text:
Magna Science Adventure Centre

The Magna Science Adventure Centre is an educational visitor attraction, appealing primarily to children, located in the former Templeborough steelworks in Rotherham, South Yorkshire, England.

Location
The site used to be home to the Steel, Peech and Tozer steelworks (also known as Steelos). In 50 AD it was the site of the Templeborough Roman fort.

The principal exhibits are divided into four pavilions: Earth, Air, Fire, and Water. There is also an outdoor Sci-Tek play area, and Aqua-Tek water play area.

The 1/3 mile long site is often used for staging events, conferences and performances. It won the Enjoy England Gold Award for Business Tourism in 2006.

Development
The development, funding and building process was led by Stephen Feber, who selected the design team, led by architects WilkinsonEyre and exhibition designers Event Communications. Tim Caulton directed exhibition development. Magna's exhibitions won the Best Exhibition category at the 2002 Design Week Awards. The Centre won the 2001 RIBA Stirling Prize for its architects Wilkinson Eyre Architects, Mott MacDonald and Buro Happold's use of space in the old steelworks.

The Big Melt

Every hour, Magna holds a display called "The Big Melt". Its purpose is to demonstrate how steel was made in an electric arc furnace until the steelworks closed in 1993. A furnace is imitated with fog, spark, flame and smoke machines, loudspeakers, lights, and blasts of rapidly burning propane which are ignited at appropriate points in the show. The show can be repeated up to four times an hour, but, in practice, it is usually run once an hour or twice an hour if visitor numbers are very high.

Real Ale Festival
Since 2011, the centre has been home to the annual Rotherham Real Ale and Music Festival. The festival was previously held at Oakwood Technology College. Money raised from the festival is donated to local charities.

title: Magna Science Adventure Centre


text:
User talk:Sukiari

Welcome!

Hello,, and welcome to Wikipedia. Thank you for your contributions. I hope you like the place and decide to stay. Here are a few good links for newcomers: I hope you enjoy editing here and being a Wikipedian! By the way, please be sure to sign your name on talk pages using four tildes (~~~~) to produce your name and the current date, or three tildes (~~~) for just your name. If you have any questions, you can post to the help desk or ask me on my talk page. Again, welcome! Shimgray 23:00, 21 August 2005 (UTC)
 * The five pillars of Wikipedia
 * How to edit a page
 * Help pages
 * Tutorial
 * How to write a great article
 * Manual of Style

Thanks!
I have read a lot of the articles, but haven't contributed that much yet. I have a few ideas in mind, especially for camera and photography related articles. I hope I don't screw anything up! :-)

Sukiari 07:37, 22 August 2005 (UTC)

Moved from userpage
Sockpuppet? What are you talking about? Are you asking me if im an Internet sock puppet? Because I ain't. I'm not the one reverting your edits on the North Korea page. Pierpontpaul2351 21:15, 22 September 2005 (UTC)
 * moved from userpage. ∞ Who ? ¿ ?  04:44, 22 September 2005 (UTC)

Moved your request for rename Category:Japanese World War II people
I have moved your rename request of Category:Japanese World War II people from Requested moves to Categories for deletion, as that is the proper place to request renames of categories. —jiy (talk) 23:03, 12 November 2005 (UTC)

Faraz anwar article
You are correct, in that the previous content was mostly a bunch of hooey, and that I didn't read through the entire thing to get a full sense of the context - I apologize for the confusion. I am generally wary of edits that remove very large sections of existing text without providing an edit summary, which was the reasoning for my revert. And while I didn't mention anything on the talk page, I did mention it in my own edit summary; my only concern was that such a large portion of text was removed with justification. Cheers. --P e ruvianLlama(spit) 00:49, 31 January 2006 (UTC)

No sweat. All the old information remains in the revert history, so anybody who would like to comb through that tripe and extract the few bits of useful information is welcome to do so.

Thanks for responding. Sukiari 01:05, 31 January 2006 (UTC)

Your AfD nomination
Step 1 for How to list pages for deletion states:

Please include the word "AfD" in the edit summary and please do not mark the edit as minor.

Remember that when making future nominations. Royboycrashfan 07:29, 3 February 2006 (UTC)

Northwoods
There's nothing in the document cited about flying a passenger jet into a tall building. What's your source? Tom Harrison Talk 02:36, 10 May 2006 (UTC)

Fuzzy Zoeller
Please do not add your personal opinions to talk pages. It is a violation of WP:BLP and WP:NPA. Thanks! Jokestress 04:36, 23 February 2007 (UTC)

What are you implying?
That The Protocols of the Elders of Zion may be not a hoax/forgery? Is there any serious reliable source backing up your claims  ? Please see WP:UNDUE. ←Humus sapiens ну? 05:49, 19 April 2007 (UTC)

 * What the original 'protocols' which the printed versions descend from are you talking about? A number of authoritative investigations in the course of the last 100 years proved beyond any reasonable doubt that the text is a "literary forgery", "hoax", "plagiarism" and "fraud". Your wording "widely regarded as" suggests that there is a real possibility that the Protocols is a factual document. Please review our policies concerning original research, undue weight and verifiability. ←Humus sapiens ну? 20:51, 19 April 2007 (UTC)

you asked the question
"Are you really a Legend?" The correct answer is YES. Lugnuts 07:48, 12 August 2007 (UTC)

Lens materials
I'd love to see a good bit on exotic lens materials, but it needs to be sourced. I'm wondering what basis you are using for the materials you are listing; if you'll point it out, I'll be happy to edit up the reference. Is there something relevant in the Italian doc? Looks like, but it's hard to tell if it supports what it's attached to. Dicklyon 03:43, 4 November 2007 (UTC)

Articles_for_deletion/Uglor
You appeared to have nominated Uglor for deletion and added a link to Articles for deletion/Log/2007 November 20, but didn't actually open a deletion debate. I hope I haven't been too bold in correcting your mistake. Next time follow the directions on the AFD template. I will also reiterate a previous point on this page, to include "AFD" in your edit summary when placing on a page. shoy (words words) 16:16, 20 November 2007 (UTC)

Your user page
Please be aware that the material you have recently added to your userpage about Durova and the secret mailing list might bring unwanted attention to you and bring accusations, which I am not making, of harassment. I would recommend that you remove it to avoid trouble. Stifle (talk) 10:37, 4 December 2007 (UTC)

I am aware of this possibility. If indeed I am subjected to harassment because I have publicly disapproved of these dishonorable and gestapoesque tactics then I will probably have to start editing the WP anonymously, or write the project off altogether as a lost cause.

Sukiari 10:44, 4 December 2007 (UTC)

 * hmmm, I don't know you or what you stand for, but good for you! This atmosphere of wikichill is really awful, and just more fodder for the press. Stifle (apt name), how will you feel if the next story includes people running around warning people to shut up or be banned? Do you think that will help Wikipedia? I'm not meaning this personally, but you really need to consider this. It doesn't look good, at least to me. sNkrSnee |  ¿qué?  05:30, 6 December 2007 (UTC)

 * Arbcom might as well stand for Arbitrary Coordinated Maneuvering. Sukiari (talk) 06:56, 6 December 2007 (UTC)

Please refrain from using loaded terminology such as Gestapo. The only effect of that language is to poison discussion. If you want to discuss the Durova matter, do so with civility. — Carl (CBM · talk) 13:35, 6 December 2007 (UTC)

Good tip Carl. I wonder if anybody on the secret list ever used offensive terminology? I guess we'll never know, as there are claims that there is no archive of the list (although I know this to be false). Sukiari 21:57, 6 December 2007 (UTC)

Secret ArbCom list
Hi - I saw your post vote against Raul654 about that. What is it? -- David  Shankbone  01:07, 7 December 2007 (UTC)

Hi Sukiari. In response to your oppose of Raul654, I think you're confusing two different mailing lists. Raul founded the arbcom-l list, a list that, while private, is accountable, has a known list of members (see Arbitration Committee), and is not at all a secret. I don't think he had anything to do with the cyberstalking mailing list you're concerned about, and there's a big difference between the two. Hope that helps. Picaroon (t) 01:56, 7 December 2007 (UTC)

Tragic
I happened upon your note on BillCJ's talk page, and wanted to let you know that edit-warring will not help you get your way. Please do not threaten one, or engage in one. If you have a legitimate problem, bring it to the wider community, but saying "I can revert more than you" is no way to win an argument. --Golbez (talk) 03:28, 12 March 2008 (UTC)
 * My own opinion is irrelevant. My problem was only with the tactics you were threatening to use. --Golbez (talk) 15:02, 12 March 2008 (UTC)
 * My opinion is that editwarring gets nowhere, as does threatening it. Discuss first, instead of having some contest over who has more free time. --Golbez (talk) 22:15, 12 March 2008 (UTC)
 * Discussion. That's always the option. If that goes nowhere, then there are other avenues; see WP:DR. --Golbez (talk) 22:36, 12 March 2008 (UTC)

Poor form
I appreciate your right to "defend" articles but it appears to be very poor form to accept and continue to promenade a barnstar on your user page from a user who has "rewarded" you for being uncivil on that articles talk page.-- VS talk 22:30, 9 April 2008 (UTC)

Image source problem with Image:MaxHeadroom copy.svg
Thanks for uploading Image:MaxHeadroom copy.svg. I noticed that the file's description page currently doesn't specify who created the content, so the copyright status is unclear. If you did not create this file yourself, you will need to specify the owner of the copyright. If you obtained it from a website, then a link to the website from which it was taken, together with a restatement of that website's terms of use of its content, is usually sufficient information. However, if the copyright holder is different from the website's publisher, their copyright should also be acknowledged.

