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Talk:Scientific computing

Scientific computing and scientific computation
The article Scientific Computation claims that there is a difference between scientific computing and scientific computation. This seems to be the author's personal view, so I listed Scientific Computation for deletion at Votes for deletion/Scientific Computation. Please join the discussion, especially if you do think that such a difference exist. -- Jitse Niesen (talk) 13:06, 20 August 2005 (UTC)
 * If there is a difference, it is very subtle. There is now only one article! Stewart Adcock 21:40, 22 September 2005 (UTC)

Misleading statement about Wolfram and Schmidhuber
In my opinion the statement that computational science is a new third mode of science, and stating that is a thesis of both Wolfram and Schmidhuber is misleading. I have not read either of their work, only wikipedia articles describing their work. Based on the Wikipedia articles on 'A New Kind of Science' and 'Jürgen Schmidhuber'. Based on my rudimentary understanding of their work from these articles, their main idea is that very basic programs give rise to complicated phenomena which could be used to study or describe the universe. Computational science is not at all about using cute little programs which generate complicated phenomena.

For the purpose of being bold, I removed it

New person: I undid the undo removing names of the noted "founders" of "computational science." While I personally don't buy the "third" argument, Ken Wilson (who has a Wikipedia page) deserves credit for the term before Stephen did. So too Larry and Sid. And I just remembered to add Stephen's PhD advisor Geoff (who doesn't have a Wikipedia page and the one there will require disarmbiguation) who left a faculty position at Caltech because of this argument.

I see the Gold star by JJL's wikipedia page for resolving conflict, but the edit almost has me believing that he or she is working for Wolfram Associates (and I am familiar with some of their "strong arm" tactics) and doesn't know much about computational science and scientific computing.

I've known both Stephen and Geoff for over 2 decades, and they both have what some consider abrasive personalities. I can understand why. The problem with Stephen's 'A New Kind of Science' is that you don't hear from him the problems with the ideas of celluar automata applied to and generalized to other fields like computational fluid dynamics (harder to do shock wave physics (transition zones, boundary conditions, etc.). And Stephen has addressed some of these criticisms in the new book (which I still am not quite willing to buy, but I've heard his speel before, and he has improved over the years, but he has lots more skeptical people).

I don't know enough about Schmidhuber to comment.

--enm 23:30 16 Oct 2007 UTC —Preceding unsigned comment added by 143.232.210.38 (talk) 22:25, 16 October 2007 (UTC)
 * The list of names in that section is too long and does not cite WP:RS. Your comments about the personalities involved are irrelevant (see WP:NPOV). But good job discerning the massive yet uninformed corporate conspiracy behind that one revert. JJL 23:25, 16 October 2007 (UTC)

List of programs
I concur with the removal of the list of specific universities offering these programs. JJL 14:14, 11 December 2006 (UTC)

Scientific computing vs computers science
I don't see a difference. It sounds to me like computer science applied by scientists of other disciplines. Is it different algorithms, more powerful computers, more complex software, or multidisciplinary studies? What's the difference? Oicumayberight 05:03, 7 January 2007 (UTC)

 * It's the study of numerical algorithms in particular vs. algorithms in general. JJL 03:16, 27 April 2007 (UTC)

 * Oicumayberight's use of the word "applied" is the critical word. It's not all merely numeric: I've had this hassle for a couple of decades. Real-time process control of experimental apparatus is Scientific Computing, there is a glossy magazine with that title (I think a weekly). Many people would like direct solution to problems.  In some circles the terms algorithms and heuristics are dirty words.  It's not all numeric; e.g., Mathatica, Matlab, and Maple

 * What this Wikipedia page (SC) fails to note is the emotional vitriolic debate about why Computational Science came about. There are people, many physicists for instance but also chemists and mathematicians, who actively hate computer science as a field (to them the World Wide Web is a creation of physics [arguably] not computer science [just ask Tim Berners-Lee for what he was dumped upon]). Similar steam gets generated in Scientific Visualization, but the arts, artists, and the art community are more of a target [rightfully in that case].  This vitriol is an ugly little competitive bit of science of the type James Watson wrote about in The Double Helix. Rob Pike when he was at Bell Labs also wrote a very good paper titled "Computer Science vs. Physics" which he once gave.

--enm 00:15 10 Oct 2007 (UTC)

Fractals and Chaos
These should not be external links here. Computers are used to iterate the chaotic maps and to draw the fractal pictures, but chaos and fractals have little if anything to do with sci. comp. Cf. the other fields listed, which apply numerical methods to practical problems and use nontrivial algorithms. JJL 03:16, 27 April 2007 (UTC)

 * Dear JJL. Methinks you are guarding the temple too narrowly. chaos theory does just what you say "apply numerical methods ...". I'll defer to others with more knowledge on fractals. Bellagio99 03:40, 27 April 2007 (UTC)

 * I think there is a difference between fields like computational chemistry, which are about the application of numerical methods, and chaos theory, where numerical methods are simply one of the many tools. So I removed chaos theory, and also (for the same reason) graph theory and social networks. -- Jitse Niesen (talk) 03:55, 27 April 2007 (UTC)

 * I am sorry, but I do social network analysis, and it is basically about the application of complex numerical methods. Do you have expertise in this area? You are defining the church too narrowly. I shall re-add. —The preceding unsigned comment was added by Bellagio99 (talk • contribs) 12:27, 27 April 2007 (UTC).

 * I strongly agree with Jitse Niesen. Social network analysis uses lots of tools like the SVD and graph-based clustering algorithms, but that's using the results of num. analysis/sci. comp., not doing sci. comp. Most everyone in a technical area uses it--the list would be endless if social network analysis set the standard. The Sandia folks are doing a good job of increasing the prominence of discrete methods in CS&E (see e.g. the Costa Mesa conference earlier this year) but that doesn't make every application of the subject matter an example of, or even strongly related to, sci. comp. JJL 12:36, 27 April 2007 (UTC)

 * Well, I strongly disagree. It's interesting that you don't cite social scientists. I suspect unconscious anti social science bias here. To obtain results, we "do" scientific computing. It's a bigger church than you realize. Please stop being sectarian. Bellagio99 14:37, 27 April 2007 (UTC)

 * I think you utilize the results of scientific computing. Psychologists developed LSA (e.g. Thomas Landauer), but the scientific computing angle--figuring out how to do that exceedingly large SVD--was done by computational scientists. Not every use of a computer to perform a scientific task is scientific computing, which creates the techniques. I think you're conflating the application of a subject with the subject itself. What's a scientific computing algorithm developed by and for social scientists? I've read minor modifications of clustering algorithms for, say, the karate school data set come from the social sciences community, but not a novel algorithm together with a proof of its correctness. When social sciences journals start publishing proofs of convergence w.r.t. an appropriate metric, I'll change my mind! JJL 18:04, 27 April 2007 (UTC)

(de-indenting) Bellagio, you are not citing social scientists either. These things have to be defined narrowly, otherwise we will end up with a huge list which is not going to be helping anybody. But I am of course willing to consider the possibility that social networks will fall in this narrow definition.

Let's try to be a bit more constructive than reverting each other. Bellagio is right, I'm not a social scientist, and as far as I know JJL is neither, so I propose that Bellagio writes a paragraph about scientific computing which mentions social networks. I think that if we see something more concrete, it will be easier to discuss whether social networks should be included in the article. -- Jitse Niesen (talk) 15:04, 27 April 2007 (UTC)

 * Good idea, except I am traveling internationally for the next 9 days and don't know what chance I will have. Frantically packing now. In the interim, why don't you post the same sort of info on the disciplines you think belong in the canon, and then we will have (a) a better article and (b) a better ability to see additional disciplines belong in the article. Cheers, Bellagio99 17:37, 27 April 2007 (UTC)

 * I think the meaning of science in scientific computing is fairly clear. Perhaps you should start a Social Scientific Computing article instead? I'm not trying to be facetious--it's just that the field is reasonably well-defined, and I don't think you appreciate the differences. Look at what's published in the leading journal in the field, the SIAM J. of Sci. Comp. Very little by social scientists appears there. JJL 18:04, 27 April 2007 (UTC)

 * As I said, I don't have time to deal with this now. And the fact that one journal guards its gates is most unpersuasive. Take a look at the literature in clique formation in scholarship. Good luck. Bellagio99 19:14, 27 April 2007 (UTC)

Computational Science/Scientific Computing
I switched the redirects. It seems to me that the name Computational Science is winning (e.g., http://www.siam.org/students/resources/report.php). JJL 23:55, 16 October 2007 (UTC)

title: Talk:Scientific computing


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Robert D. Hare

Robert D. Hare (born 1 January 1934) is a Canadian forensic psychologist, known for his research in the field of criminal psychology. He is a professor emeritus of the University of British Columbia where he specializes in psychopathology and psychophysiology.

Hare developed the Hare Psychopathy Checklist (PCL-Revised), used to assess cases of psychopathy. He advises the FBI's Child Abduction and Serial Murder Investigative Resources Center (CASMIRC) and consults for various British and North American prison services.

Life and career
Hare was born on January 1, 1934, in Calgary, Alberta, Canada. Hare's father was a roofing contractor and his mother was of French Canadian descent. He grew up in a working-class neighborhood of Calgary. Hare attended the University of Alberta for a Bachelor of Arts degree which ended up 'more by default' with an emphasis on psychology. In 1959, he married Averil Hare whom he met in an abnormal psychology class, and a year later, their daughter, Cheryl, was born.

In 1960, Hare completed a Master of Arts in psychology at the University of Alberta. He then moved to the USA to study for a PhD program in psychophysiology at the University of Oregon, but due to his daughter falling ill the family returned to Canada. Hare then worked as the psychologist in the prison system in British Columbia (British Columbia Penitentiary) for eight months, an area in which he had no particular qualification or training; indeed he would later recount in Without Conscience that some prisoners were able to manipulate him. Hare then moved to London, Ontario, where he completed his PhD (1963) at the University of Western Ontario with a dissertation on the effects of punishment on behaviour. His research led him to The Mask of Sanity by American psychiatrist Hervey M. Cleckley, which played a pivotal role in the concept of psychopathy he applied and developed.

Hare then returned to Vancouver, British Columbia, working as a professor at the UBC’s psychology department, where he would stay for 30 years until retirement, and undertaking research at the same prison he had previously worked in. He concluded that the reason some prisoners seemed not to change their behavior in response to punishment was because they were psychopaths. He recalls, "I happened to get into an area that nobody else was working in". Hare has said of himself and his wife Averil that family and the loss of family (their daughter Cheryl died from multiple sclerosis in 2003) "defines an awful lot about who Averil and I are." Averil, his wife, is a researcher and prominent social worker in Canada specializing in child abuse and child welfare.

In the 1970s he published Psychopathy: Theory and Research, summarizing the state of the field, and became internationally influential in reviving and shaping the concept.

