasion from Haiti, Santana turned to a foreign power for protection. After failing to reach an agreement with France, he eventually turned to Spain, with Queen Isabella II. In exchange for honorary privileges, military and economic intervention, Santana agreed to return the Dominican Republic back to colonial status. Spain, who by now was losing control of most of its former colonies, used this opportunity to reinsert its control in Latin America. The United States, entering the early stages of its Civil War, was left unable to enforce the Monroe Doctrine. This decision caused a national uproar among the population. Mella, of course, did not accept this, and along with his fellow patriots, pledged their full opposition to the annexation. But because of this, he would be imprisoned by Santana, who confined him to the fearsome Tower of Homage, (present-day Ozama Fortress) for 72 days. He would later be deported to Saint Thomas. Mella endured illness and poverty, and supported himself with the small aid from the government. Although he was allowed to return, he once again expressed his opposition against the annexation, and was deported for the last time.

On 20 March 1861, the annexation to Spain was finalized, and Spanish troops had already begun to arrive in the country. With no time to waste, Mella made his way back to his homeland. But this would come with difficulty as Mella was without resources or military support. While on board an English ship that was stranded in Puerto Rico, he unsuccessfully attempted to ask the crew for support to go ashore on Dominican land and take command of the force with the purpose of starting his revolution.

On 3 June 1861, he wrote a letter to Santana, once again proclaiming his opposition of the annexation, and denouncing Santana's actions as treacherous. He writes:

General, the time has come to remind you by means of this letter that I am not a subject of her Catholic Majesty, nor have I exchanged nor do I wish to exchange my nationality for any other, having sworn since February 27, 1844 to be a citizen of the Dominican Republic, for whose independence and sovereignty I have provided my services, and offering them when my limited capacity and little value have allowed me. For the same reasons, it has never occurred to me to think, let alone pretend, to be a Spanish general, whose title in me as a Dominican general who has rendered no service to Spain, was a sarcasm that making me ridiculous, would at the same time make me the object of discreet distrust among the Spaniards. But I have never been nor will I be opposed to my country maintaining, along with Spain and the other educated nations of Europe and America, such good relationships that in them you find the strongest support for your well-being, under the kind of recognition of your absolute independence and autonomy. What has been said is enough for my purpose, adding lastly that I will fulfill my duty in the way that is possible, always as a son and citizen of the Dominican Republic, in whose position I salute you.

With this uncompromising statement in the face of Santana's betrayal, he regained his stature as a hero. But due to his health, he was unable to join Sánchez in his expedition into the Dominican Republic. A month later, he learned the unfortunate news that Sánchez, betrayed and ambushed, was executed on the orders of Santana for opposing Spanish rule on 4 July 1861.

Joining the Restoration forces
After Sánchez's execution, Mella remained attentive to the evolution of events, looking for a way to restart the fight against Spanish rule. On two separate occasions, he tried to enter the country through Puerto Plata, but was surprised by the Spanish authorities. By 15 August 1863, having slipped passed the authorities by pretending to accept Spanish citizenship, Mella was back on the island. With his return, he immediately integrated himself into the heroic struggle that raged from the Cibao to restore the Republic. In mid-September, he was acquired into the Restorative government that had formed in Santago. He traveled through numerous sectors of the south, with the task of rounding up restoration troops for general Pedro Florentino. He was also able to align himself with the young revolutionary, Gregorio Luperón. By December 1863, the news even spread in Puerto Plata that "General Mella has collected ten thousand tobacco serones from the merchants with the intention of shipping them to Montecristi or Haiti to the North and bringing war supplies."

For his contributions, he was appointed Minister of War, in his first act in this position was to create a war manual for the soldiers, which he produced in January 1864. This manual consisted of military regulations and advice to campaign commanders of the Dominican Army on the kind of war they should wage on the occupying Spanish forces. (After the war, it was taken to the United States Military Academy). He had observed that frontal encounters led to the defeat of the Dominicans, as had happened to President José Antonio Salcedo, Pepillo, in San Pedro, in January 1864. He issued a circular regarding the use of the guerrilla method. In the text, which condensed his military genius and his understanding with the Dominican environment, he argued that the disadvantages in organization and weapons forced the Dominicans to adopt a guerrilla warfare tactic, anticipating the theoretical expositions on this tactic. Among these military provisions, the following can be mentioned:

Around the same time, Mella issued his final manifesto. He proclaimed himself in support of the rebels, declaring to the Dominicans to rise up arms against the Spanish Empire to restore national independence, and even called for the end of Spanish rule in the Caribbean. He expressed his words in the following content:

Dominicans: The Republic has called us to arms! And I, doing my duty, have come to take my place among you. I am a soldier of the February 27 column, you know me, and I come to call the few of my people, whom the lies and brute force of their oppressors still keep separated from their former ranks. Sandoval, Lluberes, Sosa, Maldonado, Juan Suero, Valera, Marcos Evangelista, Juan Rosa, Gatón, do not forget that the Republic that gave you glory and fame is the place of honor where your companions await you: the Dominican Republic has never ceased to exist; neither betrayal nor gallows could annihilate her. The heroes of the Capitillo camp are also the soldiers of March 30, 1844. Their principles are the same today. They picked up the flag of the cross that the unfortunate General Sánchez left behind on his grave in El Cercado.