As well as adding the source, please add a proper copyright licensing tag if the file doesn't have one already. If you created/took the picture, audio, or video then the GFDL-self tag can be used to release it under the GFDL. If you believe the media meets the criteria at Non-free content, use a tag such as or one of the other tags listed at Image copyright tags. See Image copyright tags for the full list of copyright tags that you can use.

If you have uploaded other files, consider checking that you have specified their source and tagged them, too. You can find a list of files you have uploaded by following this link. Unsourced and untagged images may be deleted one week after they have been tagged, as described on criteria for speedy deletion. If the image is copyrighted under a non-free license (per Fair use) then the image will be deleted 48 hours after 14:35, 11 April 2008 (UTC). If you have any questions please ask them at the Media copyright questions page. Thank you. Polly (Parrot) 14:35, 11 April 2008 (UTC)

Thanks
I just wanted to say thanks for your persistence in defending the truth of the Dana Jacobson article. You are a gentleman and a scholar.--Esprit de corps (talk) 17:34, 10 May 2008 (UTC)

 * This user is a sock puppet of Seancarlin84, and has been blocked indefinitely.

Please refer to Checkuser for evidence.  Enigma  message Evidence is not proof, and many a user has been accused of being a sockpuppet just to shut them up and ban them.Sukiari (talk) 01:02, 18 June 2008 (UTC)

June 2008
Please do not attack other editors. If you continue, you will be blocked from editing Wikipedia. ''I have left a courteous message on this page previously regarding your propensity to attack the editor Enigmaman, and towards that point you are obviously continuing with such an attack when you detail that he is a troll - when in fact (as others have noted) his edits were constructive. You should cease such attacks immediately.'' -- VS talk 02:12, 18 June 2008 (UTC)

SS Montanan
Sukiari, thank you for making the effort to improve SS Montanan. Regrettably, I have had to undo your contributions. First, the consensus method of handling the possessive of a ship name is for the ship name to be in italic text and the "'s" to be in Roman (that is, non-italic) text. Because the straight quote used as an apostrophe is also used as a formatting code on Wikipedia it requires the use of the tags. Second, allide is, in fact, a real word and in its nautical sense refers to the impact of a moving ship into a stationary object, such as Montanan into the stationary pier. Collide in nautical usage is the impact of two moving objects, such as two ships, or a ship and a whale, for example. — Bellhalla (talk) 16:59, 26 August 2008 (UTC)

August 2009
Please do not delete content or templates from pages on Wikipedia without giving a valid reason for the removal in the edit summary. Your content removal does not appear constructive, and has been reverted. Please make use of the sandbox if you'd like to experiment with test edits. Thank you. Verbal chat  08:20, 11 August 2009 (UTC)

Please refrain from making unconstructive edits to Wikipedia. Your edits appear to constitute vandalism and have been reverted. If you would like to experiment, please use the sandbox. It's already been noted that your edits of this user page are unwelcome. —User:Husounde (talk)

3RR
Please be aware of WP:3RR. Even better, please actually read what you're being told about inappropriate links William M. Connolley (talk) 09:53, 24 November 2009 (UTC)

 * If what I'm told is not really of much value, expect a fair return on the investment. Sukiari (talk) 10:18, 24 November 2009 (UTC)

 * Courtesy notice: I have reported you to WP:AN3. Verbal chat  10:32, 24 November 2009 (UTC)
 * Oh I am sure I would be reported. To me the truth of the matter is important enough to risk being reported.  If you get enough people to revert the same exact stuff, while making weak arguments disputing the use of wikileaks which is a major source of high import, I'm sure you can get me in some serious trouble!  Sukiari (talk) 10:34, 24 November 2009 (UTC)
 * So do you admit you knowingly and intentionally broke 3RR? Do you intent to continue reverting? Verbal chat  10:36, 24 November 2009 (UTC)
 * I admit nothing other than trying my hardest to improve the wikipedia. So people come out of the woodwork to make the *exact* same reverts, despite cites.  I'm just one person here.  How many folks have come out of nowhere to make the exact same revert (nominally against the first cite, but also reverting the second)?  Call in the mods.  Lock the article.  Ban me for trying to keep the Wikipedia useful!  But it looks pretty bad either way.  Sukiari (talk) 10:39, 24 November 2009 (UTC)
 * Note that I try to improve the Wikipedia, and despite some of my edits being controversial to some degree, they are all in good faith. The majority of them are simple cleanup, but some attract swarms of people all of a single mind.  This seems to violate the good faith tenet of the WP.  Sukiari (talk) 10:49, 24 November 2009 (UTC)

 * I have filed an ANI report to try to resolve this immediate problem. Verbal chat

Why not take a keen interest in the truth instead? This seems like an abuse of Wikipedia's administrative process than a search for useful material.

I will be researching the links the 4 or 5 editors who all made the same reverts have to each other. Let's hope this isn't damning to the WP in general - there have been more than a few incidents like this lately. Shades of Megaphone and the Cyberstalking list. Sukiari (talk) 10:56, 24 November 2009 (UTC)
 * Wikipedia is not here to promote one editor's version of The Truth. Further, adding a link to a ZIP file on a random server is not a reliable source. We have no idea if the contents of that ZIP file have been altered, or ever were the original ZIP file. —  The Hand That Feeds You :Bite 13:04, 24 November 2009 (UTC)

The zip file is from wikileaks. Verify the IP address yourself. Sukiari (talk) 20:37, 24 November 2009 (UTC)

 * Let's be clear. You repeatedly violated the 3 revert rule despite being told to stop. What's more, the thing you were edit-warring over was a link to an undisputed copyright violation. You knowingly and repeatedly added this link which, as WP:LINKVIO makes clear, is a form of contributory infringement that puts Wikipedia at legal risk. Per Copyright violations, this is grounds for being blocked by an administrator. You were lucky not to have been permanently blocked for this episode and if there is any repeat I will ensure that you will be blocked for Wikipedia's own protection. Your behaviour was completely unacceptable and you appear to have no regrets for what you did, so I wanted to make you aware in advance of the consequences of any repeat. -- ChrisO (talk) 21:48, 24 November 2009 (UTC)
 * And who says they have the original? Face it, this is not verifiable. —  The Hand That Feeds You :Bite 23:22, 24 November 2009 (UTC)

November 2009
You have been blocked from editing for a period of 48 hours for your disruption caused by edit warring and violation of the three-revert rule at Climatic Research Unit e-mail hacking incident. During a dispute, you should first try to discuss controversial changes and seek consensus. If that proves unsuccessful you are encouraged to seek dispute resolution, and in some cases it may be appropriate to request page protection. If you believe this block is unjustified, you may contest the block by adding the text below, but you should read our guide to appealing blocks first. NW ( Talk ) 10:50, 24 November 2009 (UTC)
 * As an aside, each of these folks come in, and revert twice, then desist. So, I am only reverting twice at the most. for each revert of my revert.  My question is, how many people will come revert my reverts of another person't revert?  Note that in the talk page there are attempts to deliberately paint my cites as bad faith, where this is absolutely not true and it becomes obvious if one reads the citations.  Sukiari (talk) 10:53, 24 November 2009 (UTC)
 * That would be two times the number of people, and if there is more than one person that leads to more than three reverts. Have a look at the 3RR. Verbal chat  10:58, 24 November 2009 (UTC)

 * As another aside, they are mostly Germans. What's up with that?  Sukiari (talk) 10:59, 24 November 2009 (UTC)

Sukiari (talk) 11:10, 24 November 2009 (UTC)

Minor edits
This year you have marked all of your edits as minor edits, when they clearly do not meet the criteria. Please read HELP:Minor edit or better yet, just don't mark any of your edits as minor. Thank you. Dougweller (talk) 05:59, 30 November 2010 (UTC)

Notification: changes to "Mark my edits as minor by default" preference
Hello there. This is an automated message to tell you about the gradual phasing out of the preference entitled "Mark all edits minor by default", which you currently have (or very recently had) enabled.