Hare retired in 2000, closing his psychopathy research lab at the University of British Columbia. In 2010, he was awarded the Canadian Psychological Association's Donald O. Hebb Award for Distinguished Contributions to Psychology as a Science. The same year, he was named a member of the Order of Canada.

Causes of psychopathy
Hare's research on the causes of psychopathy focused initially on whether such persons show abnormal patterns of anticipation or response (such as low levels of anxiety or high impulsiveness) to aversive stimuli ('punishments' such as mild but painful electric shocks) or pleasant stimuli ('rewards', such as a slide of a naked body). Further, following Cleckley, Hare investigated whether the fundamental underlying pathology is a semantic affective deficit - an inability to understand or experience the full emotional meaning of life events. While establishing a range of idiosyncrasies in linguistic and affective processing under certain conditions, the research program has not confirmed a common pathology of psychopathy. Hare's contention that the pathology is likely due in large part to an inherited or 'hard wired' deficit in cerebral brain function remains speculative.

Hare has defined sociopathy as a condition distinct from psychopathy, caused by growing up in an antisocial or criminal subculture rather than being marked by a basic lack of social emotion or moral reasoning. He has also regarded the DSM-IV diagnosis of Antisocial Personality Disorder as separate to his concept of psychopathy, as it did not list the same underlying personality traits. He suggests that ASPD would cover several times more people than psychopathy, and that while the prevalence of sociopathy is not known it would likely cover considerably more people than ASPD.

Assessment tools
Frustrated by a lack of agreed definitions or rating systems of psychopathy, including at a ten-day international North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) conference in France in 1975, Hare began developing a Psychopathy Checklist. Produced for initial circulation in 1980, the same year that the DSM changed its diagnosis of sociopathic personality to antisocial personality disorder, it was based largely on the list of traits advanced by Cleckley, with whom Hare corresponded over the years. Hare redrafted the checklist in 1985 following Cleckley's death in 1984, renaming it the Hare Psychopathy Checklist Revised (PCL-R). It was finalised as a first edition in 1991, when it was also made available to the criminal justice system, which Hare says he did despite concerns that it was not designed for use outside of controlled experimental research. It was updated with extra data in a 2nd edition in 2003.

The PCL-R was reviewed in Buros Mental Measurements Yearbook (1995), as being the "state of the art" both clinically and in research use. In 2005, the Buros Mental Measurements Yearbook review listed the PCL-R as "a reliable and effective instrument for the measurement of psychopathy" and is considered the 'gold standard' for measurement of psychopathy. However, it is also criticised.

Hare has accused the DSM's ASPD diagnosis of 'drifting' from clinical tradition, but his own checklist has been accused of in reality being closer to the concept of criminologists William and Joan McCord than that of Cleckley; Hare himself, while noting his promotion of Cleckley's work for four decades, has distanced himself somewhat from Cleckley's work.

Hare is also co-author of derivatives of the PCL: the Psychopathy Checklist: Screening Version (PCL:SV) (still requires a clinical interview and review of records by a trained clinician), the P-Scan (P for psychopathy, a screening questionnaire for non-clinicians to detect possible psychopathy), the Psychopathy Checklist: Youth Version (PCL:YV) (to assess youth and children exhibiting early signs of psychopathy), and the Antisocial Process Screening Device (originally the Psychopathy Screening Device; a questionnaire for parents/staff to fill out on youth, or in a version developed by others, for youth to fill out as self-report). Hare is also a co-author of the Guidelines for a Psychopathy Treatment Program. He has also co-developed the 'B-Scan' questionnaires for people to rate psychopathy traits in others in the workplace.

Hare was involved in a controversy in 2010 in which he threatened legal action if a peer-reviewed psychology article on the PCL was published that he claimed misrepresented his views. The paper eventually was published after a three-year delay.

Impact
The Hare Psychopathy Checklist-Revised is sometimes used as a standard instrument for researchers and clinicians, especially in forensic settings such as prisons or high secure psychiatric units. The measures play an important role in recent risk-for-violence instruments. The PCL-R and PCL:SV have been found to be strong predictors of recidivism, violence and response to therapeutic intervention, though some studies have attributed this largely to the inclusion in the measure of past offending history.

The ability of Hare's concept of psychopathy to explain or predict crime has also been criticised, for example by Glenn D. Walters a long-serving US forensic clinical psychologist and Associate Professor of Criminal Justice.

Popular science
Hare wrote a popular science bestseller published in 1993 titled Without Conscience: The Disturbing World of the Psychopaths Among Us (reissued 1999). He describes psychopaths as 'social predators', while pointing out that most don't commit murder. One philosophical review described it as having a high moral tone yet tending towards sensationalism and graphic anecdotes, and as providing a useful summary of the assessment of psychopathy but ultimately avoiding the difficult questions regarding internal contradictions in the concept or how it should be classified.

Hare also co-authored the bestselling Snakes in Suits: When Psychopaths Go to Work (2006) with organizational psychologist and human resources consultant Paul Babiak, a portrayal of the disruptions caused when psychopaths enter the workplace. The book focuses on what Hare refers to as the "successful psychopath", who can be charming and socially skilled and therefore able to get by in the workplace. This is by contrast with the type of psychopath whose lack of social skills or self-control would cause them to rely on threats and coercion and who would probably not be able to hold down a job for long.

Hare appeared in the 2003/4 award-winning documentary film The Corporation, discussing whether his criteria for psychopathy could be said to apply to modern business as a legal personality, appearing to conclude that many of them would apply by definition. However, in a 2007 edition of Snakes in Suits, Hare contends that the filmmakers took his remarks out of context and that he does not believe most corporations would meet all the necessary criteria in practice.

Hare's views are recounted with some skepticism in the 2011 bestseller The Psychopath Test by British investigative journalist Jon Ronson, to which Hare has responded.

Hare served as a consultant for Jacob M. Appel's Mask of Sanity (2017), a novel about a high-functioning sociopath.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Robert D. Hare


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P. J. Joseph

Palathinal Joseph Joseph (born 10 June 1941) is an Indian politician from Kerala Congress serving as the Member of the Legislative Assembly from Thodupuzha Assembly Constituency in Kerala.

A former cabinet minister, Joseph entered Kerala politics through Kerala Congress in 1968.

Early life
P. J. Joseph was born on 10 June 1941 in a Syro-Malabar Nasrani family to Palathinal Joseph and Annamma at Purapuzha in Idukki District in central Kerala.

He married Dr. Santha Joseph (died 2023), retired as Additional Director, Kerala Health Department, on 15 September 1971. The couple has four children, three sons and one daughter, named as Er.Apu John Joseph, Dr. Anu Yamuna, Antony Joseph and the late Jomon Joseph. Jomon Joseph, the youngest, suffered from Down's Syndrome, and died due to a massive heart attack in 2020 aged 34.

Political career
Joseph entered Kerala politics through Kerala Congress in 1968.

P. J. Joseph contested and won his first election from Thodupuzha to the Kerala legislative assembly. He won these elections on ten occasions (1970, 1977, 1980, 1982, 1987, 1996, 2006, 2011, 2016, 2021). He held various ministerial positions within the Government of Kerala:

As Home Minister (1978)
Joseph's first time as a Minister was in 1978 as Home Minister in A. K. Antony's ministry. He served this role for nearly 8 months. He resigned the position for his colleague K.M Mani.

As Revenue minister (1981-1987)
Since 1981 Joseph became Revenue minister in K. Karunakaran's ministry. Joseph was Revenue minister between 1981 and 1982 and 1982–1987.

As Education minister (1996-2001)
In E. K. Nayanar's ministry between (1996 and 2001) Joseph was Education minister. He is instrumental in delinking Pre Degree from Colleges and merged with School Education as +2.

PWD minister (2006-2010)
He was short-term PWD minister in V. S. Achuthanandan's ministry in 2006 and 2010. He resigned twice. The first time he was accused of misbehaviour with a lady co-passenger. He was acquitted by the court. The second time was for leaving Left Democratic Front for united Kerala congress. It was after 23 years, Joseph's party again merged with Kerala Congress (M) and an alliance member of United Democratic Front (UDF).

Kerala Congress (Joseph)
In 1979 he parted ways with Kerala congress leader K. M. Mani to form a Kerala Congress (Joseph) new party. However in 1985 Kerala congress leaders K. M. Mani (from Kerala Congress (M)), P. J. Joseph from Kerala Congress (Joseph), R. Balakrishna Pillai (from Kerala Congress (B)) and their parties merged forming the united Kerala Congress. This party split in 1987. P. J. Joseph continued in United Democratic Front (UDF) till 1989. He contested the Lok Sabha at Muvattupuzha and Idukki in 1989 and 1991, but was unsuccessful. Kerala Congress (Joseph) issue raised in Muvattupuzha Lok Sabha seat made him leave the alliance and join LDF. Since 1991 Joseph's party became part of the Left Democratic Front (LDF) as an alliance.

In 2010, after 23 years, Joseph's party again merged with Kerala Congress (M) and an alliance member of United Democratic Front (UDF).

On 30 April 2010, Joseph resigned from the LDF government and declared his party's merger with K. M. Mani's party. After UDF's win in Kerala Legislative Assembly's election in 2011, Oommen Chandy became Chief Minister of Kerala. Joseph was appointed minister for the 7th time, now with the portfolio of irrigation; he completed his term in 2016.

Chairman Of Kerala Congress
A power struggle erupted in the party between Jose K. Mani faction and P. J. Joseph fraction. The Election Commission intervened and it ruled in favor of Jose K Mani. Later, the faction led by P.J Joseph merged with Kerala Congress.

On April 27 an online meeting was convened by the party leadership in Thodupuzha and P.J Joseph was chosen as party chairman.

Controversies
Joseph resigned from the Kerala Cabinet on 4 September 2006 as he was accused of misbehaviour with a lady co-passenger on a Kingfisher flight. He was acquitted by court on 11 May 2009 due to insufficient evidence.

He instituted the Gandhian Studies Centre and the Gandhi Centre for Sustainable Development.

title: P. J. Joseph


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Talk:Spanish American poetry

Article 'tone'
I think this article's fairly riddled with value-judgements: this culture vs. that, likewise art, religion...  It would be greatly improved in its "encyclopedicness" if it would confine itself to the facts (or factually sourced opinion) more. Hence the POV tag... Alai 13:08, 20 August 2005 (UTC)

Merge?
Yup, this is a poor article. And I'm not sure why it shouldn't be merged into Latin American poetry. After all, its focus is hardly on Spanish alone. --Jbmurray 11:04, 12 May 2007 (UTC)

Actually, I've just gone ahead with that, as it makes eminent sense. --Jbmurray 11:16, 12 May 2007 (UTC)

title: Talk:Spanish American poetry


text: User talk:OldManStoli

title: User talk:OldManStoli


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Chan (surname)

Chan is a non-pinyin romanisation of multiple Chinese surnames, based on different varieties of Chinese.