There he was the first martyr of Independence... There is his shadow calling to arms! And the Puellos, Duvergé and his son, Concha, Matías de Vargas, Pedro Ignancio Espaillat, Perdomo, Vidal, Batista and their companions, sacrificed for Santana, they rise beyond the sepulcher asking for Revenge! Revenge!

Dominicans! Hear that patriotic lament of so many martyrs of freedom! And you, Eusebio Puello, listen to the one who speaks to your conscience to tell you: "Leave the ranks of the murderer of your brothers... do not desecrate the blood that innocents shed to leave you a free homeland anymire!"

Seibanos, Duvergé and his son, Albert and Dalmau ask you for revenge...! And you, my friends from Santo Domingo, do not forget that Santana was the murderer of Trinidad Sánchez!

Revenge asks the homeland!

DOMINICANS! I do not come as a disturber of order, armed with the dagger of the treacherous murderer, nor with the torch of the wild arsonist: the mission that I have and the one that I have imposed on myself is that of a civilized and Christian soldier. It is not my purpose to excite you to a useless rebellion, but it is my duty as a free citizen to make us understand that insurrection is not a crime when it has become the only means to shake off oppression; but the indifferentism that sustains and feeds it is no small crime.

DOMINICANS! The days have already arrived in which Spain, the only nation that persists in keeping slaves, must lose its colonies in the Antilles. America must belong to itself; that is how God arranged it, when between it and old Europe he placed the immensity of the Ocean. If the punishment of the fields of Carabobo, Boyacá and Junìn, nor the Genius of Bolívar, has not been enough to convince Spain of this truth, here is the saber of our soldiers and the climate of Santo Domingo.

Dominicans! Respect for rights and property.

Homeland, honor and humanity.

Such is the currency with which I want to see you reach the temple of fame.

-Santiago, January 16, 1864, R. Mella

At the time of the Capotillo Outcry (Grito de Capotillo) (16 August 1863), Mella served as Vice President of the Dominican Republic in the government of the Restoration. Despite his ailing health, he did manage to lead several successful attacks on the Spanish forces. In this capacity he was commissioned as a government delegate in the south, a mission he accepted despite his deteriorating state of health, aware of the difficulties faced by the national war in the region. He made the journey to San Juan through Jarabacoa and Constanza in February 1864. He was unable to fulfill his mission, due to the resistance offered by General Juan de Jesús Salcedo, a subject lacking any patriotic condition. Mella stayed only a few days at his destination and had to return through rugged roads in Haiti. That trip worsened his health, eaten away by cancer. The government of Santiago had to send him a litter so he could reach the city.

Duarte's final visit, death, and aftermath
On 27 March 1864, Mella was visited by his best friend, Duarte, who had just arrived in the country during this time, at his home. Duarte had used this opportunity to greet his ailing comrade one last time. Five says later, Duarte left for Santiago, taking Mella with him along with his delegation that accompanied him from Caracas. Apon arrival, Mella was placed in a humble house at the foot of the San Luis Fortress, where he would spend his last days. The hero Manuel Rodríguez Objío described the visit of Juan Pablo Duarte to Mella with the following words:

He visited the illustrious Mella on March 7, a soldier of two great eras, who was prostrated on his deathbed in small house, one of the improvised ones after the fire and near Fort San Luis. Duarte hugged him there, after 20 years of separation, not without ceasing to express his indignation at the extreme poverty in which that man who became a great military leader and with the category of patriot and national hero found himself. Mella told Duarte that given the impossibility of living to see his homeland free of foreign hosts, he wanted to be buried in the grave wrapped in the national flag as a shroud. This request moved Duarte who could not help but shed some tears while giving him the last hug.

In his final moments, Mella's wife, Josefa, stayed by his side. She took turns caring for him with some close neighbors. On 4 June 1864, in the midst of the bloody war, Mella, the beloved founding father and honorable revolutionary, died at the young age of 48. Before he died, Mella garnished the last bit of strength and mouthed his final words: "There is a still homeland, Long Live the Dominican Republic." In accordance to his final wishes, his body was wrapped around the Dominican flag, and buried as he desired. Josefa, by the order of the restoration government, received 500 pesos for her living. Not too long afterwards, his mother, Doña Francisca Castillo, passed away on 17 July 1864 of dropsy at age 74.

The Dominican Restoration War continued on after his death throughout the nation. Many on both sides were lost, but thanks to Mella's war manuel, this became a crucial asset for the Dominican rebels, whom despite once again facing an outnumering, and very powerful army, would still oversee more victories against Spain. This ultimately lead to the decisive victory of the Dominicans, who, (yet again), triumphed over the Spanish Empire, successfully expelling the Spanish forces off the island and restoring the national independence in 1865. Santana, discraced and facing trial, died on 29 June 1864, 25 days after Mella's death.