On 13 March 2011, this preference was hidden from the user preferences screen as part of efforts to prevent its accidental misuse (consensus discussion). This had the effect of locking users in to their existing preference, which, in your case, was. To complete the process, your preference will automatically be changed to  in the next few days. This does not require any intervention on your part and you will still be able to manually mark your edits as being minor in the usual way.

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Thank you for your understanding and happy editing :) Editing on behalf of User:Jarry1250, LivingBot (talk) 19:40, 15 March 2011 (UTC)

January 2013
Hello, I'm Mutt Lunker. I wanted to let you know that I undid one or more of your recent contributions to Sausage because it didn't appear constructive. If you think I made a mistake, or if you have any questions, you can leave me a message on my talk page. Thanks! Mutt Lunker (talk) 23:07, 22 January 2013 (UTC)

Agree but don't dispair!
I agree with your main page comment, but don't despair!

I saw your comment here back in 2009 and had to comment and ask whether you think I did a good enough job on the article? Mabuska (talk) 18:41, 23 July 2013 (UTC)

ArbCom elections are now open!
MediaWiki message delivery (talk) 12:52, 23 November 2015 (UTC)

Is it still 1984-esque?
2019 now Husounde (talk) 17:30, 17 September 2019 (UTC)

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: User talk:Sukiari


text:
Talk:Whitehall Street–South Ferry (BMT Broadway Line)

Untitled
I'm guessing that this is something to do with public transit in New York, but it doesn't really give any explanatory context. (Silverhelm 23:00, 21 August 2005 (UTC))

A note on the station opening date
The infobox gives the opening date as September 20, 1918. This is the date given (without explanation) at nycsubway.org. While this sufficies for Wikipedia's citation requirements, I thought it would be worth further investigation.

On January 1, 1918, The New York Times wrote that "Trains from Whitehall Street to Times Square" would begin running in a few days. On January 5, 1918, the new section of the subway opened, but an article the next day stated that Rector Street was the last stop. It is most peculiar that if the line was curtailed at the last moment, no explanation was given. Several other Times articles in the ensuing weeks confirm that this wasn't an error, and Rector Street was indeed the southernmost station open to passengers. However, trains must have relayed at Whitehall Street, as Rector clearly wasn't designed to turn trains.

On January 14, 1919, the Times published a retrospective of the preceding year's subway construction, and it referred to "the Broadway subway...from Times Square to Whitehall Street," so it seems the Whitehall Street station was open by then. An article on November 16, 1919 refers to the opening of the "lower end of the B. R. T. Broadway subway station at Whitehall Street," implying that the other end had already been open previously.

I tried many combination of archive searches, but I could not find a Times article that noted the opening of Whitehall Street station. The subways received extensive news coverage in those days, so it is surprising that the opening of a new station wasn't considered newsworthy. The evidence, however, certainly does not contradict the September 20 date cited on nycsubway.org. Marc Shepherd 18:08, 7 June 2007 (UTC)


text:
Ebersdorf bei Coburg

Ebersdorf bei Coburg is a municipality in the district of Coburg in Bavaria in Germany.

Location
Ebersdorf lies on the upper course of the river Füllbach, a tributary of the Itz, and at the northern edge of the Lichtenfels Forest (Lichtenfelser Forst).

Subdivisions
Ebersdorf is divided into 6 Ortsteile:
 * Ebersdorf
 * Friesendorf
 * Frohnlach
 * Großgarnstadt
 * Kleingarnstadt
 * Oberfüllbach

Transport
Ebersdorf can be reached by car via motorway A 73 Suhl-Coburg-Nuremberg. Ebersdorf has a station at Eisenach–Lichtenfels railway. The Steinach Valley Railway from Ebersdorf to Neustadt bei Coburg has first been disrupted by the Inner German Border and was later lifted in 2000.

title: Ebersdorf bei Coburg


text:
The Barbarians (band)

The Barbarians was an American garage rock band formed in Cape Cod, Massachusetts, that was active from 1964 to 1967. They are known for their 1965 hit song "Are You a Boy or Are You a Girl", and their album of the same name.

History
The Barbarians were formed in the summer of 1964 in Provincetown, Massachusetts, by original members Victor "Moulty" Moulton, Bruce Benson, Ronnie Enos, and Jerry Causi. Victor Moulton was born on February 24, 1945, in Provincetown, Massachusetts. The band was quickly assembled by Moulton, who had agreed to do a gig at The Rumpus Room, an ex-jazz club where his cousin worked. After packing the house for their opening performance, they were asked to come back numerous times throughout the season. By the end of the summer, record companies had heard about them and they were taken to New York to start their careers. While their first single, "Hey Little Bird" produced by Al Ham (on Joy Records (New York)) was unsuccessful, two of their next three singles (on Laurie) charted on Billboard, (with "Are You a Boy or Are You a Girl?," peaking at No. 55) and also made the Cash Box charts. "Are You a Boy" was produced by Doug Morris, who went on to head Universal Music Group.

They received their biggest break when featured on The T.A.M.I. Show (performing "Hey Little Bird") alongside other artists such as The Rolling Stones, The Supremes, Lesley Gore, Chuck Berry, James Brown & The Famous Flames, The Miracles, and Marvin Gaye. Their "pirates on the beach" look—leather sandals, open necked/bloused sleeved shirts (sometimes a vest as well), black jeans, longer-than-usual hair—was distinctive, topped by the sight of drummer Moulton's hook-shaped prosthetic left hand, which he would use to hold his left drumstick during performances. Having lost the hand in an explosion when he was fourteen, Moulton had enabled his drumming by modifying the prosthesis to hold a drumstick. At the height of their popularity, the band was touted as an American counterpart of The Rolling Stones.

During their tenure, the Barbarians produced two nationally charting hits, including the novelty single, "Are You a Boy or Are You a Girl?". A later, minor hit, entitled "Moulty", was a humorous and melodramatic autobiographical song chronicling the drummer's life and the loss of his hand. Moulton sang lead on the track, but instead of the original members, he was backed by New York session musicians including members of Levon & the Hawks, later to be known as The Band. Although it barely scraped the Billboard charts, the song would gain a cult following when it was included on Lenny Kaye's Nuggets compilation in 1972.

In 1965, Boston guitarist Geoffrey Morris replaced Ronnie Enos on lead guitar, providing the arrangement of "Are You a Boy or Are You a Girl?," a song parodying the trend towards long hair popularized by British Invasion rock acts, such as the Beatles and the Rolling Stones, which was regarded at the time by parents as a bad influence on young males. The song would be released as a single in 1966. In 1967, Benson, Morris, and Causi left The Barbarians to form Black Pearl. One year later, having become a version of the group incorporating Denny Romans aka Demian Bell (from Maypole) as the lead guitarist and lead singer, and Walter Parks as Bass player, the Barbarians disbanded. They had evolved to combine martial arts and music by rigorously rehearsing nearly every day at a Karate dojo owned by Moulton's brother-in-law. They briefly re-formed in 1973 to cut an album under a different lineup.

The Ramones' song, "Do You Remember Rock 'n' Roll Radio?," which appears as the opening cut on their End of the Century album, includes "Moulty" in the litany of rock and roll figures and institutions name-dropped in its lyrics.

Members

 * Ronnie Enos - guitar (1964-1965)
 * Bruce Benson - guitar (1964-1967)
 * Geoffrey Morris - guitar (1965-1967)
 * Jerry Causi - vocals, bass guitar (1964-1967)
 * Victor "Moulty" Moulton - drums (1964-1967)

Discography

 * "Hey Little Bird" b/w "You've Got to Understand": Joy J-290 (1964)
 * "Are You a Boy or Are You a Girl": Laurie L-3308 (1965)
 * "What the New Breed Say" b/w "Susie-Q": Laurie LR 3321 (1965)
 * "Moulty" b/w "I'll Keep on Seeing You": Laurie 3326 (1966)

Billboard

 * "Are You a Boy or Are You a Girl." Debuted on September 25, 1965, peaked at No. 55, stayed on charts 6 weeks
 * "What the New Breed Say." Debuted on Bubbling Under charts on November 20, 1965, peaked at No. 102, stayed on Bubbling under charts 6 weeks. Did not proceed to Hot 100 Chart.
 * "Moulty." Debuted on February 26, 1966, peaked at No. 90, stayed on charts 4 weeks.