Among respondents to the 2000 United States census, Chan was the 12th-most common surname among Asian Pacific Americans, and 459th-most common overall, with 59,811 bearers (91.0% of whom identified as Asian/Pacific Islander). Chan was the ninth-most common Chinese surname in Singapore as of 1997 (ranked by English spelling, rather than by Chinese characters). Roughly 48,400 people, or 1.9% of the Chinese Singaporean population, bore the surname Chan.

Cantonese romanisation of 陈/陳
Chan is a Cantonese romanisation of the surname spelled in pinyin as Chén.

 * Diana Ming Chan (張陳維明; 1929–2008), American social worker of Chinese descent
 * Amy Chan (badminton) (陳念慈; born 1961), Hong Kong badminton player
 * Isabel Chan (陳逸寧; born 1979), Hong Kong actress
 * Gemma Chan (陳靜; born 1982), English actress and model of Chinese descent
 * Eugene Chan (陳西林), Hong Kong linguist
 * Agnes Chan (陳美齡), Hong-Kong-born university professor, essayist and novelist.

Hokkien romanisation of 曾
Chan is a Hokkien romanisation of the surname spelled in pinyin as Zēng (曾). People with this surname include:

 * James Chan Soon Cheong (曾順祥; 1926–2023), Malaysian Roman Catholic bishop
 * Chan Soo Sen (曾士生; born 1956), Singaporean politician
 * Soo K. Chan (曾仕乾; born 1962), Singaporean architect
 * Chan Kwok Fai (曾國琿; born 1982), Malaysian singer
 * Dinah Chan (曾秀卿; born 1986), Singapore road cyclist
 * Jasper Chan (曾羽辉; born 1988), Singaporean footballer
 * Chan Kwong Beng (曾廣銘; born 1988), Malaysian badminton player
 * Chan Boon Yong (曾文勇), Malaysian diamantaire
 * Jannie Chan (曾秀丽), Singaporean luxury retail businesswoman
 * Joel Chan (photographer) (曾俊彦), Singaporean-born Australian photographer
 * Priscelia Chan (曾詩梅), Singaporean actress
 * Chan Tien Ghee (曾長義), Malaysian businessman

Mandarin Wade–Giles romanisation of 詹
Chan is a Mandarin Wade–Giles romanisation (often used in Taiwan) of the surname spelled in pinyin as Zhān (詹). People with this surname include:

 * Chan Chun-po (詹春柏; born 1941), Taiwanese Kuomintang politician
 * Steve Chan (詹啟賢; born 1948), Taiwanese Kuomintang politician and physician
 * Thomas Chan (詹順貴; born 1963), Taiwanese Green Party politician
 * Chan Ya-wen (詹雅雯; born 1967), Taiwanese Hokkien pop singer
 * Chan Yih-shin (詹益信; born 1977), Taiwanese golfer
 * Faye Chan (詹雯婷; born 1981), Taiwanese singer
 * Chan Chin-wei (詹謹瑋; born 1985), Taiwanese female tennis player
 * Yako Chan (詹子晴; born 1988), Taiwanese singer and actress
 * Chan Che-Yuan (詹哲淵; born 1989), Taiwanese football midfielder
 * Chan Yung-jan (詹詠然; born 1989), Taiwanese tennis player
 * Chan Hao-ching (詹皓晴; born 1993), Taiwanese tennis player, younger sister of Chan Yung-jan
 * Chan Sheng-Yao (詹聖堯), Taiwanese Buddhist master and artist
 * Chan Ting-I (詹婷怡), Taiwanese politician

Mandarin Wade–Giles romanisation of 战/戰
Chan is a Mandarin Wade–Giles romanisation (often used in Taiwan) of the surname spelled in pinyin as Zhàn (战/戰). People with this surname include:
 * Elisa Chan (戰琬瑜), American politician in Texas

Romanization of "田"
Chan is a romanisation of the surname spelled in pinyin as Tián (田). People with this surname include:
 * Chan Seng Khai (田承凱; born 1953), Malaysian politician in Sarawak
 * Jeremy Chan (田銘耀; born 1981), Singaporean actor and singer

Other

 * Angel Chan (disambiguation)
 * Jeffery Paul Chan (1942–2022), American writer and scholar

title: Chan (surname)


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Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Eris Discordia

 This page is an archive of the proposed deletion of the article below. Further comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page (such as the article's talk page or on a Votes for Undeletion nomination). No further edits should be made to this page.

The result of the debate was Delete. Redwolf24 (talk) 01:19, 28 August 2005 (UTC)

Eris Discordia
Vanity article about non-notable camgirl. DenisMoskowitz 13:09, 2005 August 20 (UTC)
 * Delete vanity --Dysepsion 17:19, 20 August 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete. Silly non-notable person.  Thatdog 19:00, 20 August 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete. --Agamemnon2 11:21, 21 August 2005 (UTC)
 * The above discussion is preserved as an archive of the debate. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page (such as the article's talk page or in an undeletion request). No further edits should be made to this page.


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Shashikala Kakodkar

Shashikala Kakodkar (7 January 1935 – 28 October 2016), popularly known as Tai; lit. 'elder sister'), was a prominent leader of the Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party (MGP). She served as the Chief Minister of Goa, Daman and Diu on two occasions, and also was the President of the Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party. She is the first and woman to serve as the Chief Minister of Goa, Daman and Diu.

Early life and background
Shashikala Kakodkar was born on 7 January 1935 at Pernem, Goa, Portuguese India, to Dayanand and Sunandabai Bandodkar as their eldest child. Her younger siblings were Usha Vengurlekar, Kranti Rao, Jyoti Bandekar and Siddharth Bandodkar.

Kakodkar completed her elementary education from the Mushtifund School and completed her matriculation from the People's High School in Panaji. At age eleven, she participated in Goa's liberation movement by shouting patriotic slogans, and was beaten by Portuguese police officers for doing so. She graduated from Karnatak University, Dharwad, with a Bachelor of Arts degree, where she studied anthropology, sociology and history. She completed her postgraduate M.A. degree from Mumbai's Elphinstone College.

In 1963, the first democratically held elections to the Legislative Assembly of Goa, Daman and Diu led to her father Dayanand Bandodkar's election as the first chief minister. That year, she married Gurudatt Kakodkar, and was appointed as the general manager of the Bandodkar Group of Companies in 1968. She was also a member of the Youth Red Cross Society, All India Women's Conference and the Central Social Welfare Board. She built her power base around the Government Primary Teachers' Association.

Entry into politics
Shashikala Kakodkar was engaged in social work ever since her return from Mumbai after obtaining her postgraduate education. She contested the 1967 Goa, Daman & Diu Legislative Assembly election from the Ponda constituency as a candidate of the Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party and won by a huge majority, making her the second woman member of the Goa, Daman & Diu Legislative Assembly. In the 1972 Goa, Daman & Diu Legislative Assembly election, Kakodkar successfully contested as a Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party candidate from the Bicholim constituency.

Minister of State
Following her victory in the 1972 Assembly elections, she was appointed as a Minister of State in the government led by her father, Chief Minister Dayanand Bandodkar. She held the portfolios of Education, Public Health, Social Welfare, Public Assistance, Provedoria and Small Savings. On 12 August 1973, her father died in office, and the legislators of the Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party unanimously selected her as the next Chief Minister.

First Shashikala Kakodkar Ministry
Shashikala Kakodkar was sworn in as the Chief Minister of Goa, Daman and Diu on 13 August 1973 at 11:20 p.m. by the then-Lieutenant governor of Goa, Daman and Diu Sisirkumar Banerjee at the Raj Bhavan. Along with Kakodkar, Pratapsingh Rane and A. K. S. Usgaonkar were sworn in as Cabinet Ministers. Her own post of Minister of State was kept vacant till the end of the term. Kakodkar also succeeded Bandodkar as the President of the Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party and held the charge of both these posts until the 1977 Goa Legislative Assembly election.

Kakodkar took over the eleven portfolios held over by her father Dayanand Bandodkar, and created four more. They included General Administration, Secretariat Administration, Home, Finance, Confidential & Vigilance Department, Industry, Public Works Department, Education, Information & Tourism, Public Health, Small Savings, Public Assistance, Provedoria, Social Welfare, and Goa Archives.

The portfolios of A. K. S. Usgaonkar and Pratapsingh Rane were left untouched. Usgaonkar who was a freedom fighter and a businessman had five portfolios of Planning, Development, Irrigation & Power, Agriculture and Animal Husbandry. Rane who was a political novice had eight portfolios of Law & Judiciary, Labour, Legislative Affairs, Revenue, Local Self Government, Housing & Junta, Civil Supplies and Food.

As Kakodkar took over the reins of the government, she accepted the mistakes and shortfalls of the Dayanand Bandodkar regime in a bid to win the support of his critics. She vowed to carry forward the unfinished task of her father, in order to retain Bandodkar's supporters. Aureliano Fernandes states that unlike Bandodkar, Shashikala emerged as an efficient administrator. Fernandes further states that Kakodkar was less of an extrovert than her father, and consequently was far less accessible. She was initially seen as "Bandodkar's daughter", but soon emerged as a leader in her own right. This was evident from the victory of Ramakant Khalap, who was the Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party's candidate in the Mandrem constituency by-election which was vacant following the demise of Dayanand Bandodkar. Kakodkar also scripted history when the Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party candidate Luta Ferrao defeated Dr. Wilfred de Souza in the historic by-election in the Benaulim constituency in 1974. In a marked departure from the earlier stand taken by her party, Kakodkar declared that the question of Goa's merger with Maharashtra was a dead issue, and that both Marathi and Konkani were the official languages of Goa. Kakodkar established the Economic Development Corporation of Goa, Daman & Diu (now the Economic Development Corporation – EDC, Goa) in March 1975. She also established the Goa Board of Secondary & Higher Secondary Education in 1975.

Shashikala Kakodkar's government also took steps towards land reforms. Her government enacted the Goa, Daman and Diu Mundkars (Protection from Eviction) Act, 1975 and the Goa, Daman and Diu Agricultural Tenancy (5th Amendment) Act, 1976. The Supreme Court of India upheld the constitutional validity of the Goa, Daman and Diu Agricultural Tenancy (5th Amendment) Act, 1976 in Union Territory of Goa, Daman and Diu v. Lakshmibai Narayan Patil.

Some of the other important legislation enacted by the first Shashikala Kakodkar Ministry include the Goa, Daman & Diu Irrigation Act, 1973; Goa, Daman & Diu Chit Funds Act, 1973; Goa, Daman & Diu Barge tax Act, 1973; Goa, Daman & Diu Highways Act, 1974; Goa, Daman & Diu Town and Country Planning Act, 1974; Goa, Daman & Diu Motor Vehicles Act, 1974; Goa, Daman & Diu Secondary and Higher Secondary Education Board Act, 1975; Goa, Daman & Diu Public Gambling, Act 1976 and the Goa, Daman & Diu Habitual Offenders Act, 1976.