Legacy
Mella, a man of great military talent, was a major figure in the history of the Dominican Republic. Of the founding fathers of the Republic, Mella represented the militant and determined expression and the most adapted to the political activities of a pre-capitalist society. A man of respect and dignity, his loyalty to his comrades, as well as the nation remained a driving force in Mella. From joining the Trinitarios, the battles fought with Haiti, internal disputes, and the restoration war against Spain, Mella stayed true to his word. Despite the dark period between the Dominican War of Independence and the Spanish occupation of the Dominican Republic, his vision and desire for an independent Dominican state remained with him to the end. Manuel Rodríguez Objío once noted:

Luperón made his colleagues observe that since the former General Ramón Mella was in Jamao, it was of utmost importance to request an interview between the young restaurateur and the patriot of Independence... The nobleman veteran was not insensitive to this late call: hero of February 27, 1844, it was satisfactory for him to share the hardships of those of August 16, 1863. His life had to occupy two large pages.

Puerto Rican nationalist Eugenio María de Hostes, spoke warmly of Mella's heroism. His admiration for the revolutionary is evidenced in the following text:

Mella, one of those sympathetic figures of independence throughout the continent who, in addition to the internal qualities that great actions demand, had the personal attractions that seduce the crowds and the social merits that attract the most cultured potion of a society.

He continued with the following, this time in comparison with Duarte and Sánchez:

Mella, in addition to being a patriot, was a beautiful, educated noble man [...] Mella was not much happier than the master of patriotism, Duarte, and his companion in noble actions, Sánchez.

On May 15, 1890, the company Hijos del Pueblo asked the national congress for authorization to exhume the remains of Mella and transfer them to Santo Domingo, which was finally carried out on June 6, 1890, and with the exhumation pieces were found. of the national flag that served as his shroud. His body finally arrives in Santo Domingo coincidentally on the day of the 75th anniversary of his birth (February 25, 1891) and was finally buried in the chapel of the immortals of the cathedral on February 27, with speeches by Monsignor Nouel and Federico Henríquez y Carvajal.

Three years later in 1894, through the Resolution No. 332 of April 11, dictator Ulises Heureaux ordered that Duarte, Mella, and Sánchez were the official Founding Fathers of the Dominican Republic. Since then, Dominicans venerate the memory of Mella, and of his illustrious companions, as the Founders of the Dominican Republic. On February 27, 1944, 100 years after the independence, Rafael Trujillo ordered that these remains would once again be transferred to Puerta del Conde, where they are converted into the Altar of the Homeland, and deposited under the triumphal arch of that memorable monument. His ashes remained there for the next three decades, until in 1976, on the 100th anniversary of Duarte's death, President Joaquín Balaguer ordered that his ashes be removed and transferred to the museum in Parque Independcia, where currently all Dominicans pay tribute to the distinguished revolutionaries Duarte, Sánchez and Mella.

In addition, Mella was awarded many honors for his revolutionary status.
 * He is entombed in a beautiful mausoleum, Altar de la Patria, at the Count's Gate (Puerta del Conde) alongside Duarte and Sánchez.
 * In the province of Independencia, the city of Mella is named in his honor.
 * A section in Santo Domingo, Villa Mella, is named in his honor. (In 2001, it was recognized by UNESCO for its preservation of African heritage in the Dominican Republic).
 * Puente Matías Ramón Mella, which crosses the Ozama River, was inaugurated in 1972.
 * Many streets in the Dominican Republic are named after him.
 * In the city of Santo Domingo, a statue has been made in his honor.
 * Mella is solely depicted on the 10 Dominican peso note and coin; he is also depicted on the 100 Dominican peso note alongside Duarte and Sánchez.
 * A Dominican anthem is dedicated to his legacy

Additional Bibliography

 * Cassá, Roberto. Matías Ramón Mella: el patriotismo hecho acción. Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic: Tobogan, 1999.
 * Cruz Sánchez, Filiberto. Mella: biografía política. Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic: Editora El Nuevo Diario, 1996.

title: Matías Ramón Mella


text:
Armstrong Whitworth Argosy

The Armstrong Whitworth Argosy was a three-engine biplane airliner designed and produced by the British aircraft manufacturer Armstrong Whitworth Aircraft. It was the company's first airliner.

The Argosy was developed during the early-to-mid 1920s in response to a statement by Imperial Airways that new multi-engined airliners were being sought to replace its single-engined counterparts then in use. Armstrong Whitworth proposed a relatively large biplane airliner, powered by three Armstrong Siddeley Jaguar engines; its construction largely composed of plywood and fabric supported by steel tubing. Imperial Airways opted to initially order a pair of aircraft to serve its European routes, while the Air Ministry ordered a single example as well. On 16 March 1926, the first Argosy, G-EBLF, performed its maiden flight.

Following the delivery of the second aircraft to Imperial Airways, the Argosy performed its first passenger flight on 16 July 1926, flying from London to Paris. Using the type, Imperial Airways inaugurated the world's first named air service, the luxury 'Silver Wing' service, between these two cities. The type would be operated by the airline for nine years, during which time a total of three Argosies would be lost in accidents, although only one of these resulted in fatalities. During 1935, Imperial Airways opted to retire all remaining aircraft in favour of the next generation of airliners, which were larger and equipped with four engines instead. All operators had withdrawn the type by the end of 1936.

