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Richard Viguerie

Richard Art Viguerie (born September 23, 1933) is an American conservative figure, pioneer of political direct mail and writer on politics. He is the current chairman of ConservativeHQ.com.

Life and career
Viguerie was born in Golden Acres, Texas, the son of Elizabeth (née Stoufflet) and Arthur Camile Viguerie. He has Cajun ancestry. His father worked as a middle-management executive for a petrochemical company, and his mother was a practical nurse. Neither of his parents were interested in politics.

Viguerie recalled what caused him to become political "was when MacArthur was fired. I was tremendously frustrated and outraged, and mad as heck at Truman... What cemented my conservative philosophy was Joe McCarthy... I was a young kid and had read Bill Buckley and one or two other books. I believed in what McCarthy did. Even when he was inaccurate, he articulated the concern about a very big problem. There are Communists in this world and that is not a figment of a few right-wingers' imaginations."

In 1957 Viguerie graduated from the University of Houston. He dropped out of law school. He served in the army reserves for six months, after which he worked as a clerk in a small oil company for $90 a week.

Viguerie worked for the Christian evangelist Billy James Hargis in his early career. In an autobiographical note, Viguerie wrote that in 1961 he became executive secretary of the conservative youth group Young Americans for Freedom: "Since 1965, owner of direct marketing/advertising companies such as American Target Advertising. Political/campaign strategist, activist and conservative spokesman and writer."

Viguerie has been dubbed the "funding father" of modern conservative strategy in the United States by some sources. Viguerie does not charge standard fees and expenses from his clients, rather he offers a no-loss guarantee and demands a commission (sometimes as much as 50%) and insists on keeping clients mailing lists for future, creating an extensive conservative donor database.

Viguerie founded Conservative Digest magazine in 1975 and served as its publisher for ten years. Opposing President Gerald Ford's election, Viguerie in 1976 unsuccessfully sought the vice-presidential nomination of the American Independent Party, which had been formed eight years earlier by George Wallace.

Viguerie's development and honing of national direct mail campaigns in the mid-to-late 1970s was considered revolutionary in its approach and was quickly adopted by insurgent conservative political campaigns. Conservative activist and political candidate Jeff Bell applied the strategy in 1978 to unseat longtime liberal Republican Senator Clifford Case in the 1978 New Jersey primary. Bell was defeated in the general election, but his unexpected primary victory was considered a turning point for conservative activist efforts against establishment Republicans.

Political activity
At the time Viguerie became politically active, since the presidency of Franklin D. Roosevelt and World War II the Democratic Party had been dominant in Federal politics. With a majority "New Deal coalition" consisting of "blue-collar workers, urban voters, Roman Catholics and ethnics, Southern whites, blacks, intellectuals and the young." In contrast "The Republicans had strength only among the old, the North East, businessmen and white Protestants, and were very much the minority party."

The dominance of the New Deal Democratic coalition began to unravel beginning in the 1960s when the growing liberalism of the national party, including on issues of race, alienated conservative Southern whites. Though they continued to support local Democrats they began to reject Democratic presidential candidates. This was evident by their support of Barry Goldwater in 1964.

Texas Young Republicans
In 1952 and 1956, as a young Republican, Viguerie volunteered for Dwight D. Eisenhower’s presidential campaigns in Texas. In 1960, when Republican John Tower ran for Senate against Lyndon Johnson, he served as Tower’s Houston campaign manager. Johnson ran for both the Senate seat and the vice presidency, and he won both. When Johnson vacated his Senate seat to become Vice President, Viguerie helped Tower in the subsequent run-off, which Tower won (becoming the first Republican Senator in Texas history).

1964 Goldwater support
Senator Barry Goldwater publicly criticized the Republican establishment, including President Eisenhower (viewed by the American public as the World War II liberator of Europe). In 1960, Goldwater called Eisenhower's domestic program "a dime store New Deal." With ghostwriter L. Brent Bozell Jr., Goldwater published The Conscience of a Conservative, saying its purpose was "to awaken the American people to a realization of how far we had moved from the old constitutional concepts toward the new welfare state." The book, calling for a return to conservative principles and a harder stance on communism, inspired many young conservatives, including Viguerie.

In July 1960, when it seemed that Richard Nixon's Republican Party nomination for president was a foregone conclusion, conservatives tried to shape the party's platform to influence him away from what they saw as Eisenhower moderation. They also hoped to convince Nixon to choose either Barry Goldwater or Walter Judd as his running mate. When their attempts all failed and Nixon choose moderate Henry Cabot Lodge Jr., they saw it as pandering to a liberal consensus represented by New York Governor Nelson Rockefeller. Some conservatives even believed that this outcome was proof that the Republican Party would never change and they would need to look elsewhere if conservatism was to succeed. Though still in Texas, Viguerie would later recall his distaste over the situation, saying "I never was a Nixon fan."

Goldwater deferred to Richard Nixon and did not challenge him for the Republican nomination in 1960, instead he traveled the nation as chairman of the National Republican Senatorial Committee in an effort to gain grass-roots support for his brand of conservativism. This new brand of conservative differed both from the established Republican's vision but also from that of anti-interventionist ideas of the previous generation's conservative icon Robert A. Taft.