Shashikala Kakodkar was criticised by the opposition for alleged favouritism towards her husband Gurudatt Kakodkar in granting transport and cement licenses and tyre dealerships. The opposition had also alleged that the structural design of the Kala Academy was given to her brother-in-law Sharad Vengurlekar. However, none of these charges could be proved. Kakodkar was also accused of giving maximum government advertisements to the Marathi fortnightly Sameer, of which her husband was the editor.

Kakodkar's tenure say a more accommodating approach towards Konkani and a gradual shift from the pro-Marathi stance which was earlier adhered to by the MGP. Fernandes argues that this shift was a result of political exigency, given the Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party's victory in the 1974 by-election in Benaulim constituency. In January 1974, Kakodkar's cabinet made Marathi compulsory in all English medium primary schools to the exclusion of Konkani. This move was criticised by the Konkani Bhasha Mandal as a back-door policy to impose Marathi.

Kakodkar's style of decision making basically centred around the Chief Minister and she heavily relied on a coterie for advice which included her husband Gurudatt Kakodkar. Two MLAs of the Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party, Jaisingrao Rane and Punaji Achrekar resigned, protesting against Kakodkar's decision-making style without consulting the party rank and file. Pratapsingh Rane also resigned from the government and the Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party, prior to the 1977 Goa Legislative Assembly election. He joined the Indian National Congress.

It was in these circumstances that Shashikala Kakodkar led the Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party in the 1977 Goa Legislative Assembly election.

Second Shashikala Kakodkar ministry
In the Assembly elections of 1977 which were held after the Emergency, Kakodkar faced a challenge leading the party. The resignation of her cabinet Minister Pratapsingh Rane and MLAs Jaisingrao Rane and Punaji Achrekar; allegations of corruption and favouritism were the major challenges faced by Kakodkar. In her manifesto, Kakodkar spoke against the Emergency and the demand for full-fledged statehood to Goa. Her manifesto contained the issue of developing Konkani language (while continuing support to Marathi as an important state language). She also promised an efficient administration, rapid socio-economic development, rise in standard of living, balanced regional development, a High Court for Goa and extension of education, health and agricultural productivity.

Shashikala Kakodkar battled against the odds and the Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party once again managed to come back to power, winning 15 seats out of the total 30. Sarto Esteves cites Kakodkar's leadership capacities as the reason for the Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party forming the government in 1977. Minister A. K. S. Usgaonkar faced a shock defeat in his Pale, Goa constituency. However, those who had rebelled and deserted the Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party on issues of merger and Marathi, were soundly defeated. They included Jaisingrao Rane, Punaji Achrekar, Krishnanath Baburao Naik, Pandurang Purushottam Shirodkar and Janardan Jagannath Shinkre.

Shashikala Kakodkar successfully retained her Bicholim seat and formed the government with the backing of two independent candidates, Makanbhai Morarji Bhatela of Daman and Narayan Fugro of Diu. Kakodkar was sworn in as the Chief Minister of Goa, Daman and Diu for the second time on 7 June 1977. Kakodkar's cabinet included Shankar Laad and Vinayak Dharma Chodankar as Cabinet Ministers, while Raul Hilario Fernandes was appointed as a Minister of State. Narayan Fugro was appointed as the Speaker and Makanbhai Morarji Bhatela the Deputy Speaker.

In her second Ministry too, Kakodkar held the majority of portfolios including Home, Finance (including Small Savings), Personnel & Administrative Reforms, Industries (including Weights and Measures), Planning, Development (including Rural Development & Cooperation), Education (including Archives), Social Welfare, Public Assistance & Provedoria, Information & Tourism, Public Works Department (including Water Supply), Inland Waterways and Town & Country Planning. Shankar Vishveshwar Laad was allocated the portfolios of Law & Judiciary, Legislative Affairs, Labour, Revenue (including Forests) and Urban Development (including Municipalities and excluding Town and Country Planning). Vinayak Dharma Chodankar was given the portfolios of Agriculture (including Animal Husbandry and Fisheries), Irrigation (Major, Medium & Minor), Power and also Food, Civil Supplies & Price Control. Minister of State Raul Hilario Fernandes held the portfolios of Education (including Archives), Information & Tourism, Social Welfare and also the portfolio of Public Assistance & Provedoria. After being sworn in, Kakodkar informed the media that her immediate task was to pursue the statehood issue with the Government of India.

To curb unemployment in Goa, Kakodkar established eleven industrial estates during her second term as the Chief Minister. In 1977, Kakodkar's government beautified the Ponda Fort at Farmagudi, Goa and installed an equestrian statue of Chhatrapati Shivaji there.

In her second tenure, Kakodkar faced rebellion within her party after an initially peaceful tenure of about one year. First-time MLAs Dilkush Desai and Dayanand Narvekar initiated a rebellion within the M. G. Party demanding that the party's Executive Body be scrapped and fresh elections be held to the body. Subsequently, they demanded the resignation of Chief Minister Kakodkar. As a result of their anti-party activities, the M. G. Party's Executive Body served a show-cause notice upon MLAs Desai and Narvekar. When the M. G. Party's Executive met on 21 January 1979, Chief Minister Kakodkar stated how both the MLAs had engaged in anti-party activities since June 1978. Kakodkar also spoke about the manner in which MLAs Dilkush Desai and Dayanand Narvekar made irresponsible remarks, took an anti-government stance in the Legislative Assembly and engaged in attempts to destabilise the government.

On 26 January 1978, a meeting was organised in Dilkush Desai's Rivona constituency to inform the people about their MLA's anti-party activities. Shashikala Kakodkar stated in the meeting that if need be, she was ready to sit in the opposition but would never concede before selfish politics. In the same meeting, Kakodkar's Law Minister Shankar Vishveshwar Laad also condemned the actions of MLAs Dilkush Desai and Dayanand Narvekar. Laad further stated that the manner in which the pro-poor Communidades (Amendment) Bill was opposed by the duo along with the opposition MLAs, was unfortunate. Subsequently, Laad too joined ranks with the rebels.

The subsequent Assembly Session saw a series of defeats and humiliations for the government led by Kakodkar. On 16 March 1979, Opposition MLA Ananta Narcinva (Babu) Naik tabled a private member's resolution before the House that the prices of cinema tickets be reduced by 30%. MLAs Dilkush Desai and Dayanand Narvekar supported the resolution as a result of which there was a tie (14 votes each, in favour and against the resolution). Speaker Narayan Fugro used his casting vote in favour of the government (i.e., against the resolution) as a result of which the resolution was defeated. MLAs Dilkush Desai and Dayanand Narvekar voted in favour of the government while four Bills were passed by the Assembly on 21 March 1979.

On 23 March 1979, opposition MLA Francisco Sardinha sought leave of the House to introduce an amendment to the Goa, Daman & Diu Agricultural Tenancy Act, 1964. MLAs Dilkush Desai and Dayanand Narvekar voted in favour the leave being granted to introduce the Bill, as a consequence of which the government was defeated in the Assembly over this question. On 30 March 1979, a resolution tabled by Opposition MLA Leo Velho was supported by MLAs Dilkush Desai and Dayanand Narvekar, resulting in a tie (14 votes each, in favour and against the resolution). Speaker Narayan Fugro used his casting vote in favour of the resolution (i.e., against the government). Belekar states that although Speaker Narayan Fugro did use his casting vote in favour of the government on a few subsequent occasions, the process of Fugro's rebellion against Kakodkar may have started on 30 March 1979.

On 17 April 1979, the Assembly witnessed a tie (14 votes each, in favour and against) during voting on demands for grants. But by using his casting vote, Speaker Narayan Fugro saved the government. A defeat of the demands for grants would have led to an exit of the Kakodkar government. The same episode was repeated on 18 April 1979 and Speaker Narayan Fugro's casting vote led to the demands for grants being passed.

Exit of Shashikala Kakodkar's Ministry
The tribulations of Shashikala Kakodkar's second Ministry went on in the Assembly Session. The rebellion by MLAs Dilkush Desai and Dayanand Narvekar had reached its last stage and it was almost certain that the duo would join ranks with the Opposition to cause the exit of Shashikala Kakodkar's government. Even if a single additional MLA of the M. G. Party would have joined ranks with the rebels, the government led by Kakodkar would have been in danger. Hence, attempts were rife to obtain the support of another MLA in favour of the rebels.

On 19 April 1979, the discussion was held as regards the demands for grants for three departments: Administration of Justice; Land Revenue, Stamps & Registration; and Legislature Secretariat of the Union Territory. Seven MLAs participated in the discussion but the discussion could not be concluded. The House was adjourned to meet again on 20 April 1979. When the House met on Friday, 20 April 1979 at 2:30 p.m., there was a lot of chaos in the House. The Speaker adjourned the House for 14 minutes at 2:40 p.m. When the House met again pursuant to the adjournment, the chaos continued. Subsequently, the Speaker adjourned the House to meet again on Monday, 23 April at 2:30 p.m.

The reason behind the din on 20 April 1979 was that Kakodkar's Law Minister Shankar Vishveshwar Laad had joined ranks with the rebels after resigning as a Minister. He along with MLAs Dilkush Desai and Dayanand Narvekar had withdrawn support from the Kakodkar government. MLAs Laad, Desai and Narvekar joined the Opposition and staked a claim to form the government under Laad's leadership. Speaker Narayan Fugro too supported the majority faction and personally met the Lieutenant Governor to intimate the same. As a consequence, the House witnessed an Opposition which had the majority of 17 members (including Speaker Fugro) while the Chief Minister Kakodkar had the support of only 13 MLAs. Hence, the government lost the majority in the House. But Kakodkar did not resign and as a result, chaos happened in the Assembly on 20 April 1979. Chief Minister Kakodkar called on the Lieutenant Governor but refused to resign and both agreed that the Assembly was the appropriate place to hold a trial of strength on 23 April 1979. Kakodkar was desperately in need of one MLA to tilt the balance in her favour and pass the Appropriation Bill and thus save the government.

It was under these circumstances that the House met next on Monday, 23 April 1979. As the House met, there was utter chaos in the House. Speaker Fugro was prevented from proceeding towards the Speaker's chair by four Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party MLAs amid loud slogans. The House then had turned into a battleground of sorts. Paperweights, chairs, the Constitution and microphones were hurled at each other. The Speaker's chair was vandalised and even Mahatma Gandhi's bust in the House was not spared. The newspapers then described the incident as a blot on the democratic tradition of the Assembly and also published photographs of the vandalism which occurred in the House.