Background
The origins of the A.W.154 Argosy can be heavily attributed to the release of a specification by the British airline Imperial Airways in 1922. This specification sought a new airliner to serve on its Middle East routes. Amongst the requirements listed was a range of 500 mi, even when flown into a headwind of 30 mph, as well as stipulating the use of multiple air-cooled engines; the airline would subsequently declare a policy for all its airliners to be multi-engine on the grounds of safety. In order to achieve this, Imperial Airways would need to procure replacement aircraft for much of its fleet, which largely consisted of aging single-engine de Havilland-built aircraft which Imperial Airways had inherited from its constituent companies, such as Daimler Airway.

Although the company had no prior experience of designing airliners, Armstrong Whitworth decided that it would respond with its own proposal. It was a relatively large biplane, possessing an angular box-shaped fuselage that was paired with a biplane tail featuring three fins and rudders. The aircraft was powered by three Armstrong Siddeley Jaguar engines, each capable of producing up to 385 hp; one engine was sited at the tip of the aircraft's nose while the other two were mounted between the two wings. All fuel was accommodated within two tanks at the center of the upper wing. The structure was composed of steel tubing, with most exterior surfaces being covered by fabric, including the walls and ceiling of the passenger compartment. This cabin featured a wooden floor, which also acted as bracing, and amenities such as openable windows and a toilet. Baggage was housed in a main hold at the rear, a secondary baggage compartment was located in the nose just forward of the cockpit.

Into production
Upon reviewing the submission, Imperial Airways decided that the proposed airliner would be suitable for its European routes, and promptly issued an initial order for two aircraft; an additional single aircraft was also ordered by the Air Ministry. On 16 March 1926, the first Argosy, G-EBLF, performed its maiden flight, piloted by F. L. Barnard of Imperial Airways. On 18 June 1926, the second aircraft, G-ELBO, made its first flight; one month later, it became the first Argosy to be delivered to Imperial Airways. The third aircraft, which had been ordered by the Air Ministry, was delivered during March 1927.

During 1928, having operated their initial fleet with satisfactory results, Imperial Airways placed an order for a further three Argosies, which was later increased to four. These later aircraft were designated as ''Argosy Mk. II'' and were fitted with more powerful 410 hp Jaguar IVA engines, an increased fuel capacity and the addition of automatic wingtip slots. The first Argosy Mk. II version was introduced to service during 1929.

Operational history
The Argosy was initially used on European routes (later operating on services to South Africa), with individual aircraft being named after cities. The first passenger flight was from London to Paris on 16 July 1926. Early on, Imperial Airways were keen to demonstrate the capabilities and potential uses for their new airliner; its interior was considerably more spacious than any of its rivals upon its introduction. According to aviation author Oliver Tapper, the introduction of the Argosy led to a rapid expansion in passenger numbers being carried by the airline that started within weeks of its introduction.

Imperial Airways used the Argosy to launch the world's first named air service, the luxury 'Silver Wing' service, which was operated between London and Paris. Aircraft assigned to this service would have two of their seats removed, the space being used to accommodate an onboard bar and a steward was in attendance. During April 1931, Edward, Prince of Wales and his brother Prince George flew home from Paris–Le Bourget Airport in City of Glasgow (G-EBLF), which landed specially in Windsor Great Park.

Starting in 1929, the timing having been largely due to protracted international negotiations, the Argosy was one of the aircraft used on the first air mail route of the British Empire, spanning from London to Karachi, India. Following the arrival of the Argosy Mk IIs during 1929, Imperial Airways opted to have the three Mk Is reengined with the same powerplants to boost their performance. On 28 February 1931, two of these reengined Argosies were used to launch the air mail route through to Cape Town, South Africa; this route proved to be particularly troublesome for the type with low reliability levels being achieved, and left the European routes somewhat underequipped in the process.

Three Argosies were lost during service with Imperial Airways, one being written off in a forced landing near Aswan, and one during a training accident, both in 1931, with no injuries in either accident. On 28 March 1933, however, the City of Liverpool caught fire over Belgium, causing a crash in which all three crew and twelve passengers were killed.

Argosies continued in service with Imperial Airways until 1935, with the last example, City of Manchester (G-AACJ), being used for joy-riding by United Airways Ltd of Stanley Park Aerodrome (Blackpool), which later was merged into British Airways Ltd. It continued in use with British Airways until December 1936.

Variants

 * Argosy Mk I :Three-engined airliner. Powered by three 385 hp (287 kW) Armstrong Siddeley Jaguar IIIA radial piston engines. Later fitted with Jaguar IVA engines. Three constructed.
 * Argosy Mk II :Three-engined airliner. Powered by three 420 hp (313 kW) Armstrong Siddeley Jaguar IVA radial piston engines. Four constructed.

Operators

 * British Airways Ltd
 * Imperial Airways
 * United Airways Ltd
 * United Airways Ltd

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Armstrong Whitworth Argosy


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Judicial tyranny

 This page is an archive of the proposed deletion of the article below. Further comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page (such as the article's talk page or on a Votes for Undeletion nomination). No further edits should be made to this page.