Cash Box

 * "Are You a Boy Or Are You a Girl." Debuted on September 18, 1965, peaked at No. 62, and stayed on the charts for 7 weeks.
 * "Moulty." Debuted on March 5, 1966, peaked at No. 97, stayed on charts 1 week.

title: The Barbarians (band)


text:
WKKV-FM

WKKV-FM (100.7 MHz), also known as V-100.7, is an urban contemporary radio station owned by iHeartMedia, Inc. serving the Milwaukee area. The station broadcasts with an ERP of 50 kW and is licensed to Racine, Wisconsin. Its studios are located in the Milwaukee suburb of Greenfield.

The playlist of V-100.7 consists of primarily current hip-hop and R&B as well as some older Hip Hop and R&B from the 2010s.

At 50,000 watts, WKKV's signal is one of the strongest in the area, and can travel over Lake Michigan into the state of Michigan. V-100.7 can be heard reliably as far west as Madison, north to Sheboygan, south into the Chicago suburbs, and beyond depending on conditions. Due to its tower lying in close proximity to the open waters of Lake Michigan, both its analog signal can periodically travel with local quality in excess of 120 miles to the east along the Michigan shoreline without interference, this is most common in the summer months when warm air temperatures and the cool lake waters create favorable conditions for tropospheric propagation.

History
The original call letters were WRJN-FM, shared with its then-sister station. WRJN-FM began broadcasting August 26, 1948. It was licensed to Racine Broadcasting Corporation and owned by the publishers of the Racine Journal Times.

In early 1969, the owner of another Racine station, WRAC, purchased WRJN-FM for $60,000. A few months after the sale, the station became WRAC-FM.

In December 1970, WRAC-FM flipped to a rock-based Top 40 format with the WRKR call sign, primarily targeting Racine, Kenosha and the southern part of Milwaukee County. They were known at various times as "The Rocker 100 FM", "Hot 100" and "Hitradio 100". WRKR gradually started targeting the whole Milwaukee market. At one time, WRKR was the Milwaukee-area affiliate of American Top 40 (which was also later carried by then-rival WKTI after it added the show in 1982).

Due to heavy Top 40 competition, WRKR began adding light R&B music around 1986, and for less than a year were called "Heartbeat 101" (WHBT-FM). WHBT-FM was the first "rhythmic adult contemporary" station in the country, 10 years before pioneer WAMG-FM flipped to the format. The WRKR call sign was reassigned by the FCC to a station in Kalamazoo, Michigan, about that time, where it remains today.

In September 1987, the station became new-age music-formatted WBZN-FM (Breezin' 100.7). The station flipped to urban contemporary on June 6, 1991, becoming WKKV-FM (V-100 FM).

After many years, the "Doug Banks Morning Show" ended in December 2007, and the station replaced him with Steve Harvey. After six years, Harvey was dropped in August 2013, and WKKV-FM became a charter affiliate of the New York-based Breakfast Club distributed in-house by iHeartRadio.

WKKV was home to the annual "Jam 4 Peace" concert for several years. The concert series caused political attention and action in the City of Milwaukee.

Slower R&B and classic soul was aired as part of a late night Quiet Storm block on weeknights during the 90s and 2000s.

WKKV DJs holds significant influence in the greater radio market. Bailey Coleman was a senior VP of Programming for iHeartMedia. Her show aired during the midday 10:00 a.m. to 2:00 p.m. time slot. Reggie Brown currently serves as the station's Program Director and has worked at the station for more than 20 years.

HD Radio
On April 25, 2006, Clear Channel announced that WKKV's HD2 subchannel will carry a format focusing on gospel music. In the summer of 2009, the "Hallelujah" format was replaced by "All My Jams," an Adult Urban Contemporary format available through Clear Channel's iHeartRadio smartphone application.

On December 15, 2011, Clear Channel began airing the progressive talk programming of WXXM (92.1) from Sun Prairie/Madison on WKKV's HD3 subchannel, giving the Milwaukee market its first station in the format, albeit with no programming originating locally from Milwaukee. After WXXM ended that format in November 2016, WKKV-HD2 began to serve as an FM HD repeater of sports station WOKY (920). It again switched on November 30, 2018, with a move to soft adult contemporary, branded as "The Breeze"; the move of WOKY's local sports programming to WRNW's analog FM/HD1 subchannel made it all but redundant.

As of June 2023, WKKV does not broadcast a HD2 station. The station only broadcasts a HD1 simulcast of the primary station.

title: WKKV-FM


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Sex Discrimination Act

The Sex Discrimination Act may refer to:

 * Sex Discrimination Act 1975, in the UK
 * Sex Discrimination (Election Candidates) Act 2002, in the UK
 * Sex Discrimination Act 1984, in Australia
 * The Sex Disqualification (Removal) Act 1919 in the United Kingdom.

title: Sex Discrimination Act


text:
Royal Unibrew

Royal Unibrew is a brewing and beverage company headquartered in Faxe, Denmark. Its brands include Ceres, Faxe, Albani, Thor, Karlens and Royal. Royal Unibrew also has a strong presence in the Baltic region, where it owns Vilniaus Tauras, Kalnapilis (both in Lithuania), and Lāčplēša Alus (in Latvia). As of 2018 it owns the brewery in France that produces the Lorina soft drink brand. It also brews and markets Heineken and Pepsi in Denmark.

History
The company was founded in 1989 through the merger of the breweries Faxe, Ceres and Thor under the name Bryggerigruppen. Odense-based Albani merged with the company in 2000. In 2005, the name of the company was changed to Royal Unibrew.

Denmark
Royal Unibrew is the second largest beer company in Denmark with a market share of about 25%.

Baltic countries and Poland
Royal Unibrew acquired Lithuanian breweries Vilniaus Tauras and Kalnapilis in 2001 and a controlling interest in Latvian brewery Lāčplēša Alus in 2004. The company also owns the Latvian soft drink company Cido and Tanker Brewery in Estonia.

Royal Unibrew entered the Polish beer market with the acquisition of Browary Polskie Brok-Strzelec S.A. in April 2005. It was followed by the acquisition of Browar Łomża in 2007. In December 2010, Van Pur Breweries bought the Polish branch of the Danish Royal Unibrew group. In exchange, Royal Unibrew received 20% of shares of Van Pur in Poland with Van Pur retaining buyers options of the shares. In 2011 Van Pur, owned five breweries with the total production capacity of 4 million hectolitre of beer annually. October 15, 2012 Van Pur exercised its buyers option on the 20% shares previously held by Royal Unibrew for 111 PLN.

France
In 2018 the soft drink brewery that produces the brand Lorina was acquired.

Royal Brand
The largest brand of Unibrew is Royal. It is based on Ceres' Ceres Royal Export and Faxe's Faxe Pilsner/Classic. Royal Export was also brewed by the other breweries in the group, but later the Pilsner and Classic were added to make a complete family of beer as is traditional in Denmark.

title: Royal Unibrew


text: User:Peacenick

title: User:Peacenick


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Mary Jo Slater

Mary Jo Slater (née Lawton; born April 19, 1946) is an American casting director and producer for film, television and theatre. She has over 100 movie credits to her name.

Slater was born in Trenton, New Jersey, the daughter of Anna Mae (Sweeny) and Leonard Joseph Lawton. She was a production assistant for Mark Twain Tonight! and had her first casting role for the 1977 Broadway revival of Hair. She went on to cast five more theatre productions before moving into film and television.

As a casting director, Slater has been nominated six times for the Primetime Emmy Award for Outstanding Casting for a Drama Series, including three nominations for The Tudors.

She was married to actor Michael Hawkins (né Thomas Knight Slater) and with him had one son, actor Christian Slater. She is also the mother of actor Ryan Slater by her second husband, builder Jeffrey Wilson.

title: Mary Jo Slater


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Cumulina

Cumulina (October 3, 1997 - May 5, 2000), a mouse, was the first animal cloned from adult cells that survived to adulthood. She was cloned using the Honolulu technique developed by "Team Yana", the Ryuzo Yanagimachi research group at the former campus of the John A. Burns School of Medicine located at the University of Hawai'i at Mānoa. Cumulina was a brown Mus musculus or common house mouse. She was named after the cumulus cells surrounding the developing oocyte in the ovarian follicle in mice. Nuclei from these cells were put into egg cell devoid of their original nuclei in the Honolulu cloning technique. All other mice produced by the Yanagimachi lab are just known by a number.

Cumulina was able to produce two healthy litters. She was retired after the second.

Cumulina's preserved remains can be visited at the Institute for Biogenesis Research, a part of the John A. Burns School of Medicine laboratory, in Honolulu, Hawaii.