There was much confusion in the House and it was under these circumstances that Speaker Fugro put the cut motion on demands for grants no. 3- Administration of Justice, to vote. The cut motion was accepted and the division of votes was 15–13. The success of the cut motion meant an exit of the Kakodkar government. Subsequently, Speaker Narayan Fugro stood on the podium and amid the din, declared the defeat of the government on the cut motion and adjourned the House sine die. After Speaker Fugro left the House, the Deputy Speaker Makanbhai Morarji Bhatela occupied the Speaker's chair and announced that the House was adjourned to meet again at 2:30 p.m. on 24 April 1979. Subsequently, Speaker Fugro again entered the House and adjourned the House sine die.

Kakodkar sat quietly and it was only later that she castigated the behaviour of her MLAs. In a bid to safeguard her position, she is supposed to have declared that she would not accept the Speaker's ruling because it was not made from the Speaker's chair but from the corner of the dais. The Lieutenant Governor P. S. Gill who received the Speaker's report stated that a defeat on the cut motion to budgetary demands was tantamount to a no-confidence motion in the ministry and that he was convinced that Shankar Laad enjoyed the majority. It was not left to the Union Government to take a decision regarding whether Laad should be allowed to form the ministry or whether President's rule should be imposed.

Shashikala Kakodkar subsequently rushed to New Delhi with the Deputy Speaker Bhatela, which was seen as an attempt to apparently make the transfer of power in favour of Laad as difficult as possible. She called on the President of India Neelam Sanjiva Reddy, Prime Minister of India Morarji Desai and the Union Home Minister Hirubhai M. Patel probably urging them to dissolve the Assembly and impose President's rule. Nine of Kakodkar's supporters (loyal M. G. Party MLAs) dispatched telegrams to New Delhi to this effect to bolster her case.

Shashikala Kakodkar resigned as the Chief Minister on 26 April 1979. On 28 April 1979, President's rule was imposed in Goa, Daman and Diu for six months with a provision for its extension. The then Prime Minister of India Morarji Desai rationalised that political horse trading should not take place in pursuance of forming a new government. The Prime Minister's opinion was criticised by some as being against the established parliamentary tradition of the person commanding the largest majority (Shankar Laad in the present case) being invited to form the government. The Leader of the Opposition in the Assembly, Ananta Narcinva (Babu) Naik, criticised the imposition of President's Rule by accusing Prime Minister of India Morarji Desai of having "squarely slaughtered" democracy by not allowing the Shankar Laad group of 17 legislators to form the new government. Shashikala Kakodkar's supporters welcomed the imposition of the President's Rule.

Wilfred de Souza, the President of the Goa Pradesh Congress Committee, disclosed that the Indian National Congress was parting ways with the Janata Party in Goa for the latter's failure to prevail on the Union Government led by Janata Party's Morarji Desai to allow an alternate government despite Laad's majority. Wilfred de Souza held the General Secretary of the Janata Party G. Y. Bhandare and the Prime Minister's son Kanti Desai responsible for the imposition of President's Rule.

In the 1980 Indian general election, Kakodkar played an active role in ensuring the victory of the Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party candidate Sanyogita Rane Sardesai from the North Goa (Lok Sabha constituency). Rane Sardesai remains the only woman ever elected to the Parliament of India from Goa.

Praise and criticism
Political commentators like Sarto Esteves have lavished praise on Kakodkar for her victory in the 1977 Goa Legislative Assembly election and for her contribution to education, agriculture, industries and social and medical services. Esteves praises her abilities and behaviour which depicted that "Goans could ensure political stability and run the administration of the Territory without constant and continual overseeing by the Centre [New Delhi]."

Other less-generous critics of Kakodkar indict her of running a corruption-prone government, which was particularly dominated by Goa's then-strong transport lobby, and which saw a lot of her fellow Gomantak Maratha Samaj caste members gain predominance in government postings. Towards the end of her tenure, Kakodkar's government was hit by two major agitations—one led by traditional fishermen protesting against a policy which saw mechanised fishing eating majorly into their interests, and another campaign by students demanding a 50% bus fare concession for all bona fide students. The latter was largely successful. Kakodkar's government also faced a major embarrassment after the annual financial budget was leaked in the Marathi daily Gomantak, even before it was placed before the Assembly.

Ramponkar agitation
The Ramponkar agitation by tradition fishermen protested against the mechanisation of fishing. The transition in Goa from traditional to mechanised fishing led to the woes of the ramponkars (traditional fishermen) being unheard. The ramponkars had several complaints against mechanised fishing. Mechanised fishing through fishing trawlers posed a serious threat to the livelihood of ramponkars.

In December 1975, the Goemchya Ramponkarancho Ekvott (G. R. E.) was formally established at the Institute Menezes Braganza. In 1976, the Goemchya Ramponkarancho Ekvott (G. R. E.) forwarded the first memorandum to Chief Minister Kakodkar. However, the response of the government failed to respond favourably and accused the G. R. E. of misleading the traditional fishermen. Around this time, the Union Government started various schemes to develop the fishing industry. These schemes were supplemented by government aid and the fishermen were encouraged to seek loans from the banks. The big fishing trawler-owners invested in large-scale fishing for huge profits. The livelihood of the Ramponkars was threatened but the government failed to respond to their woes.

In 1976, the ramponkars went on a chain hunger strike for 380 days. The ramponkars were supported by the Opposition Indian National Congress and Janata Party leaders such as Ananta Narcinva (Babu) Naik, Ferdino Rebello, Victoria Fernandes, Evagrio George. Freedom fighter Mohan Ranade also lent his support to the agitation. A citizens' committee was formed and the issue was debated for the first time in the Legislative Assembly. However, no constitutional action could be taken as the Union Government had declared an Emergency. The ramponkars held a 40-day dharna at the chief minister's residence and a demonstration in Panaji. In 1978, the second general body meeting of the Goemchya Ramponkarancho Ekvott (G. R. E.) was held and the organisation undertook several local agitations across Goa against the use of mechanised fishing trawlers. It held a protest march meeting in Panaji demanding a five-kilometre zone that would be free from trawlers and purse seiners. A ban on fishing during monsoons was also demanded. By 1978, the fishing sector in Goa had been highly mechanised and most trawler owners had political connections. A morcha by ramponkars to the Secretariat in Panaji turned violent resulting in stone pelting. When on 27 January 1978, 85 ramponkars were arrested and the stalemate continued, two M. G. Party MLAs Dilkush Desai and Dayanand Narvekar, backed what they called the "just demands" of the ramponkars and criticised the Central Government as well as the local fisheries Minister.

The trawler owners tried to maximise their profits and embarked on a legal battle. In May 1978, they challenged the Portuguese Act of 1897 in the Judicial Commissioner's Court. In his judgment, Justice Tito Menezes was bad as the act was bad as the state government could not follow an ambivalent policy. He opined that night trawling and fishing during monsoons should stop. Following this, there were sporadic protests, agitations, morchas and arrests. The trawlers continued to dredge the bed of the shore as it was 'legal' from their point of view. The trawlers were interested in fishing within a 2-kilometre zone primarily because this zone was the breeding ground and habitat of most of the species that were demand in the international markets.

The Goemchya Ramponkarancho Ekvott (G. R. E.) realised that a local struggle would not yield the desired results and hence decided to associate with the national leaders. In 1978, they formed the National Forum for Catamaran and Country Boat Fishermen Rights and Marine Life (N. F. F.). The G. R. E. was affiliated to it. The state government patronised the trawlers and developed fish-landing jetties. In July 1978, Matanhy Saldanha was appointed the Chairman of the N. F. F. Memorandums were submitted to the Prime Minister of India, Union Fisheries Minister and all Members of the Parliament. For the first time, the issue was debated in the Parliament of India and a representative of the N. F. F. was sent to New Delhi to demand a Central Marine Bill. In September 1978, a delegation of the N. F. F. was informed that a model bill would be circulated in all the fishing states to introduce a legislation in their respective Vidhan Sabhas.

In 1979, Matanhy Saldanha was jailed on false charges and later acquitted by the Additional Sessions Judge. By 1980, the ramponkars had renewed their agitation against non-fishing vessels and mechanised trawlers that caught juvenile mackerels and sardines against Order No. 21-8-81-FSH/6. This was one of the provisions incorporated in the Goa, Daman and Diu Marine Fishing Regulation Act, 1980. In 1980, the Union Government led by Indira Gandhi circulated to all the States a draft of the Marine Regulation Bill which was to be enacted in the respective Vidhan Sabhas, because fisheries was a subject in the State List. Meanwhile, clashes between the ramponkars and trawler owners worsened as the latter demanded the implementation of the Bill. There was clashes and the rampons were burnt in Velsao, Cansaulim, Benaulim and Betalbatim. The failure of the Kakodkar government to handle the agitation was one of the reasons for the Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party's defeat in the 1980 Goa Legislative Assembly election.

50% bus fare concession movement
The other major movement faced by the Shashikala Kakodkar Ministry was the movement by students demanding a 50% bus fare concession for all bona fide students. In 1978, the All Goa Students' Union and the All India Students' Organization, Goa unit, launched a movement demanding concession in bus fares for all bona fide students. The student community in Goa felt that all students should get a 50% concession in bus fares like fellow students in other states of India. The private bus owner's lobby led by the All Goa Bus Owners' Association was very powerful then and also had the backing of the Kakodkar-led government. The student bodies demanded that the government should provide a concession of 50% for all bona fide students in Goa.

On 29 December 1978, the students issued a press note announcing their decision to pay only concessional fare from January 1979 should the government delay their demand. They fixed the concessional fare table and set up a committee to deal with any complaints of resistance from bus operators. Student commuters were told to immediately report any resistance to student representatives. The agitation spread across Goa like wildfire. Buses were burnt as violence erupted. Bandhs were observed and students held protest marches. The students braved lathi charges and tear gas. Student leaders such as Desmond D'Costa were detained too. But after hectic parleys, the Kakodkar government finally conceded to the demand of the students on 12 January 1979. Many leaders of the 50% bus fare concession movement subsequently became towering figures in Goa's public life. These include journalist Sandesh Prabhudesai; lawyers such as Aires Rodrigues and Satish Sonak; District & Sessions Judge Desmond D'Costa, etc.

Budget leak incident
The Marathi daily Gomantak had always stood solidly behind the Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party in its propaganda for the merger with Maharashtra. The generally very cordial relations with Gomantak however soured during the last years of the Kakodkar government. Fernandes states that during Kakodkar's last years in regime, there is a reason to believe that the editor of Gomantak tried to influence the functioning of the government. When Chief Minister Kakodkar refused to give in, the Gomantak attempted to embarrass Kakodkar by publishing the entire budget of 1978–79 in the newspaper even before it was presented before the Assembly. The Opposition criticised the government and stated that the leakage of the budget had proved the government's inefficiency as it was unable to guard the most important secret document of the administration. The Opposition demanded the resignation of the government led by Kakodkar.

Shashikala Kakodkar alleged that the budget leak was a conspiracy against her government and demanded that it the culprits be severely punished. The accreditation of the reporters were withdrawn and some employees of the Government Printing Press were suspended after an enquiry. This budget leak adversely affected the image of the government.