The result of the debate was keep. No consensus on the disposition of this article. --Tony Sidaway Talk 14:36, 27 August 2005 (UTC)

Judicial tyranny

 * Delete. Wikipedia is not a dictionary. Possibly redirect to Judicial activism, but the article title seems too POV. —Charles O'Rourke 04:55, August 20, 2005 (UTC)
 * Keep or else Merge with Redirect to Judicial activism and redirect . The term "Judicial tyranny" gets over 50,000 hits on Google.  I think Wikipedia needs an article (or part of an article) explaining that the term is essentially a politically charged synonym for judicial activitism (which is not itself a very neutral term).  This is not a dictionary definition,  It needs context. -- DS1953 06:11, August 20, 2005 (UTC)
 * Changing my vote to redirect. I still think we need to make it easy for someone who hears this common perjorative to find out what it means.  A redirect may also prevent the article from being recreaed.  Redirects are cheap.
 * Delete. I have added "a more pejorative denotation is "judicial tyranny"" as the second sentence of Judicial activism. I think this is a sufficient problem solver. Marskell 10:54, 20 August 2005 (UTC)
 * Keep Based on Judge Magney's changes. Whoever decides this consider the before and after. Marskell 09:29, 26 August 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete. Find a better home for explaining this political term. David | Talk 10:57, 20 August 2005 (UTC)
 * Redirect to Judicial activism. Bikeable 17:21, 20 August 2005 (UTC)
 * Strong keep. This should not be redirected to judicial activism; the two epithets are not synonymous, but refer to fundamentally different ideas. The charge of "judicial tyranny," in its basic/traditional form, is based on the idea that non-elected judges should not be allowed to overturn the policy decisions of elected officials. The charge of "judicial activism," in its basic form, allows that non-elected judges may make such decisions, but that a particular decision (or decisions) lack(s) an appropriate constitutional basis. The epithets are often used interchangeably by partisans of the extreme right, but their usage should not be governing. Judge Magney 01:21, 21 August 2005 (UTC)
 * Redirect to judicial activism. — Sesel wa  22:50, 21 August 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete. This is an entirely pointless neologism.  No need to redirect.  It's also sort of any oxymoron.  By definition, a judicial brach, especially in the United States, does not have the ability to be a tyrant--courts rely on the rest of the government to enforce its rulings. Mmmbeer 00:51, 23 August 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete. I agree with Mmmbeer on this one. --Mtrisk 05:02, 23 August 2005 (UTC)

 * Comment: In response to a request, I have rewritten the page into a text which quite briefly summarizes the ideas I mentioned above and mentions a letter by Thomas Jefferson which is often cited as the origin of the term (in U.S. political discourse). I believe this resolves the issue. Judge Magney 22:41, 24 August 2005 (UTC)
 * The above discussion is preserved as an archive of the debate. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page (such as the article's talk page or in an undeletion request). No further edits should be made to this page.


text:
Talk:Gas flare

Expansion
Lots of expansion possible for this one... how much stranded gas is flared annually, for example? Andrewa 04:55, 20 August 2005 (UTC)

Could someone maybe explain why flaring is better then just releasing the gas into the atmosphere? — Preceding unsigned comment added by 68.193.215.219 (talk) 20:26, 18 February 2013 (UTC)

 * Surely you can answer that for yourself. Would you want to have a flammable gas released into the atmosphere close to your home, apartment, workplace, camp site, etc.? mbeychok (talk) 21:51, 18 February 2013 (UTC)

Perhaps a list of alternative methods of reducing pressure. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 125.236.176.109 (talk) 00:54, 16 February 2010 (UTC)

Photo
This could do with additional photos. The current one doesn't even have a clear picture of the flame. Particularly interesting would be a closeup of the nozel-vent-pilot assembly. —BenFrantzDale 12:16, 17 February 2006 (UTC)

 * I figured the same, so I have organized the flare images at Commons a little better, so now there are plenty more photos to choose from. Having done that job, I'll leave the rest to the next person. __meco (talk) 19:44, 25 July 2008 (UTC)

French entry
FYI, the French corresponding entry was just updated in a large way.--Environnement2100 (talk) 23:10, 4 January 2008 (UTC)

Manufacturer links?
The manufacturers of flares have some technical info on their sites, including photos, but I'm not sure if adding the links would be against policy; what do you think? The two I found from a quick search are John Zink,Enerflex Mactronic and Tornado Combustion Technologies Inc. I don't work for either of these companies or anyone else in the oil and gas industry. 68.13.240.14 (talk) 03:32, 25 April 2008 (UTC)

Needed Items
Primary purpose is disposal of industrial gasses anytime that anything needs to be cleared. Yes, it is the final line of emissions defense, but this isn't the only reason that things are flared in industry. Destruction efficiency - 99% in good operation, 93% in bad (smoking or heat content <200 BTU/scf for unassisted or <300 BTU/scf for assissted). —Preceding unsigned comment added by 141.227.3.1 (talk) 20:07, 30 July 2008 (UTC)