Some of her descendants have been displayed at the Bishop Museum and the Museum of Science and Industry in Chicago, Illinois.

title: Cumulina


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Famine in India

Famine had been a recurrent feature of life in the South Asian subcontinent countries of India and Bangladesh, most notoriously under British rule. Famines in India resulted in millions of deaths over the course of the 18th, 19th, and early 20th centuries. Famines in British India were severe enough to have a substantial impact on the long-term population growth of the country in the 19th and early 20th centuries.

Indian agriculture is heavily dependent on climate: a favorable southwest summer monsoon is critical in securing water for irrigating crops. Droughts, combined with policy failures, have periodically led to major Indian famines, including the Bengal famine of 1770, the Chalisa famine, the Doji bara famine, the Great Famine of 1876–1878, and the Bengal famine of 1943. Some commentators have identified British government inaction as a contributing factor to the severity of famines during the time India was under British rule. Famine largely ended by the start of the 20th century with the 1943 Bengal famine being an exception related to complications during World War II. In India, traditionally, agricultural laborers and rural artisans have been the primary victims of famines. In the worst famines, cultivators have also been susceptible.

Railroads built for the commercial goal of exporting food grains and other agricultural commodities only served to exacerbate economic conditions in times of famine. However, by the 20th century, the extension of the railroad by the British helped put an end to the massive famines in times of peace. They allowed the British to expedite faster sharing of food out to the most vulnerable.

The last major famine to affect areas within the modern Republic of India was the Bengal famine of 1943. While the areas formerly part of British India, the Bangladesh famine of 1974 was the last major famine.

Ancient, medieval and pre-colonial India

One of the earliest treatises on famine relief goes back more than 2,000 years. This treatise is commonly attributed to Kautilya who was also known as Vishnugupta (Chanakya), who recommended that a good king should build new forts and water-works and share his provisions with the people, or entrust the country to another king. Historically, Indian rulers have employed several methods of famine relief. Some of these were direct, such as initiating free distribution of food grains and throwing open grain stores and kitchens to the people. Other measures were monetary policies such as remission of revenue, remission of taxes, an increase of pay to soldiers, and payment of advances. Yet other measures included the construction of public works, canals, and embankments, and sinking wells. Migration was encouraged. Kautilya advocated raiding the provisions of the rich in times of famine to "thin them by exacting excess revenue." Information on famines from ancient India up to colonial times is found in five primary sources:
 * 1) Legendary accounts passed down in oral tradition that keep alive the memory of famines
 * 2) Ancient Indian sacred literature such as the Vedas, Jataka stories, and the Arthashastra
 * 3) Stone and metal inscriptions provide information on several famines before the 16th century
 * 4) Writings of Indian historians in Mughal India
 * 5) Writings of foreigners temporarily resident in India (e.g. Ibn Battuta, Francis Xavier)

The ancient Ashokan edicts of the Mauryan age around 269 BCE record emperor Asoka's conquest of Kalinga, roughly the modern state of Odisha. The major rock and pillar edicts mention the massive human toll of about 100,000 due to the war. The edicts record that an even larger number later perished, presumably from wounds and famine. From Indian literature, there is the 7th-century famine due to failure of rains in Thanjavur district mentioned in the Periya Puranam. According to the Purana, Lord Shiva helped the Tamil saints Sambandar and Appar to provide relief from the famine. Another famine in the same district is recorded on an inscription with details such as "times becoming bad", a village being ruined, and cultivation of food being disrupted in Landing in 1054. Famines preserved only in oral tradition are the Dvadasavarsha Panjam (Twelve-year Famine) of south India and the Durga Devi Famine of the Deccan from 1396 to 1407. The primary sources for famines in this period are incomplete and locationally based. The Tughlaq Dynasty under Muhammad bin Tughluq held power during the famine centered on Delhi in 1335–1342 (which is reported to have killed thousands). Busy and faced with a difficult situation, the Tughluq couldn't properly address the famine. Pre-colonial famines in the Deccan included the Damajipant famine of 1460 and the famines starting in 1520 and 1629. The Damajipant famine is said to have caused ruin both in the northern and southern parts of the Deccan. Abd al-Qadir Badayuni claims to have witnessed cannibalism in Hindustan in a famine in 1555.

The 1629–32 famine in the Deccan and Gujarat, was one of the worst in India's history. In the first 10 months of 1631 an estimated 3 million perished in Gujarat and one million in the Deccan. Eventually, the famine killed not only the poor but the rich as well. More famines hit the Deccan in 1655, 1682 and 1884. Another famine in 1702–1704 killed over two million people. The oldest famine in Deccan with local documentation sufficiently well-preserved for analytical study is the Doji bara famine of 1791–92. Relief was provided by the ruler, the Peshwa Sawai Madhavrao II, in the form of imposing restrictions on export of grain and importing rice in large quantities from Bengal via private trading, however the evidence is often too scanty to judge the 'real efficacy of relief efforts' in the Mughal period.

According to Mushtaq A. Kaw, "Many Famines were recorded in Kashmir from the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries. The Mughals and Afghan rulers in Kashmir took Measures to fight them, but as the paper intends to show, their measures were too weak and in certain aspects were even worse than those of their predecessors. Contemporary sources point to a noticeable variation in the occurrence of famines over different years. They show that these famines took place on a great scale. We are told that great damage was caused to the standing crop when there was an unprecedented flood. For instance, the great flood of 1640–42 alone wiped out 438 villages in the region of Kashmir.

Some historians argue that Moguls took a patrimonial attitude towards the peasantry that mitigated the effects of famine. Mike Davis, for example, claims that Akbar, Shah Jahan and Aurangzeb relied on tax relief, the distribution of free food without demanding labor in return, food export embargos and price controls. Abraham Eraly, on the other hand, describes these as "token and random measures, at best palliatives." In the 1630–32 famine, for example, the emperor dispersed 100,000 rupees for famine relief, a tenth of the annual "pin-money" granted his empress Mumtaz Mahal. Imperial revenue officials and local jagir amirs each granted around 7 million rupees in tax relief.

British rule
The late 18th and 19th centuries saw an increase in the incidence of severe famine. Approximately 15 million died from 1850 to 1899 in 24 major famines; more than in any other 50-year period. These famines in British India were bad enough to have a remarkable impact on the long term population growth of the country, especially in the half-century between 1871 and 1921. The first, the Great Bengal famine of 1770, is estimated to have taken the lives of between 1 and 10 million people.

The impact of the famine caused East India Company revenues from Bengal to decline to £174,300 in 1770–71. The stock price of the East India Company fell sharply as a result. The company was forced to obtain a loan of £1 million from the Bank of England to fund the annual military budget of between £60,000–1 million. Attempts were later made to show that net revenue was unaffected by the famine, but this was possible only because the collection had been "violently kept up to its former standard". The 1901 Famine Commission found that twelve famines and four "severe scarcities" took place between 1765 and 1858.

Indian famine
In the later nineteenth century there was a series of disastrous crop failures in India leading not only to starvation but to epidemics. Most were regional, but the death toll could be huge. A major famine coincided with Lord Curzon's time as viceroy which affected large parts of India and killed at least 1 million people. "Some worst British Indian Famines: 800,000 died in the North West Provinces, Punjab, and Rajasthan in 1837–1838; perhaps 2 million in the same region in 1860–1861; nearly 1 million in different areas in 1866–67; 4.3 million in widely spread areas in 1876–1878, an additional 1.2 million in the North West Provinces and Kashmir in 1877–1878; and, worst of all, over 5 million in a famine that affected a large population of India in 1896–1897. In 1899–1900 more than 1 million were thought to have died."

Researcher Brian Murton states that the famines recorded after the arrival of the English, but before the establishment of the Indian Famine Codes of the 1880s, bear a cultural bias regarding the stated causes of the famine because they "reflect the view of a handful of Englishmen." These sources, however, contain accurate recordings of weather and crop conditions. Florence Nightingale made efforts to educate British subjects about India's famines through a series of publications in the 1870s and beyond.

Florence Nightingale pointed out that the famines in British India were not caused by the lack of food in a particular geographical area. They were instead caused by inadequate transportation of food, which in turn was caused due to the absence of a political and social structure.

Nightingale identified two types of famine: a grain famine and a "money famine". Money was drained from the peasant to the landlord, making it impossible for the peasant to procure food. Money that should have been made available to the producers of food via public works projects and jobs was instead diverted to other uses. Nightingale pointed out that money needed to combat famine was being diverted towards activities like paying for the British military effort in Afghanistan in 1878–80.

Evidence suggests that there may have been large famines in south India every forty years in pre-colonial India and that the frequency might have been higher after the 12th century. These famines still did not appear to approach the incidence of famines of the 18th and 19th centuries under British rule.