Post-1980 politics
After the exit of the Kakodkar Ministry in 1979, President's rule was imposed on 28 April 1979. Fresh elections to Legislative Assembly would decide the next Chief Minister of Goa. Prior to the 1980 Goa Legislative Assembly election, many changes took place in Goa's political arena.

The two M. G. Party MLAs who had played a pivotal role in the ouster of the Kakodkar government were Dayanand Narvekar and Dilkush Desai. Narvekar joined the Indian National Congress in December 1979 and was soon followed by Desai. At that time, the Indian National Congress in Goa was known as the Indian National Congress (Urs) faction because after the Indian National Congress split of 1978, the Congress Legislature Party in the Goa, Daman and Diu Legislative Assembly identified itself with the Indian National Congress (Urs). The Indian National Congress (Urs) as a political party in Goa was led by its President Wilfred de Souza, who was not a MLA. The Indian National Congress led by Indira Gandhi (Indira Congress) also had its presence in Goa and was led by Purushottam Kakodkar. But as far as the 1980 Goa Legislative Assembly election were concerned, the Indian National Congress (Urs) (Urs Congress) as well as the Indira Congress had an understanding between themselves. The Indian National Congress (Urs) led by Wilfred de Souza had a seat sharing agreement with the Indira Congress and the latter was given six constituencies. The Indian National Congress (Urs) contested in twenty-two constituencies while one constituency was left for an independent candidate. Indira Gandhi addressed a public meeting on 12 December 1979 at Panaji's Azad Maidan grounds where she apologised to the people for imposing a state of Emergency in 1975. She expressed the need for developing Goa without harming its natural beauty.

The 1980 Assembly Elections, the Indian National Congress (Urs) emerged victorious in 20 out of the 22 constituencies in which it contested. While the Indira Congress won no seats, the Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party secured victory in only seven constituencies. The independents won three seats and Shashikala Kakodkar was defeated in the Bicholim constituency by Harish Narayan Prabhu Zantye, an independent candidate. Pratapsingh Rane became the Chief Minister of Goa and Dayanand Narvekar secured a berth in his Ministry. In a subsequent cabinet expansion, Harish Zantye was also included as a Minister.

The 1980 Indian general election resulted in the Indira Congress emerging victorious. Indira Gandhi became the Prime Minister of India and many members of the Indian National Congress (Urs) attempted to rejoin the Indira Congress. The Indian National Congress (Urs) government in Goa too started negotiations for rejoining the Indian National Congress led by Indira Gandhi. The Goa Pradesh Executive of the Indian National Congress (Urs) passed a resolution deciding to merge with the Indian National Congress. The merger occurred in the second week of February 1980. On 12 February 1980, Chief Minister Pratapsingh Rane announced that the government in Goa was that of the Indira Congress.

Entry into the Indian National Congress
When the Indian National Congress (Urs) faction in Goa merged itself with the Indian National Congress led by Indira Gandhi, five MLAs of the Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party (Vishnu Rama Naik, Deu Mandrekar, Narsinhbai Tandel, Vinayak Chodankar and Somjibhai Solanki) also joined the Indian National Congress in 1980. On 20 March 1980, A. R. Antulay announced in New Delhi that Shashikala Kakodkar, the President of the Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party, had joined the Indian National Congress along with her followers. On 22 March 1980, Kakodkar stated that the Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party's Executive had agreed for the merger of the party within the Indian National Congress. This would mean the demise of the Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party. Kakodkar stated that the reason behind her joining the Indian National Congress was that she wanted to be in the mainstream.

Kakodkar's announcement was opposed by many senior leaders of the Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party. On 23 March 1980, a meeting was held under the leadership of Mukund Shinkre (former Lok Sabha Member of Parliament) where the party workers and leaders including M. S. Prabhu decided not to permit the merger of the party. A temporary committee was established under the Presidency of Mukund Shinkre. The two MLAs of the Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party (who had not joined the Indian National Congress) opposed Kakodkar's stance and made every attempt to ensure that the Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party survived. These two MLAs were Ramakant Khalap and Babuso Gaonkar. Ramakant Khalap was appointed as the Opposition leader in the Assembly.

Belekar points out that if the merger of the Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party had occurred in 1980, the Legislative Assembly would virtually have no Opposition members at all. The Assembly then had 20 MLAs of the Indian National Congress and seven MLAs of the Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party, while the remaining three were Independents. If Khalap and Gaonkar had joined the Indian National Congress along with the remaining five MLAs of the Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party, there would exist no Opposition at all in the Assembly.

Kakodkar aimed to secure positions within the Goa Pradesh Congress Committee organisation for herself and her supporters. But Wilfred de Souza threatened to resign if he was deprived of the position of the Goa Pradesh Congress Committee's president. Kakodkar was not comfortable in the Indian National Congress and she quit the party.

Formation of the Bhausaheb Bandodkar Gomantak Party
Kakodkar decided to return to the Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party. The party was then led by Mukund Shinkre. A historic meeting to facilitate Kakodkar's return to the party was organised by the Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party's stalwarts such as Dr. Wilfred Menezes Mesquita, J. J. Rodrigues and Shankar Bandekar. But the talks failed and Kakodkar established a new political party called the Bhausaheb Bandodkar Gomantak Party of which she became the President. Kakodkar contested the 1984 Assembly elections from both Canacona and Marcaim constituencies as an independent candidate but lost the elections.

Return to Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party
Kakodkar rejoined the Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party by merging the Bhausaheb Bandodkar Gomantak Party into the Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party.

The 1989 elections
The 1989 elections to the first Goa State Legislative Assembly were held for 40 constituencies on 22 November 1989. Since the Indian National Congress managed to achieve a wafer-thin majority with 21 seats, Pratapsingh Rane was elected as the Chief Minister of Goa by the Congress Legislature Party. Rane was sworn in as the first Chief Minister of the newly established State of Goa on 11 January 1990. Rane faced a dilemma as there were too many aspirants for ministerial posts. Dr. Luis Proto Barbosa reluctantly accepted the Speaker's post. Rane decided to expand his cabinet in two phases and assured his legislators that he would soon expand the Cabinet after the Budget Session.

But Rane' strategy did not succeed and his promise of expanding the Cabinet after the Budget Session in March 1990 was shattered as a group of seven MLAs led by Speaker Barbosa split from the Indian National Congress to christen itself as the Goa People's Party (GPP). The GPP staked claim to form a new Ministry with the support of the 18 Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party MLAs and Independent MLA Ananta Narcinva (Babu) Naik.

The GPP consisted of MLAs dissatisfied due to their exclusion from the Cabinet and included Dr. Luis Proto Barbosa (Speaker), Churchill Alemao, Farrel Furtado, Mauvin Godinho, Somnath Zuwarkar, Luis Alex (Mama) Cardozo and John Baptist Gonsalves. The coalition government of the GPP, Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party and an Independent was named as the Progressive Democratic Front (PDF) Government. After a hectic political transition by making Churchill Alemao the interim Chief Minister of Goa on 27 March 1980 for a period of just 17 days (Alemao was the Chief Minister from 27 March 1980 to 13 April 1990) and appointing Ramakant Khalap as the Deputy Chief Minister, Speaker Barbosa was made the Chief Minister of Goa. Union Minister George Fernandes played an instrumental role in the formation of the PDF Government. Dr. Luis Proto Barbosa resigned as the Speaker and was sworn in as the Chief Minister of Goa on 13 April 1990.

Shashikala Kakodkar was sworn in as a Minister in the cabinet headed by Dr. Barbosa. Kakodkar was allotted the portfolios of Education, Art & Culture, Transport and Fisheries.

Contribution as Education Minister
Kakodkar's tenure as Education Minister is widely noted for her policy on the medium of instruction for primary level schools across Goa. Kakodkar's policy of providing government grants to primary (Class I to IV) schools in Goa mandated that grants would be allotted only to schools imparting primary level education in Konkani or Marathi. The policy would be implemented from June 1990. Kakodkar managed to convince the then Chief Minister of Goa Dr. Luis Proto Barbosa and the Official Language Minister Churchill Alemao who too supported the decision. As a consequence of Kakodkar's policy, many primary schools changed their medium of instruction to Konkani or Marathi from English. 130 primary schools operated by the Church's Diocesan Society of Education overnight changed their medium of instruction from English to Konkani. Kakodkar also decided not to permit the establishment of any new primary schools imparting education in English, but this policy was not adhered to by the subsequent governments.

On 4 December 1990, Shashikala Kakodkar along with the Deputy Chief Minister Ramakant Khalap and three other Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party ministers from the PDF Government resigned after differences within Goa's first coalition government. Chief Minister Dr. Luis Proto Barbosa finally resigned on 10 December 1990, before the voting on the no-confidence motion could take place.

Post 1990 politics
Shashikala Kakodkar was elected to the Goa Legislative Assembly in the 1994 elections from the Maem constituency as a Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party candidate. In 1999, Kakodkar contested the Goa Legislative Assembly as from the Maem constituency as a Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party candidate but was defeated by Prakash Fadte of the Bharatiya Janata Party. Kakodkar contested her last election unsuccessfully as a Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party candidate from the Maem constituency and was defeated by Harish Zantye of the Indian National Congress. After the defeat in the 2002 elections, Kakodkar did not contest any subsequent election.

Other positions held
Shashikala Kakodkar served as the Chairperson of the Kala Academy. She was the chairperson, Goa, Daman and Diu Industrial Development Corporation; chairperson, Goa, Daman and Diu State Sports Council; chairperson, Goa Cancer Society; President, Red Cross Committee (Goa Branch) and the Working President of the Marathi Bhavan Nirman Committee. In October 1998, Kakodkar was appointed the Chairperson of the Goa Bal Bhavan.

From 1991 to 1992, Kakodkar also served as the Chairperson of the Committee on Petitions and a member of the Committee on Public Undertakings in the Goa Legislative Assembly.

Kakodkar served as the President of the Panjim Gymkhana Club, Panaji.

Social activism and philanthropy
Shashikala Kakodkar also assisted the Goa Football Association in reviving the Bandodkar Gold Trophy. Kakodkar was a patron of many social and religious organisations.

In 2006, she participated in the Marathi Bachao Aandolan movement during the tenure of Luizinho Faleiro as Goa's Education Minister against making English a compulsory language at the primary level. Kakodkar was also the convener of the Bharatiya Bhasha Suraksha Manch which subsequently became the Goa Suraksha Manch.

Awards and honours
Shashikala Kakodkar received an honorary doctorate by her alma mater, the Karnatak University of Dharwad, in 2014.