Cleanup
I've cleaned up the layout of the article and added headings so that the system can generate a useful TOC. I have not edited the content. I'm removing the cleanup tag, feel free to readd it if there are more cleanups needed. - Peter Bjørn Perlsø (talk) 17:18, 1 November 2010 (UTC)

External link
The external link is just an advert for a component that could be used in FGR - suggest it is removed? 80.254.146.116 (talk) 13:43, 16 March 2011 (UTC)

Have removed this80.254.146.116 (talk) 09:54, 22 March 2011 (UTC)

Why and how this article was upgraded and improved
This article was first written in 2006. It was intended to explain what a emergency flare stack was and how it operated as a safety tool in industrial plants such as petroleum refineries, chemical plants and natural gas processing plants. In my opinion, it was in need of upgrading and improving which I have now done as outlined below:

 * The article had three photos. Two of those photos were replaced by more appropriate ones and one was replaced by a schematic flow diagram of an overall flare stack system:
 * The first photo was of a badly smoking plume from a oil refinery flare stack in Thailand. The photo only showed a far distant elevated flare stack with a smoking plume and the refinery itself could not be discerned to any extent. Most of the time (98% or more), modern refinery flare stacks only exhibit a small pilot flame. In most cases, when an emergency occurs in the refinery and pressure relief valves release gases to the flare, they are burned smokelessly as designed to do. It is very rare for an event to occur in a refinery so as to result in a badly smoking flare stack. The choice of such a photo struck me as being biased and not complying with WP's NPOV (neutral point of view) policy. The photo was replaced by a close up, detailed photo of a modern flare stack clearly within a refinery.
 * The second photo was of a spherical tank holding biogas and with some nearby standby gas vents which were not flare stacks ... just plain vents. That photo was simply not relevant to this article. It was replaced by the schematic flow diagram of an overall flare stack system.
 * The third photo was a very, very small one, taken at night, of a far distant flare in the Stanlow refinery in England. Were it not for the photo's caption, it would be difficult to even discern what that photo was showing. It was replaced by a larger, very clear photo of gas flaring from an oil well site in Nigeria.
 * The introductory section was re-worded to provide better clarity and more technical integrity. The last sentence was removed because flaring of associated gas from oil wells and gas wells is covered in a later section of the article ... and because that sentence also indicated non-compliance with WP's NPOV policy.
 * The section entitled "Function" was re-titled as "Overall flare system in industrial plants". The schematic flow diagram was placed in this section and the section's text was re-worded and expanded quite a bit.
 * The next three sections ("Climatic effects", "Volume" and "Russian flaring") were each fairly short and were combined into one section entitled "Environmental impacts of flaring associated gas from oil drilling sites".
 * All of the references were checked. One was no longer available and it was replaced. One reference was removed and two new references were added. Some of the references are now also used twice.

I hope that this adequately explains why and how the article was upgraded.mbeychok (talk) 03:39, 3 June 2012 (UTC)

 * The flare stack flow diagram http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/0/07/FlareStack_System.png, as well as numerous other improvements constitute a great upgrade. Thank you mbeychok.

 * Suggestion for your consideration:
 * The first photo http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:PTT_flame_1.jpg of the older version (i.e. prior to June 3rd, 2012) would be great to illustrate the reason for the injection of steam to reduce the formation of black smoke.
 * The contrast between http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:PTT_flame_1.jpg and the already present http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/thumb/d/da/Niger_Delta_Gas-Flares.jpg/250px-Niger_Delta_Gas-Flares.jpg would constitute a vivid illustration of the substantial effect of steam injection.  — Preceding unsigned comment added by 212.41.70.124 (talk) 14:17, 5 June 2012 (UTC)

 * Thank you for your kind words about my upgrade. As for your suggestion about illustrating the effect of steam injection, I will give it some thought as soon as I have some time ... but it won't be soon. mbeychok (talk)

Thanks for your upgrade! While I see the Nigeria one was freshly added, I propose the replacement of it an image uploaded this past April taken in the North Sea. My reasons are that it is a much larger image (allowing zooming in), and in my opinion a much much clearer illustration of the subject of a drilling flare and its mechanism (now if only some of the old dramatic ones from the late 20th century showing the boom flares were that clear!). I have taken the initiative of replacing it, leaving the code of the prior one in a comment you all think otherwise. Hope it helps. Morgan Riley (talk) 06:51, 13 July 2012 (UTC)
 * For those interested, I just updated the commons gallery as well, if you are interested in additional photos, etc. (many of which weren't even in the category to begin with). There are now some detailed close-ups of lightly-flaring industrial towers, and though probably not very useful for the article, a rather dramatic close-up from the Deepwater Horizon spill teams. Morgan Riley (talk) 07:37, 13 July 2012 (UTC)

 * I have removed " ... constitutes a hazard to human health ... " from the lead as edited by mbeychok as this is unsourced and not mentioned anywhere in the body text. Regards, 220  of  Borg 08:17, 7 October 2012 (UTC)

 * The " ... constitutes a hazard to human health ... " language had found its way back in again, so I removed it. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 58.146.11.121 (talk) 03:33, 3 March 2013 (UTC)