The Indian government has been actively fostering technology and innovation in agriculture. Initiatives include the promotion of farmer–producer organizations (FPOs), the development of a unified database of agricultural data sets (agristack), digital soil-health cards, direct benefit transfer in fertilizer sales, and the National Agriculture Market (eNAM). These efforts aim to support farmers by improving access to information, enhancing soil and crop management, and ensuring better prices for their produce through a transparent auction process. The ITCMAARS farming app for example, launched by ITC, aims to provide farmers with modern tools, quality inputs at reasonable prices, and finance, utilizing a partnership approach. The potential growth from agtech innovations could add $95 billion to the Indian economy and increase farmers' incomes by 25 to 35 percent.

Scholarly opinions
Economy Nobel Prize winner Amartya Sen found that the famines in the British era were not due to a lack of food but due to the inequalities in the distribution of food. He links the inequality to the undemocratic nature of the British Empire.

Mike Davis regards the famines of the 1870s and 1890s as 'Late Victorian Holocausts' in which the effects of widespread weather-induced crop failures were greatly aggravated by the negligent response of the British administration. This negative image of British rule is common in India. Davis argues that "Millions died, not outside the 'modern world system', but in the very process of being forcibly incorporated into its economic and political structures. They died in the golden age of Liberal Capitalism; indeed, many were murdered ... by the theological application of the sacred principles of Smith, Bentham and Mill." However, Davis argues that since the British Raj was authoritarian and undemocratic, these famines only occurred under a system of economic liberalism, not social liberalism.

Tirthankar Roy suggests that the famines were due to environmental factors and inherent in India's ecology. Roy argues that massive investments in agriculture were required to break India's stagnation, however, these were not forthcoming owing to the scarcity of water, poor quality of soil and livestock and a poorly developed input market which guaranteed that investments in agriculture were extremely risky. After 1947, India focused on institutional reforms to agriculture however even this failed to break the pattern of stagnation. It wasn't until the 1970s when there was massive public investment in agriculture that India became free of famine, although Roy is of the opinion that improvements in the market efficiency did contribute to the alleviation of weather-induced famines after 1900, an exception to which is the Bengal famine of 1943.

Michelle Burge McAlpin has argued that economic changes in India during the 19th century contributed towards the end of the famine. The overwhelming subsistence agriculture economy of 19th century India gave way to a more diversified economy in the 20th century, which, by offering other forms of employment, created less agricultural disruption (and, consequently, less mortality) during times of scarcity. The construction of Indian railways between 1860 and 1920, and the opportunities thereby offered for greater profit in other markets, allowed farmers to accumulate assets that could then be drawn upon during times of scarcity. By the early 20th century, many farmers in the Bombay presidency were growing a portion of their crop for export. The railways also brought in food, whenever expected scarcities began to drive up food prices. Similarly, Donald Attwood writes that by the end of the 19th century 'local food scarcities in any given district and season were increasingly smoothed out by the invisible hand of the market and that 'By 1920, large-scale institutions integrated this region into an industrial and globalizing world-ending famine and causing a rapid decline in mortality rates, hence a rise in human welfare'.

Cormac Ó Gráda writes that colonialism did not prevent famines in India, but that those famines (and others in Ireland) were "less the product of empire per se than the failure of the authorities of the day to act appropriately." He points out that the subcontinent was free of famine between the 1900s and 1943, partly due to the railway and other improved communications, "although the shift in ideology away from hard-line Malthusianism towards a focus on saving lives also mattered." He points out that, in India as elsewhere, records of famine become much more inconsistent the further one goes back in time.

Causes
The famines were a product both of uneven rainfall and British economic and administrative policies. Colonial policies implicated include rack-renting, levies for war, free trade policies, the expansion of export agriculture, and neglect of agricultural investment. Indian exports of opium, millets, rice, wheat, indigo, jute, and cotton were a key component of the economy of the British empire, generating vital foreign currency, primarily from China, and stabilising low prices in the British grain market. According to Mike Davis, export crops displaced millions of acres that could have been used for domestic subsistence and increased the vulnerability of Indians to food crises. Martin Ravallion dispute that exports were a major cause of the famine, pointing out that trade did have a stabilizing influence on India's food consumption, albeit a small one.

The Odisha famine of 1866–1867, which later spread through the Madras Presidency to Hyderabad and Mysore, was one such famine. The famine of 1866 was a severe and terrible event in the history of Odisha in which about a third of the population died. The famine left an estimated 1,553 orphans whose guardians were to receive an amount of 3 rupees per month until the age of 17 for boys and 16 for girls. Similar famines followed in the western Ganges region, Rajasthan, central India (1868–1870), Bengal and eastern India (1873–1874), Deccan (1876–78), and again in the Ganges region, Madras, Hyderabad, Mysore, and Bombay (1876–1878). The famine of 1876–1878, also known as the Great Famine of 1876–1878, caused a large migration of agricultural laborers and artisans from southern India to British tropical colonies, where they worked as indentured labourers on plantations. The large death toll—between 5.6 and 10.3 million—offset the usual population growth in the Bombay and Madras Presidencies between the first and second censuses of British India in 1871 and 1881 respectively.

The large-scale loss of life due to the series of famines between 1860 and 1877 was the cause of political controversy and discussion which led to the formation of the Indian Famine Commission. This commission would later come up with a draft version of the Indian Famine Code. It was the Great Famine of 1876–1878, however, that was the direct cause of investigations and the beginning of a process that led to the establishment of the Indian Famine code. The next major famine was the Indian famine of 1896–1897. Although this famine was preceded by a drought in the Madras Presidency, it was made more acute by the government's policy of laissez faire in the trade of grain. For example, two of the worst famine-afflicted areas in the Madras Presidency, the districts of Ganjam and Vizagapatam, continued to export grains throughout the famine. These famines were typically followed by various infectious diseases such as bubonic plague and influenza, which attacked and killed a population already weakened by starvation.

British response
The first major famine that took place under East India Company's rule was the Bengal Famine of 1770. About a quarter to a third of the population of Bengal starved to death in about a ten-month period. East India Company's raising of taxes disastrously coincided with this famine and exacerbated it, even if the famine was not caused by the British colonial government. Following this famine, "Successive British governments were anxious not to add to the burden of taxation." The rains failed again in Bengal and Odisha in 1866. Policies of laissez faire were employed, which resulted in partial alleviation of the famine in Bengal. However, the southwest Monsoon made the harbor in Odisha inaccessible. As a result, food could not be imported into Odisha as easily as Bengal. In 1865–66, a severe drought struck Odisha and was met by British official inaction. The British Secretary of State for India, Lord Salisbury, did nothing for two months, by which time a million people had died, which he later regretted.

Some prominent British citizens such as William Digby agitated for policy reforms and famine relief, but Lord Lytton, the governing British viceroy in India, opposed such changes in the belief that they would stimulate shirking by Indian workers. Reacting against calls for relief during the 1877–79 famine, Lytton replied, "Let the British public foot the bill for its 'cheap sentiment,' if it wished to save life at a cost that would bankrupt India," substantively ordering "there is to be no interference of any kind on the part of Government with the object of reducing the price of food," and instructing district officers to "discourage relief works in every possible way… Mere distress is not a sufficient reason for opening a relief work." The Lt.-Governor of Bengal, Sir Richard Temple, successfully intervened in the Bihar famine of 1874 with little to no mortality; this is the only known example of adequate measures meeting a food crisis by the British. Temple was criticized by many British officials for spending too much on famine relief.

Then in 1876, a large-scale famine broke out in Madras. Lord Lytton's administration believed that 'market forces alone would suffice to feed the starving Indians.' The Great Famine of 1876–1878 killed at least 5.6 million people, so this policy was abandoned. Lord Lytton established the Famine Insurance Grant, a system in which, in times of financial surplus, INR 1,500,000 would be applied to famine relief works. The result was that the British prematurely assumed that the problem of famine had been solved forever and future British viceroys became complacent. During the Indian famine of 1896–1897, between 1.25 and 10 million people died. About 4.5 million people were on famine relief at the peak of the famine.

Curzon has been criticised by Mike Davis for his response to the Indian famine of 1899–1900. Davis points to Curzon having stated that "any government which imperilled the financial position of India in the interests of prodigal philanthropy would be open to serious criticism; but any government which by indiscriminate alms-giving weakened the fibre and demoralized the self-reliance of the population, would be guilty of a public crime." Davis also writes that Curzon cut back rations characterized by Curzon as "dangerously high" and stiffened relief eligibility by reinstating the Temple tests.

After famine of 1899–1900, Lord Curzon appointed a commission under the leadership of Anthony McDonnel, which suggested that:
 * By acknowledging moral responsibility, the government should launch relief measures,
 * The code on famine should be revised,
 * There should be no delay in providing food grains and other assistance,
 * A Commissioner for famine should be appointed,
 * Irrigation facilities should be developed,
 * an agriculture bank should be set up to provide people with assistance.