Death
Kakodkar died on 28 October 2016 at the Bandodkar House in Altinho, Panaji after a prolonged illness. The Government of Goa declared a two-day state mourning in her honour. She was cremated on 29 October 2016 at the St. Inez crematorium in Panaji with full state honours.

title: Shashikala Kakodkar


text:
David Checa

David Checa (born 20 April 1980) is a Spanish professional motorcycle road racer. He is four time FIM Endurance World Champion, winning the title in 2004, 2014, 2016–17 and 2018–19. In 2016 he was the French Superbike Champion. He previously competed for two years in the Superbike World Championship. He currently competes in the FIM Endurance World Championship aboard a Kawasaki ZX-10R and the RFME Superstock 1000 Championship aboard a Yamaha YZF-R1. He's a triple winner of the 24 Hours Moto of Le Mans endurance race, in 2005 and 2017 on Yamaha and in 2019 with Kawasaki. He also won the Bol d'Or 24-hour motorcycle endurance race twice on Circuit Paul Ricard. In 2007 and 2017 both on a Yamaha.

Early years
Born in Sant Fruitós de Bages, Barcelona, Spain, Checa began racing since 1996, contesting Superbike World Championship and Supersport World Championship races at home and in Europe. He spent - racing in the 250cc World Championship with a best overall finish of 13th before moving to Endurance World Championship. He was Pirelli's main tester for their Superbike World Championship control tyre in, also doing a few races. He signed up for the Supersport World Championship Le Mans 24 winner and master endurance winner in 2005 and 3 races in MotoGP in place of injured Toni Elias. , but broke a wrist pre-season, he finished 11th overall. He continued in the Supersport World Championship for finishing 12th overall. He also won the 2007 Bol d'Or 24-hour endurance race.

Superbike World Championship
David raced in the World Superbike Championship for two years, without a great deal of success collecting only a handful of points in each season.

Personal life
He is the brother of motorcycle rider Carlos Checa.

Races by year
(key) (Races in bold indicate pole position, races in italics indicate fastest lap)

Races by year
(key) (Races in bold indicate pole position, races in italics indicate fastest lap)

Races by year
(key) (Races in bold indicate pole position) (Races in italics indicate fastest lap)

title: David Checa


text:
Athroisma

Athroisma is a genus of plants in the family Asteraceae first described as a genus in 1833. It is native to East Africa and Madagascar.

• Athroisma boranense Cufod. - Ethiopia
 * Species

• Athroisma fanshawei Wild - Zambia

• Athroisma gracile (Oliv.) Mattf. - Tanzania, Kenya

• Athroisma hastifolium Mattf. - Tanzania

• Athroisma inevitabile T.Erikss. - Rwanda, Tanzania, Uganda

• Athroisma lobatum (Klatt) Mattf. - Somalia

• Athroisma pinnatifidum T.Erikss. - Madagascar

• Athroisma proteiforme (Humbert) Mattf. - Madagascar

• Athroisma psilocarpum T.Erikss. - Madagascar

• Athroisma pusillum T.Erikss. - Kenya

• Athroisma stuhlmannii (O.Hoffm.) Mattf. - Tanzania

William Griffith in 1854 used the same name for a genus of very different plants, thus creating an illegitimate homonym. The World Checklist categorizes his name as a synonym of the genus Trigonostemon in the Euphorbiaceae, but makes no mention of the two species names he coined. The Plant List does list the species as unresolved, i.e. of unknown application. The two species names are
 * species of homonym genus
 * Athroisma dentatum Griff. - Bay of Bengal
 * Athroisma serratum Griff. - Tenasserim  region of Myanmar

title: Athroisma


text:
Cibyra (moth)

Cibyra is a genus of moths of the family Hepalidae. There are 50 described species, found throughout Central and South America.

Species

 * Cibyra assa - Mexico
 * Cibyra biedermanni - Brazil
 * Cibyra brasiliensis - Brazil
 * Cibyra brunnea - Venezuela/Peru
 * Cibyra catharinae - Brazil
 * Cibyra danieli - Brazil
 * Cibyra dorita - Brazil
 * Cibyra epigramma - Brazil
 * Cibyra equatorialis - Ecuador
 * Cibyra exclamans - Brazil
 * Cibyra fasslii - Colombia
 * Cibyra ferruginosa - Brazil
 * Cibyra foetterlei - Brazil
 * Cibyra forsteri - Bolivia
 * Cibyra gugelmanni - Mexico
 * Cibyra guyanensis - French Guiana
 * Cibyra helga - Brazil
 * Cibyra indicata - Ecuador
 * Cibyra jeanneli - Brazil
 * Cibyra jordani - Brazil
 * Cibyra lagopus - Suriname
 * Cibyra magua - Peru
 * Cibyra mahagoniatus - Bolivia
 * Cibyra mexicanensis - Mexico
 * Cibyra monoargenteus - Brazil
 * Cibyra munona - Brazil
 * Cibyra nigrovenosalis - Brazil
 * Cibyra oreas - Brazil
 * Cibyra paropus - Ecuador
 * Cibyra petropolisiensis - Brazil
 * Cibyra philiponi - Brazil
 * Cibyra pittionii - Brazil
 * Cibyra pluriargenteus - Brazil
 * Cibyra poltrona - Brazil
 * Cibyra prytanes - Brazil
 * Cibyra rileyi - Brazil
 * Cibyra saguanmachica - Colombia
 * Cibyra schausi - Brazil
 * Cibyra serta - Mexico
 * Cibyra simplex - Brazil
 * Cibyra sladeni - Brazil
 * Cibyra spitzi - Brazil
 * Cibyra terea - Panama/Mexico
 * Cibyra tesselloides - Brazil/Paraguay
 * Cibyra thisbe - Colombia
 * Cibyra trilinearis - Colombia
 * Cibyra umbrifera - Brazil
 * Cibyra verresi - Brazil
 * Cibyra yungas - Bolivia
 * Cibyra zischkai - Bolivia

title: Cibyra (moth)


text:
O. Joy Singh

 Okram Joy Singh is the chief of the Manipur People's Party, a political party based in the Indian state of Manipur.

Career
Joy was elected 6 times as Member of Legislative Assembly from Langthabal Assembly Constituency, namely in the 1974,1980,1984,2000,2002,2007 assembly elections.

In 2018 he joined Indian National Congress and in 12th Manipur Assembly Election 2022 he contested as INC candidate but lost to Karam Shyam Singh.

title: O. Joy Singh


text:
Dongara, Western Australia

Dongara is a town 351 km north-northwest of Perth, Western Australia on the Brand Highway. The town is located at the mouth of the Irwin River.

Dongara is the seat of the Shire of Irwin. At the the shire had a population of 3,569, with 2,782 residing in the contiguous towns of Dongara and Port Denison.

History

The place name 'Dongara' is an anglicised rendition of Thung-arra, the local Wattandee people's name for the estuary adjacent to the town, meaning 'sea lion place'.

European settlement around the estuary began in 1853 when a harbourmaster, Edward Downes, was stationed there to look out for passing ships. He was employed by Lockier Burges, Edward Hamersley, Samuel Pole Phillips and Bartholomew Urban Vigors' Cattle Company, which was granted 60,000 acres of pastoral leases about 15 kilometres inland. By the 1860s, ex-convict small farmers were occupying the local river flats, and a flour mill (the Irwin or Smith's Mill) was operating. A townsite was surveyed, and in 1871 it became the seat of a local council established that year (now the Irwin Shire Council), and site of a police station and public school. The Anglican Church of St John the Baptist and a Methodist Church were built in the 1880s.

In the 1890s, the larger Royal Steam Roller Flour Mill was built on the flats next to the new Midland Railway line that connected the district to Perth. The town slowly developed, and although still a comparatively small village by the time of Federation in 1901, it had several churches, municipal offices and hall, a variety of shops, two hotels, a public school and a railway station. The nearby localities were populated by wheat and sheep farmers, centred on the hamlets of Bookara, Irwin and Strawberry. There was also a small population of fishermen, including several Chinese men, at Port Denison.

Dongara is the centre for a small oil and natural gas industry that began with the discovery of the Dongara Gas Field in 1966.

Notable people from or associated with Dongara

 * Sir David Brand (1912–1979), 19th Premier of Western Australia, born at Dongara
 * Nathan Broad (1993– ), Australian rules footballer and 3 time AFL premiership player
 * Robert Bruning (1928–2008), born Robert Bell, PMG linesman, sales manager, actor, film producer, screenwriter, script editor
 * Jamie Elliott (1992– ), Australian rules footballer
 * Patricia Kailis (1933–2020), geneticist, lived in Dongara from 1962 to 1969
 * Carmen Lawrence (1948- ), 25th Premier of Western Australia
 * Cranston Albury McEachern (1905–1983), Australian army officer and solicitor
 * Jaeger O'Meara (1994– ), Australian rules footballer
 * Roxanne Roux, AFLW player

title: Dongara, Western Australia


text:
User:Lord Fitzwarin

LORD FITZWARIN ''Mortaing Pursuivant

*

*

fr:Utilisateur:Fitzwarin

title: User:Lord Fitzwarin


text:
User talk:Wikimaniac17

Welcome
Welcome!

Hello,, and welcome to Wikipedia! Thank you for your contributions. I hope you like the place and decide to stay. Here are a few good links for newcomers: I hope you enjoy editing here and being a Wikipedian! Please sign your name on talk pages using four tildes (~~); this will automatically produce your name and the date. If you need help, check out Where to ask a question, ask me on my talk page, or place  on your talk page and someone will show up shortly to answer your questions. Again, welcome! Karmafist 13:19, 20 August 2005 (UTC)
 * The five pillars of Wikipedia
 * How to edit a page
 * Help pages
 * Tutorial
 * How to write a great article
 * Manual of Style

title: User talk:Wikimaniac17


text:
Alan R. Pearlman

Alan Robert Pearlman (June 7, 1925 – January 5, 2019) was an American engineer best known as the founder of ARP Instruments, Inc., one of the early leading American synthesizer manufacturers.

Early life
Pearlman was born in New York City on June 7, 1925. His father was a movie theatre projector designer and his grandfather made parts for phonograph machines. He grew up building radio sets, inspired by Popular Science and Popular Mechanics magazines, and served in the military briefly following World War II.

Following his military service, Pearlman attended Worcester Polytechnic Institute in Worcester, Massachusetts and in 1948, for his senior thesis designed a vacuum tube envelope follower that could extract the envelope of a sound from an instrument. He later audited a Harvard University course taught by one of the inventors of the transistor, Walter Brattain.

Career
Pearlman spent five years designing amplifiers for NASA's Gemini and Apollo programs. He worked at George A. Philbrick Researchers with Roger Noble, and the two later founded analog module and op amp manufacturer Nexus Research Laboratory in Canton, Massachusetts in the early 1960s. Nexus Research Laboratory's business grew to $4 million in annual sales before being acquired by Teledyne, Inc. in 1966.