Duplicate entries? (not really; likely to resolve itself automatically)
There seems to be a topic overlap between the following two entries:
 * http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Flare_stack
 * http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gas_flare

Shouldn't these two articles be merged? — Preceding unsigned comment added by 212.41.70.180 (talk) 17:43, 4 June 2012 (UTC)

 * Flare stack redirects to Gas flare. They are one and the same article. They are not two separate articles. mbeychok (talk) 21:39, 4 June 2012 (UTC)

 * The problem appears to be a transient effect resulting from the changes mbeychok made to the article on June 3rd, 2012.
 * As of June 4th and 5th, 2012, when accessing the page http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Flare_stack:
 * sometimes I get the version of the page prior to the June 3rd, 2012 changes to the article Gas flare
 * other times though, I get the new version (i.e. post June 3rd, 2012) of the page Gas flare.
 * To eliminate the most obvious possible reason for such inconsistency, I cleared systematically my browser cache before each new attempt to access the page http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Flare_stack.

 * On the other hand, access to http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gas_flare always returned the new version (i.e. post June 3rd, 2012) of the page Gas flare (i.e. no problem with the http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gas_flare address).

 * This behaviour seems to point to an outdated cache of the page http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Flare_stack either in the Wikipedia server farm or somewhere down the internet cache chain between Wikipedia and my computer. Hopefully, the outdated cache will eventually expire and refresh itself with the updated content. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 212.41.70.180 (talk) 17:43, 4 June 2012 (UTC)

 * I am at a loss. I use the latest version of Firefox as my browser and my operating system is Windows XP Pro ... and I do not incur the problem you have reported. I also clear my cache quite regularly. mbeychok (talk) 14:42, 5 June 2012 (UTC)

Speaking of merging, my search for "flare gas" redirected me to Associated petroleum gas, I suggest these pages be merged. Dougmcdonell (talk) 16:13, 3 August 2015 (UTC)

External links modified
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Mathematically impossible legislative requirements?
"Flare specification usually demands that enclosed flares must operate at >1000 °C and <1000 °C"

Something has gone wrong here; something can't be both greater than 1000 and less than 1000.

Flaring emission and Wordbank Flaring Reduction Partnership
According to the article under the topic of "Environmental impacts" stated "An increasing number of governments and industries have pledged to eliminate flaring by 2030.", the link to reference https://www.iea.org/reports/tracking-fuel-supply-2019/flaring-emissions had died. Furthurmore, the statement is rather not clear on the rate and extent of "An increasing number of governments..." mentioned. I sugguest the link to this reference should be amended to a new page on iea.org website, for exmaple; https://www.iea.org/reports/flaring-emissionshttps://www.iea.org/reports/flaring-emissions. However, iea.org has many problems with data integrity e.g. for changes tracking, referencing to primary source of the evidence. The original project was initiated by The World Bank, named "Zero Routine Flaring by 2030 (ZRF) Initiative" in 2015, according to world bank presented data, number and name of endorsed organization divided into goverments and oil companies and can be tracked here https://www.worldbank.org/en/programs/zero-routine-flaring-by-2030/endorsers.

Konrawit13 (talk) 06:50, 11 October 2021 (UTC)

Flare boom.
The article notes flare boom as an alternative name; it would be nice to see flare boom as a redirect to this article. 104.142.116.166 (talk) 15:12, 12 November 2022 (UTC)

 * ✅. Thanks for the suggestion. – Novem Linguae (talk) 15:47, 12 November 2022 (UTC)

title: Talk:Gas flare


text:
John Wroe

John Wroe (19 September 1782 – 5 February 1863) was a British evangelist who founded the Christian Israelite Church in the 1820s after having what he believed were a series of visions.

Biography
Wroe was born, on 19 September 1782, in the village of East Bowling, near Bradford, West Yorkshire to a worsted manufacturer and farmer, and baptised in the town. After a rather scanty education, he entered his father's business, but later took a farm. He married and brought up a family of seven children.

In 1819 Wroe became ill with a fever and two doctors who attended him considered his life was in serious danger. Wroe asked for a minister to come and pray with him. Although his wife sent for four church ministers, each refused his request. Wroe then asked his wife to read a few chapters of the Bible to him, and after a while, he gradually recovered his bodily health, but his mental distress continued and he "wrestled with God" day and night for some months.

A short time later, Wroe started having visions, and often became blind and unable to speak — on one occasion remaining blind for six days. During these periods, Wroe said, many remarkable events were foretold and revealed to him: the Spirit told him to relinquish his worldly employment, so he devoted his life to travelling and preaching, where he gained many followers and persuaded them that he was a messenger of God.

Wroe, although often persecuted and threatened, travelled throughout Europe including Gibraltar, Spain, France, Germany, Italy, Scotland, and Wales. He later travelled to the United States, and Australia.