Policy influences
British famine policy in India was influenced by the arguments of Adam Smith, as seen by the non-interference of the government with the grain market even in times of famines. Keeping the famine relief as cheap as possible, with minimum cost to the colonial exchequer, was another important factor in determining famine policy. According to Brian Murton, a professor of geography at the University of Hawaii, another possible impact on British policy on famine in India was the influence of the English Poor Laws of 1834, with the difference being that the English were willing to "maintain" the poor in England in normal times, whereas Indians would receive subsistence only when entire populations were endangered. Similarities between the Irish famine of 1846–49 and the later Indian famines of the last part of the 19th century were seen. In both countries, there were no impediments to the export of food during times of famines. Lessons learnt from the Irish famine were not seen in the correspondence on policy-making during the 1870s in India.

Famine Codes
The Famine Commission of 1880 observed that each province in British India, including Burma, had a surplus of food grains and that the annual surplus amounted to 5.16 million metric tons. The product of the Famine Commission was a series of government guidelines and regulations on how to respond to famines and food shortages called the Famine Code. These had to wait until the exit of Lord Lytton as viceroy and were finally passed in 1883 under a subsequent more liberal-minded viceroy, Lord Ripon. They presented an early warning system to detect and respond to food shortages. Despite the codes, mortality from famine was highest in the last 25 years of the 19th century. At that time, annual exports of rice and other grains from India was approximately one million metric tons. Development economist Jean Drèze evaluated the conditions before and after Famine Commission policy changes: "A contrast between the earlier period of frequently recurring catastrophes, and the latter period when long stretches of tranquility were disturbed by a few large scale famines" in 1896–97, 1899–1900, and 1943–44. Drèze explains these "intermittent failures" by four factors—failure to declare a famine (particularly in 1943), the "excessively punitive character" of famine restrictions such as wages for public works, the "policy of strict non-interference with private trade," and the natural severity of the food crises.

There was still a threat of famine, but after 1902 there was no major famine in India until the Bengal famine of 1943 during World War II. This famine killed between 2.5 and 3 million people. In India as a whole, the food supply was rarely inadequate, even in times of droughts. The Famine Commission of 1880 identified that the loss of wages from lack of employment of agricultural laborers and artisans was the cause of famines. The Famine Code applied a strategy of generating employment for these sections of the population and relied on open-ended public works to do so. The Indian Famine Code was used in India until more lessons were learned from the Bihar famine of 1966–1967. The Famine Code has been updated in independent India and it has been renamed "Scarcity Manuals". In some parts of the country, the Famine Code is no longer used, primarily because the rules embodied in them have become routine procedures in famine relief strategy.

Impact of rail transport
The failure to provide food to the millions who were hungry during the famines of the 1870s has been blamed both on the absence of adequate rail infrastructure and the incorporation of grain into the world market through rail and telegraph. Davis notes that, "The newly constructed railroads, lauded as institutional safeguards against famine, were instead used by merchants to ship grain inventories from outlying drought-stricken districts to central depots for hoarding (as well as protection from rioters)" and that telegraphs served to coordinate a rise in prices so that "food prices soared out of the reach of outcaste laborers, displaced weavers, sharecroppers, and poor peasants." Members of the British administrative apparatus were also concerned that the larger market created by railway transport encouraged poor peasants to sell off their reserve stocks of grain.

Rail transport, however, also played an essential role in supplying grain from food-surplus regions to famine-stricken ones. The 1880 Famine Codes urged a restructuring and massive expansion of railways, with an emphasis on intra-Indian lines as opposed to the existing port-centered system. These new lines extended the existing network to allow food to flow to famine-afflicted regions. Jean Drèze (1991) also finds that the necessary economic conditions were present for a national market in food to reduce scarcity by the end of the 19th century, but that export of food continued to result from that market even during times of relative scarcity. The effectiveness of this system, however, relied on government provision of famine relief: "Railroads could perform the crucial task of moving grain from one part of India to another, but they could not assure that hungry people would have the money to buy that grain".

A famine weakens body resistance and leads to increases in infectious diseases, especially cholera, dysentery, malaria, and smallpox. Human response to famine could spread the disease as people migrated in search of food and work. On the other hand, railways also had a separate impact on reducing famine mortality by taking people to areas where food was available, or even out of India. By generating broader areas of labor migration and facilitating the massive emigration of Indians during the late 19th century, they provided famine-afflicted people the option to leave for other parts of the country and the world. By the 1912–13 scarcity crisis, migration and relief supply were able to absorb the impact of a medium-scale shortage of food. Drèze concludes, "In sum, and with a major reservation applying to international trade, it is plausible that the improvement in communication towards the end of the nineteenth century did make a major contribution to the alleviation of distress during famines. However, it is also easy to see that this factor alone could hardly account for the very sharp reduction in the incidence of famines in the twentieth century".

Bengal famine of 1943
The Bengal famine of 1943 reached its peak between July and November of that year, and the worst of the famine was over by early 1945. Famine fatality statistics were unreliable, and it is estimated up to two million died. Although one of the causes of the famine was the cutting off of the supply of rice to Bengal during the fall of Rangoon to the Japanese, this was only a fraction of the food needed for the region. According to the Irish economist and professor Cormac Ó Gráda, priority was given to military considerations, and the poor of Bengal were left unprovided for. However, it should be emphasized that food was the responsibility of the elected Government of Bengal and that it was the Army which helped break the Famine. Attempts were made by the Government of India to direct food from surplus regions such as Punjab to famine areas in Bengal but the provincial governments obstructed the movement of grain. The Famine Commission of 1944–45 admitted that the poor harvest had reduced supply of food till the end of 1943. Economist Amartya Sen found that there was enough rice in Bengal to feed all of Bengal for most of 1943 but his figures have been questioned. Sen claimed the famine was caused by inflation, with those benefiting from inflation eating more and leaving less for the rest of the population. The Famine Commission Report does not make this claim. It says that indigents and those in service occupations in villages starved because producers preferred to keep or sell rice at a high price. These studies, however, did not account for possible inaccuracies in estimates or the impact of fungal disease on the rice. De Waal states that the British government – which was in fact constituted by elected Bengali politicians – did not enforce the Famine Codes during the Bengal famine of 1943 because they failed to detect a food shortage. The Bengal famine of 1943 was the last catastrophic famine in India, and it holds a special place in the historiography of famine due to Sen's classic work of 1981 titled Poverty and Famines: An Essay on Entitlement and Deprivation whose accuracy and analysis has however been hotly contested by experts in the field.

This famine led to the development of the Bengal Famine Mixture (based on rice with sugar). This would later save tens of thousands of lives at liberated concentration camps such as Belsen.

Republic of India
Since the Bengal famine of 1943, there has been a declining number of famines that have had limited effects and have been of short durations. Sen attributes this trend of decline or disappearance of famines after independence to a democratic system of governance and a free press—not to increased food production. Later famine threats of 1984, 1988, and 1998 were successfully contained by the Indian government and there has been no major famine in India since 1943. Indian Independence in 1947 did not stop damage to crops nor lack of rain. As such, the threat of famines did not go away. India faced a number of threats of severe famines in 1967, 1973, 1979, and 1987 in Bihar, Maharashtra, West Bengal, and Gujarat respectively. However, these did not materialize into famines due to government intervention. The loss of life did not meet the scale of the 1943 Bengal or earlier famines but continued to be a problem. Jean Drèze finds that the post-Independence Indian government "largely remedied" the causes of the three major failures of 1880–1948 British famine policy, "an event which must count as marking the second great turning point in the history of famine relief in India over the past two centuries".

A dought occurred in the state of Bihar in December 1966 on a much smaller scale and in which "Happily, aid was at hand and there were relatively fewer deaths". The drought of Maharashtra in 1970–73 is often cited as an example in which successful famine prevention processes were employed.

Outside of Republic of India, there have been major famines in areas formerly part of British India. The Bangladesh famine of 1974, lasting from March to December, killed up to 1.5 million people, including post-famine mortality from disease.

In 2016–18, 194 million of 810 million undernourished people globally lived in India, making the country a key focus for tackling hunger on a global scale. In the last two decades, per capita income more than tripled, yet the minimum dietary intake fell.

Infrastructure development
Deaths from starvation were reduced by improvements to famine relief mechanisms after the British left. In independent India, policy changes aimed to make people self-reliant to earn their livelihood and by providing food through the public distribution system at discounted rates. Between 1947 and 1964 the initial agricultural infrastructure was laid by the founding of organizations such as the Central Rice Institute in Cuttack, the Central Potato Research Institute in Shimla, and universities such as the Pant Nagar University. The population of India was growing at 3% per year, and food imports were required despite the improvements from the new infrastructure. At its peak, 10 million tonnes of food were imported from the United States.