In September 1960 a group of young conservative activists met at "Great Elm", the estate of the family of William F. Buckley Jr. in Sharon, Connecticut. The produced a short exposition of their vision of conservative principles and how they should be implemented which was known as the Sharon Statement. This group of activists would take up the name Young Americans for Freedom.

After Nixon lost the election to John F. Kennedy in November 1960, Goldwater's reputation would carry on and as early as 1962 his supporters began forming "Draft Goldwater for President" committees.

In August, 1961 Viguerie became executive secretary of Young Americans for Freedom earning $125 a week and supporting its Sharon Statement manifesto. Viguerie would later recall, "I moved to New York, where their offices were. That was no small thing for me, a Texas kid. I lived in Greenwich Village. I had a great time and went to a lot of parties. The conservatives and socialists were two extremes and found and solicited each other's company. I hung around the White Horse, and lived around the corner on St. Marks Place. I knew [democratic socialist] Michael Harrington quite well, and saw Bill Buckley and Bill Rusher. Things were loose and free then, none of the uptightness of the later sixties and seventies. We had a lotta fun."

In the role of executive secretary of Young Americans for Freedom Viguerie gained relationships with William F. Buckley, William A. Rusher, Frank Meyer, and other conservative intellectuals. Viguerie later recalled that inspired by these thinkers "I tried to get as caught up as I could in the classics of conservative thought, but it didn't take long for me to realize I’d never really catch up. ...[I realized] what we didn’t have were marketers. I made a conscious decision to fill that niche—that hole in the marketplace—by immersing myself in the study of marketing for the next 10 years." That year, F. Clifton White began travelling the nation exhorting conservatives to gain control of their local Republican Party organizations so they could elect conservative delegates to the Republican National Convention during the next electoral season. This effort helped convince Goldwater to run for President and gave the conservatives a voice in the party that they felt had been deflected in 1952 when the popular Eisenhower had been selected over the conservative Taft.

Viguerie's Young Americans for Freedom (YAF), had been founded by William F. Buckley Jr. and would play an important role in helping Goldwater secure the Republican nomination. On March 7, 1962 Viguerie and the YAF held a sold out event entitled "A Conservative Rally for World Liberation from Communism" at Madison Square Garden in New York City attended by 18,500 mostly young people with senators John Tower, Strom Thurmond, and Goldwater as featured speakers. Viguerie would later write of his opinion of the event, saying "I would nominate the Madison Square Garden rally as the day the modern conservative movement had its public debut. Before that day, what we in the conservative movement were doing was mostly out of the public eye. But when thousands were lined up around Madison Square Garden and the speeches and sellout crowd were front-page, 'above the fold' news the next day in The New York Times, the conservative movement leapt onto the national political stage — and it was a movement largely inspired by Goldwater and the new brand of conservatism he shared with intellectuals such as William F. Buckley, Jr., M. Stanton Evans, Russell Kirk, Frank S. Meyer, William F. Rusher and L. Brent Bozell Jr."

In late 1962 YAF moved their headquarters to Washington, D.C. Viguerie moved into a house there on Capital Hill with his new bride Elaine O'Leary Viguerie. The organization had racked up $20,000 in debt and Viguerie had to seek donations from wealthy donors on the right such as Eddie Rickenbacker, Charles Edison, and J. Howard Pew. He found this method distasteful, "I realized I didn't want to do that kind of thing, and figured there must be a better way. So, I started raising money by mail, but the secretaries could only write so many letters a day. So I said, there must be a better way than this, and one thing led to another, and I got into direct mail."

During the Republican presidential primaries Goldwater was opposed by establishment Republicans such as governors Nelson Rockefeller, William Scranton, and George W. Romney in a "Stop Goldwater" effort that continued unto the 1964 Republican National Convention. While Goldwater remained confident of his chances to secure the nomination, he did consider dropping out of the presidential race altogether after the Assassination of John F. Kennedy on November 22, 1963. While Goldwater and his supporters held that it was unlikely that voters would choose to go through three different men as President in the span of 14 months, he was convinced to continue if only to wrest party control away from the Republican Eastern establishment (a goal his campaign aide J. William Middendorf called the "noble reason").

Viguerie attended that National Convention, held in San Francisco's Cow Palace, as an alternate delegate. He recalled years later, "I was there at the Cow Palace in 1964. I was in the rafters, where the boos for Rockefeller came from." He also recalled coming across a large group of people surrounding a film star, "It was Ronald Reagan. Two years later, he was the governor there."

Because Goldwater was viewed as an anti-establishment candidate by wealthy Republican benefactors who supported Republican New York Gov. Nelson Rockefeller, his campaign was forced to seek alternative means of funding. Rather than focusing on a few big donors the campaign relied on large-scale direct-mail fundraising. Lee Edwards, a Goldwater communications aide for the 1964 campaign would later recall "We couldn't go to the fat cats, because they were all with either Rockefeller or Johnson, so we had to develop our own financial base. There had been direct mail around, but not in presidential campaigns. We had a need that had to be met, and we had some experts who knew how to do direct mail. Everybody does it now, but that was a revolution in fundraising back in '64."