The Christian Israelite Church was originally set up in Ashton-under-Lyne, Lancashire and from 1822 to 1831 the town was the church's headquarters. In the 1820s the church trustees wanted to turn Ashton-under-Lyne into a "new Jerusalem". They intended to build a wall around the town with four gateways, and although the wall was never constructed, the four gatehouses were, as was a printing press. These plans failed when the Trustees were replaced and the church headquarters moved to Gravesend in Kent in the 1830s. Popular opinion in Ashton turned against Wroe when, in 1831, he was accused of indecent behaviour, but the charges were dismissed. The church spread to Australia, where it is still active.

Wroe died in Melbourne, Australia, in 1863, aged 81, leaving the church affairs in the hands of his trustees.

Cultural depictions and legacy
Wroe’s life was the basis of a novel, Mr Wroe's Virgins by Jane Rogers. In 1993 Jonathan Pryce featured as Wroe, alongside Kathy Burke and Minnie Driver, in a BBC mini-series adaptation of the novel directed by Danny Boyle.

title: John Wroe


text:
Lapponia

Lapponia may refer to:
 * Laponia (historical province), a historical Swedish province
 * Lapponia (book), a 1673 ethnographic account of the region by Johannes Schefferus
 * Lapponia (train), a Finnish express passenger train
 * "Lapponia" (song), a song by Monica Aspelund, covered by Northern Kings
 * Lapponia (liqueur), a Finnish brand of lakka

title: Lapponia


text:
Talk:Armstrong Whitworth Argosy

The earlier argosy biplane is bizarely covered far better than I could do in German on Wikipedia, but not as far as I can see, English. Didn't really feel competent to translate.

Doh!
Okay, we've ended up with two articles about the same aircraft, (though stanangely referenced to each other). I'l shift the guts of this one to the other and try and track down enough material to create an nglish language article abou the early argosy on this page. Armstrong Whitworth AW.660 Argosy.

I think the author meant to say that this was Armstrong Whitworth's first airliner design, not aircraft. They had definitely built several aircraft before the Argosy, for example, two seat bombers and observation aircraft used in the first world war.

Award
Believe the Argosy won the coveted World's Airplane award in 1929. – Sca (talk) 14:49, 22 September 2021 (UTC)
 * The Farman Jabiru sniffs at any comparison with the Argosy.Nigel Ish (talk) 15:02, 22 September 2021 (UTC)

title: Talk:Armstrong Whitworth Argosy


text:
Talk:The Big Red One

Details
The Big Red One begins with a huge crucifix (all that's left of a church) that stands in the middle of a field littered with dead soldiers. The Jesus on the crucifix stares wide-eyed and baffled at the behavior of humanity. Ants crawl in his eye sockets. So much for the hope of Western civilization.

But when Fuller's squad liberates the concentration camp, that same sergeant behaves very differently. He sort of adopts an emaciated Jewish boy of about 11. The boy is baffled and even threatened by the sergeant's kindness, but nevertheless he responds, and the sergeant gives him something to eat and picks him up and carries him on his shoulders. There, on the sergeant's shoulders, the exhausted, horrified, hunger-ravaged boy dies. The narrator relates (as we watch), "He [the sergeant] walked for half an hour before he could bring himself to put the kid down."

 * Yes, so, what's your point?  — Frecklefoot | Talk 17:49, August 22, 2005 (UTC)

We should probably also note the mirror scene at the end of the film where the Sergeant again kills a German after the war has ended, but this time they are able to save the man's life. Just a thought as I see the intro scene is mentioned and this end scene ties in with it.

Also: I added some "the"'s to the name of Sergeant. It never says that's his name; that's just the only thing anyone ever calls him. --DanielCD 21:49, 24 August 2005 (UTC)

is this part of the first paragraph correct?
"the first to reach England." England? why is that notable? isn't that a typo for Germany?

I need help with a nagging question!
I need help with a nagging question! Is the book read by the soldier in this movie real? I am talking about the book-The Dark Deadline. I remember books of this size and format from when I was a kid and I loved them. If this book exists I would love a good reading copy. OJ My address is captbuttcrust@ yahoo.com. I have a panoramic photograph of the big red one on the u.s. capitol steps in 1919. who the heck can I tell?

 * Question: At the beginning of the film, the Sarge designs the unit insignia of the 1st Infantry Division that what happened or is that made up?

1stdivision,26thinf.sept,1919 (photo)
Panoramic photo contact captbuttcrust@yahoo.com —The preceding unsigned comment was added by 198.102.103.18 (talk) 18:44, 13 March 2007 (UTC).

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title: Talk:The Big Red One


text:
Talk:AIM Express

Could somebdoy merge this with AOL Instant Messenger?

`Inquisitor911

"I agree" -TheQuaker 05:18, 2 September 2005 (UTC)

It has already been merged -- there is in fact a more extensive AIM Express section in the main AOL Instant Messenger article. —dcclark (talk) 20:05, 5 September 2005 (UTC)

title: Talk:AIM Express


text:
User:Shultz

'''I have moved on. Good luck finding my new username!'''

title: User:Shultz


text:
File:J5-maybe-tomorrow.jpg

Summary
Maybe Tomorrow by The Jackson 5

title: File:J5-maybe-tomorrow.jpg


text: User talk:68.239.0.120

title: User talk:68.239.0.120


text: Category:Vancouverites

title: Category:Vancouverites