In the twenty-year period between 1965 and 1985 gaps in infrastructure were bridged by the establishment of The National Bank for Agriculture and Rural Development (NABARD). During times of famines, droughts, and other natural calamities, NABARD provides loan rescheduling and loan conversion facilitates to eligible institutions such as State Cooperative banks and Regional Rural Banks for periods up to seven years. In the same period, high-yielding varieties of wheat and rice were introduced. Steps taken in this phase resulted in the Green Revolution which led to a mood of self-confidence in India's agricultural capability. The Green Revolution in India was initially hailed as a success, but has recently been 'downgraded' to a 'qualified success'—not because of a lack of increased food production, but because the increase in food production has slowed down and has not been able to keep pace with population growth. Between 1985 and 2000, the emphasis was laid on the production of millets, pulses, and oilseed, as well as vegetables, fruits, and milk. A wasteland development board was set up, and rain-fed areas were given more attention. Public investment in irrigation and infrastructure, however, declined. The period also saw a gradual collapse of the cooperative credit system. In 1998–99, NABARD introduced a credit scheme to allow banks to issue short-term and timely credit to farmers in need via the Kisan Credit Card scheme. The scheme has become popular among issuing bankers and the recipient farmers with a total credit of inr 339940000000 made available via the issuing of 23,200,000 credit cards. Between 2000 and, land use for food or fuel has become a competing issue due to a demand for ethanol.

Local beliefs
Since the time of Mahabharata, people in several regions of India have associated spikes in rat populations and famine with bamboo flowering. The northeastern state of Mizoram has bamboo as a dominant species over much of the state which experiences a cyclical phenomenon of bamboo flowering followed by bamboo death. The bamboo plants are known to undergo gregarious flowering once in their life cycle which can happen anywhere in a range of 7 to 120 years. A common local belief and observation is that bamboo flowering is followed by an increase in rats, famine, and unrest amongst the people. This is called mautam. The first such event in the Republic of India was reported in 1958 when the local Mizo District Council cautioned the Assam government of an impending famine which the government rejected on the grounds that it was not scientific. A famine did occur in the region in 1961.

In 2001 the Government of India began working on an emergency plan to address regional food shortages after reports that bamboo flowering and bamboo death would occur again in the near future. According to Forest Department Special Secretary K.D.R. Jayakumar, the relationship between famine and bamboo flowering, while widely believed to be true by the tribal locals, has not been scientifically proven. John and Nadgauda, however, strongly feel that such a scientific connection exists and that it may not simply be a local myth. They describe a detailed mechanism demonstrating the relationship between the flowering and the famine. According to them, the flowering is followed by a large number of bamboo seeds on the forest floor which causes a spike in the population of the rodent genera Rattus and Mus who feed on these seeds. With the changing weather and onset of rains, the seeds germinate and force the mice to migrate to land farms in search of food. On the land farms, the mice feed on crops and grains stored in granaries which causes a decline in food availability. In 2001, the local administration tried to prevent the impending famine by offering local villagers the equivalent of $2.50 for every 100 rats killed. The botanist H. Y. Mohan Ram of the University of Delhi, who is one of the country's foremost authorities on bamboo, considered these techniques outlandish. He suggested that a better way of solving the problem was to teach the local farmers to switch to cultivating different varieties of crops such as ginger and turmeric during periods of bamboo flowering since these crops are not consumed by the rats.

Similar beliefs have been observed in south India in the people of Cherthala in the Alappuzha district of Kerala who associate flowering bamboo with an impending explosion in the rat population.

Bihar drought
The Bihar drought of 1966–1967 was a minor drought with relatively very few deaths from starvation as compared to earlier famines. The drought demonstrated the ability of the Indian government to deal with the worst of drought-related circumstances. The official death toll from starvation in the Bihar drought was 2353, roughly half of which occurred in the state of Bihar. No significant increase in the number of infant deaths from famine was found in the Bihar drought.

The annual production of food grains had dropped in Bihar from 7.5 million tonnes in 1965–1966 to 7.2 million tonnes in 1966–1967 during the Bihar drought. There was an even sharper drop in 1966–67 to 4.3 million tonnes. The national grain production dropped from 89.4 million tonnes in 1964–1965 to 72.3 in 1965–1966 — a 19% drop. The rise in prices of food grains caused migration and starvation, but the public distribution system, relief measures by the government, and voluntary organizations limited the impact. On a number of occasions, the Indian-government sought food and grain from the United States to provide replacement for damaged crops, however US food aid was limited by Lyndon B. Johnson in retaliation for Indian criticism on the US's role in the Vietnam War. The government set up more than 20,000 fair-price stores to provide food at regulated prices for the poor or those with limited incomes. A large-scale drought in Bihar was adverted due to this import, although livestock and crops were destroyed. Other reasons for successfully averting a large-scale drought were employing various drought prevention measures such as improving communication abilities, issuing drought bulletins over the radio, and offering employment to those affected by drought in government public works projects.

The Bihar drought of 1966–1967 gave impetus to further changes in agricultural policy and this resulted in the Green Revolution.

1972 Maharashtra drought
After several years of good monsoons and a good crop in the early 1970s, India considered exporting food and being self-sufficient. Earlier in 1963, the government of the state of Maharashtra asserted that the agricultural situation in the state was constantly being watched and relief measures were taken as soon as any scarcity was detected. On the basis of this, and asserting that the word famine had now become obsolete in this context, the government passed "The Maharashtra Deletion of the Term 'Famine' Act, 1963". They were unable to foresee the drought in 1972 when 25 million people needed help. The relief measures undertaken by the Government of Maharashtra included employment, programs aimed at creating productive assets such as tree plantation, conservation of soil, excavation of canals, and building artificial lentic water bodies. The public distribution system distributed food through fair-price shops. No deaths from starvation were reported.

Large-scale employment to the deprived sections of the Maharashtrian society attracted considerable amounts of food to Maharashtra. The implementation of the Scarcity Manuals in the Bihar and Maharashtra famines prevented the mortality arising from severe food shortages. While the relief program in Bihar was poor, Drèze calls the one in Maharashtra a model program. The relief works initiated by the government helped employ over 5 million people at the height of the drought in Maharashtra leading to effective famine prevention. The effectiveness of Maharashtra was also attributable to the direct pressure on the government of Maharashtra by the public who perceived that employment via the relief works program was their right. The public protested by marching, picketing, and even rioting. Drèze reports a laborer saying "they would let us die if they thought we would not make a noise about it."

The Maharashtra drought in which there were zero deaths and one which is known for the successful employment of famine prevention policies.

West Bengal drought
The drought of 1979–1980 in West Bengal was the next major drought and caused a 17% decline in food production with a shortfall of 13.5 million tonnes of food grain. Stored food stocks were leveraged by the government, and there was no net import of food grains. The drought was relatively unknown outside of India. The lessons learned from the Maharashtra and West Bengal droughts led to the Desert Development Programme and the Drought Prone Area Programme. The intent of these programs was to reduce the negative effects of droughts by applying eco-friendly land-use practices and conserving water. Major schemes in improving rural infrastructure, extending irrigation to additional areas, and diversifying agriculture were also launched. The lessons from the 1987 drought brought to light the need for employment generation, watershed planning, and ecologically integrated development.

1987 Gujarat drought
The failure of monsoons in year 1987 had catastrophic consequences for India state of Gujarat. 16 out of the state's 19 districts were affected by severe drought. There was a severe economic crisis in the Saurashtra region, with groundnut mills closing and agriculture being deeply impacted.

2013 Maharashtra drought
In March 2013, according to Union Agriculture Ministry, over 11,801 villages in Maharashtra were declared drought affected. The drought was considered the second worst to date, exceeded only by the drought in Maharashtra in 1972.

Other issues
Deaths from malnutrition on a large scale have continued across India into modern times. In Maharashtra alone, for example, there were around 45,000 childhood deaths due to mild or severe malnutrition in 2009, according to the Times of India. Another Times of India report in 2010 has stated that 50% of childhood deaths in India are attributable to malnutrition.

Growing export prices, the melting of the Himalayan glaciers due to global warming, changes in rainfall, and temperatures are issues affecting India. If agricultural production does not remain above the population growth rate, there are indications that a return to the pre-independence famine days is a likelihood. People from various walks of life, such as social activist Vandana Shiva and researcher Dan Banik, agree that famines and the resulting large-scale loss of life from starvation have been eliminated after Indian independence in 1947. However, Shiva warned in 2002 that famines are making a comeback and government inaction would mean they would reach the scale seen in the Horn of Africa in three or four years.

title: Famine in India


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