In 1969, Pearlman founded ARP Instruments, Inc. (originally Tonus, Inc.) with $100,000 of his own money and matching funds from a small group of investors. The name ARP was derived from Pearlman's initials and was his childhood nickname. ARP entered the fledgling synthesizer industry with the introduction of the ARP 2002, which, with twice as many switch rows on top, became the 2500 analog modular synthesizer. The 2002 was introduced at the Audio Engineering Society (AES) show in Fall 1970, and subsequently competed head-to-head with other leading synthesizer companies of the time. Pearlman eschewed patch cord methodology for interconnecting synthesizer modules, designing instead a system of sliding matrix switches. He also applied his op-amp experience by utilizing dual transistors on a single integrated circuit to overcome temperature gradients and provide very stable oscillators — more stable than other popular synthesizers on the market at the time, namely offerings from Moog Music and Buchla.

The company's next synthesizer, and one of its most popular and commercially successful, was the ARP 2600. The first units were manufactured in early 1971 in small quantities, but by the end of the year the 2600P model was in full production. Eschewing some of the more esoteric modules from the 2500, the 2600 was conceived as both a musical instrument and a didactic tool for learning about electronic music. Instead of the 2500's unreliable and arcane pin matrix, the 2600 used a more traditional patch cord routing architecture that provided users with a clear visual indication of signal flow. The 2600 was produced from 1971 until 1982, the year that ARP ceased to exist as a company.

ARP went public in 1973, based on the success of the 2600 and the ARP Odyssey. The company's annual sales peaked at $7 million in 1977, but differences of opinion in the management team, the costly development of the Avatar guitar synthesizer, and product sales figures that fell far short of the company's sales projections led to financial difficulties for the company and its eventual liquidation in September 1981. ARP's demise was financially devastating to Pearlman and his family, who together lost nearly $500,000 in cash and $1 million in paper assets.

Pearlman went on to found and serve as Chief Executive Officer at Selva Systems Inc., a computer graphics software company. Later, Pearlman advised Way Out Ware's Jim Heintz on the development of the TimewARP 2600 software re-creation of the ARP 2600. This is the only ARP 2600 software re-creation that Pearlman endorsed.

Awards
In 1978, Worcester Polytechnic Institute presented the Robert H. Goddard Alumni Award to Pearlman for professional achievement in his field.

At the AES convention in New York in October, 2010, Keyboard magazine editor-at-large Craig Anderton presented Alan R. Pearlman with a commemorative plaque naming him a "Keyboard Legend." Pearlman accepted with Jim Heintz of Way Out Ware, the developers of the TimewARP 2600, a software recreation of the ARP 2600 on whose development Pearlman consulted.

Death
Pearlman died in Newton, Massachusetts on January 5, 2019, at the age of 93.

title: Alan R. Pearlman


text:
User:Bdell555

My name is Brian Dell. All of my contributions both here and on other Wiki projects are in the public domain. You can do whatever you want with them regardless of who you are and you don't have to credit me in any way.

I'm a believer in life-long learning and have four university degrees (in philosophy, law, business administration, and European affairs), three from Canada and one from Sweden. Professionally I am an financial markets guy and a CFA charterholder. I formerly worked as an economist for Canada's Ministry of Finance.

I am often contrarian simply because I believe such a stance helps ensure neutrality, a Wikipedia "pillar." The most outrageous violation of this principle occurred on January 18, 2012, when the entire website was shut down so that a political message could be broadcast to the world, a message that was crafted by a tiny group of Wikimedia Foundation (WMF) staff and that violated a legion of longstanding Wikipedia policies that ranged from WP:Identifying_reliable_sources to WP:Wikipedia is not here to tell the world about your noble cause to, most obviously, WP:Do not disrupt Wikipedia to illustrate a point. Exaggeration on the part of WMF staff about the impact of proposed US legislation on Wikipedia served to incite an editing community that, by virtue of its libertarian lean, was easily incitable by overblown warnings of "censorship." I wrote a lengthy blogpost about this sorry affair on my blog at bdell.ca

I was a candidate for the Wildrose Alliance in the Edmonton area during the 2008 Alberta provincial election, supporting as I did the party's 2008 platform calling for corporate tax cuts and a shift in priorities from spending to saving.

If involved in a content dispute I endeavour to pay close attention to what I consider to be the distinction between the argument and the arguer but when I am coming down like a ton of bricks on the argument I understand that I shouldn't expect the argument's owner or originator to send me admiring notes that salute the intensity with which I run at what I consider to be their faulty logic. My character faults are many but there's a balance between aspiring to be a better person and accepting yourself for the type that you are, cognizant of the fact that the world needs both hard-headed types and bleeding hearts.

Although everyone knows that Wikipedia is not about winning, people involved in a dispute instinctively know when they have "won a point" and this becomes a problem when they decide to humiliate the "loser" by seizing upon the point and throwing it before any and all "arbitrators" they can find. The arbitrators typically don't perceive this background dynamic and accordingly just agree with the litigant, imposing some (ultimately ineffectual) discipline on the "loser" to the great satisfaction of the "winner." I consider the people who wait with bated breath for a violation of RRR or similar infractions to be in this category. Yes there are laws around here as in life in general, but in most things respect for the principle of the law is more important than heeding the letter of the law.

Here's a few quotes that I've found to be food for thought:

title: User:Bdell555


text:
Lightwater

Lightwater is a village in the Surrey Heath district of Surrey, England, about 27 mi southwest of central London. Immediately surrounding towns and villages include Bagshot, Deepcut, Windlesham, Camberley, and West End, Woking. It is bounded to the north-west by the M3 motorway and to the north-east by the "Lightwater Bypass" (A322). To the south-east it is bounded by the "Red Road" (B311), while to the south-west there are vehicle-testing tracks owned by the Ministry of Defence.

The village is adjacent to junction 3 of the M3 motorway. The nearest railway station is at Bagshot, on the line between Ascot and Aldershot. Lightwater is part of the civil parish of Windlesham, which has a population of 17,000 and also includes the neighbouring village of Bagshot.

Development
Prior to development, the natural vegetation was part of the Surrey heathland as seen in Bagshot and Chobham Common. The region has been inhabited since pre-historic times with tumuli in the heathland to the south of the village.

In modern times, Lightwater grew as a place with holiday homes in a chalet style for people living in London. Since 1960 it has grown rapidly, with housing estates proliferating in the area just north of Red Road and the military ranges around Greyspot.

Facilities
The town has full medical facilities and veterinary surgery, a library, pubs, a post office, a range of shops and a petrol station.

Transport
Despite Lightwater being larger in size, the nearest railway station is at Bagshot. This reflects the fact that Bagshot used to be a more important town as a staging post on journeys from London to Southampton and the West Country. Lightwater has grown in size as a dormitory settlement in recent times. In the adjacent 1890s map of the area, Bagshot is a notable town while Lightwater is noted as just a farm.

Lightwater Country Park
Lightwater has its own country park, with some 100 acre of heathland, complete with "nature trail", together with a leisure centre and visitors centre. The park has a view point, called High Curley, which gives views of about 250 degrees. From this point Bracknell, Ascot Racecourse, the London skyline and Bagshot Park can be seen to the west of the M3.

Sport
The local senior rugby club is Lightwater Rugby Club.

The largest local junior badminton club, Swifts, is accredited as a Badminton England Premier Club and is based at Lightwater Leisure Centre.

title: Lightwater


text: Category:World Championship Wrestling teams and stables


text: User talk:Ollie McAllister

title: User talk:Ollie McAllister


text: Category:Jim Crockett Promotions teams and stables


text:
Coorow, Western Australia

Coorow is a town in the Mid West region of Western Australia, 264 km north of Perth.

History
The townsite of Coorow was gazetted in 1893. Its name is derived from the Aboriginal name of a nearby spring, first recorded in 1872. The meaning of the name may be from the word "Curro", which is the Aboriginal word for a variety of Portulaca; another source gives it as "many mists".

The town experienced some flooding in 1918 following a deluge of 2.53 in of rain overnight. The Moore River broke its banks and caused much more severe flooding downstream at Moora. After rapid growth through the early 1920s local settlers began to seek obtaining a hotel licence for the town in 1927. The licence was granted in 1929 to Alexander Gloster who put forward a tender of £1,750, and submitted his plans for approval.

The hotel was erected at a cost of £13,000 and constructed of cement blocks and brick. The two storey building held fifteen rooms for accommodation on the top floor and more accommodation along with a kitchen, bar, commercial room, saloon and laundry on the ground floor. The building was sewered, with hot and cold water to all rooms, and had an electrical plant installed.

In 1932 the Wheat Pool of Western Australia announced that the town would have two grain elevators, each fitted with an engine, installed at the railway siding.

The town was flooded in 1932 following torrential rains in the area. The town was left under water for at least a day but the water flowed rapidly away down the Moore River. It was feared at one point that the town dam would burst from the pressure. Roads were cut from washaways and the streets and flooded buildings were left deep in mud with some stock losses, mostly sheep, being reported.

title: Coorow, Western Australia


text:
User talk:Skipbaird

Cubit is the name for any one of many units of measure used by various ancient peoples, based on the distance between the tip of the middle finger and the elbow on an average person or a similar forearm-based measurement. This definition was often made more specific when a cubit-using culture adopted more standardized measurements. Some cubits are still used today, especially for religious purposes (such as in Judaism).

The cubit is among the first recorded units of length used by an ancient people. From around 1950 BC, the copper bar cubit of Nippur defines the Sumerian cubit as 517.2 mm (20.36 inches) and is the earliest known length standard.

While no standard rule exists from Old Kingdom Egypt, it has been securely estabished from surviving architectural evidence that a standard measure was employed as early as c. 2750 BC at Saqqara. From the evidence this is widely accepted to have been 523.5 to 524 mm (20.61 to 20.63 in) in length, and was subdivided into 7 palms of 4 digits, giving a 28 part measure in total. A shorter rule of 6 palms may also have been employed, but based on the same 7 part standard. The basic length was probably originally based on the length of the forearm from the elbow to the middle finger tip. Standard Egyptian cubits survive from later dynasties.

Many other cultures used cubits as well. Persian cubits were 52–64 cm (20–25 in), the Greek πεχυα (pechua) was some 47.4 cm (18.7 in), the Roman cubitus was 44.46 cm (17.50 in), the Arabic arsh 48–64 cm (19–28 in), and the אַמָּה (ama) used for Jewish religious purposes today is considered to be some 46–61 cm (18–24 in). The cubit of King Gudea of Lagash (an ancient Mesopotamian city-state) was 495 mm (19½ inches). In Izapa, a Precolumbian Mesoamerican city, the measuring unit was also equivalent to 495 mm. This may be coincidence or an indication of diffusion from Mesopotamia from Mesoamerica. In ancient Israel during the First Temple period, the cubit was 428 mm. During the Second Temple period, a cubit of 445 mm was in general use, but in the sacred areas of the temple a special cubit of 437 mm was used instead. (See Biblical Archaeology Review, March-April 1983, and Newsletter and Proceedings of the Society for Early Historical Archaeology, issue 159.)

title: User talk:Skipbaird