Viguerie would later write about the divisive atmosphere in the Republican party after Goldwater's defeat. Conservative members like himself were "Angry...about the criticism verging on sabotage Senator Goldwater received from the Republican establishment" and "insulted...over the personal attacks...received at the hands of establishment Republicans". Meanwhile, "The long knives of the Republican establishment were out for anyone who had supported Goldwater or who questioned the 'go-along, get-along' attitude of the party's congressional leaders whose failure to stand for conservative principles had assigned Republicans to what appeared to be the status of a permanent minority on Capitol Hill. Plenty of conservatives then, and throughout the early years of the rise of the modern conservative movement, thought that the only way to advance the cause of conservative governance was to form a third party." Among those calling for a third party was the author Ayn Rand, the main voice for remaining within the party was William F. Buckley a policy Viguerie shared, "we had a sense that even though Goldwater had lost the election, his grassroots support demonstrated that millions of Americans thought he was right on many issues. ...We saw the establishment leadership of the Republican Party as intellectually bankrupt, and we believed that if we could just get the message out, we could [win]."

Viguerie reflecting on the 1964 campaign later recalled that "although Goldwater lost, we attracted 27 million conservative voters who shared our values." Goldwater had "cleared the way for one of his strongest supporters, actor Ronald Reagan, to make an electrifying television speech, 'A Time for Choosing.' That speech refreshed conservatism’s appeal and led to former Democrat Reagan entering Republican politics to become governor of California and eventually America's first conservative president of the modern era."

Direct-mail company
Though Goldwater lost, Viguerie gained knowledge of the direct-mail strategy and would later become expert in it. In early 1965 he went to the clerk of the U.S. House of Representatives which by law had a record of every donor to a presidential campaign that gave over $50 which it made available for public inspection. Viguerie copied by longhand 12,500 donors that had given to Goldwater's 1964 campaign. This was the beginning of a grass-roots conservative mailing list that would continue to grow throughout Viguerie's career. Viguerie, holding that the mainstream news media was biased, later stated that this strategy allowed conservatism to bypass two obstacles, "Thanks to direct mail, conservatives — and their candidates — were able to become an independent, vibrant force, free of the fetters imposed by the Republican political hierarchy and the liberal media." With only $4,000 in savings he began his direct-mail company "Richard A. Viguerie Company, Inc." His first client was Young Americans for Freedom, but he lost the account within six weeks. According to Viguerie this was due to "one of the frequent upheavals typical of an organization run by a bunch of college kids." The company grew as it found other clients the Conservative Caucus, the Committee for the Survival of a Free Congress, the National Conservative Political Action Committee, the National Right to Work Committee, the American Conservative Union, Sen. Jesse Helms' National Congressional Club and Gun Owners of America." His company also marketed many conservatives seeking elected office including "congressmen Phil Crane and Bob Dornan, Ron Paul, John Ashbrook, Sens. Jesse Helms and Strom Thurmond, California state senator H. L. 'Bill' Richardson, and candidates Max Rafferty, Howard Phillips, Jeff Bell and G. Gordon Liddy."

Viguerie's reputation was such that Senator Robert Griffin recommended that liberal Democratic Senator George McGovern hire him when he was running for re-election in 1967. Vigureie later recalled that he was flattered, "I explained to the good Senator McGovern that we were poles apart ideologically, and he'd want someone more akin with his philosophy. We had a good long chat. At that early date, 1967, he had an appreciation of the power of direct mailing." By the 1970s direct mail would become a strategy used by both of the major political parties in the United States, including the outsider 1972 presidential campaign of George McGovern. The Senator was aided in his pursuit by his policy, beginning in 1970, of signing fund-raising letters for Democratic candidates for which he demanded nothing in return except the names and addresses of the people responding. This created "the famous McGovern list" by which his presidential campaign had a tremendous head start over other Democratic challengers. The head of McGovern's direct-mail campaign, Morris Dees, became a friendly correspondent with Viguerie with each redirecting would-be clients to the other if political leanings are not similar. Dees when approached by George Wallace staffers for a presidential run in 1976, recommended Viguerie. While Viguerie did employ some liberals, they worked "in 'support' work--working with lists, demographic studies, computer operations. …The men at the top, however, are trusted right-wingers like James G. Aldige III."

By June 1975 Viguere, who by then occupied four floors of building in Falls Church, Virginia in suburban Washington, D.C., had come to the attention of New York Magazine. He had hired 250 nonunion employees (with "Full benefits. Good pay." ) to "tend slowly turning computer reels, collate and update some 250 mailing lists carrying approximately 10 million names, handle the paper flow, and, most important, create the letters which inspire householders to mail in all that money." At the time Viguerie told the magazine that 15% of his business was in straight political campaigning for candidates, 30% in ideological efforts (such as opposing gun control), and the rest in "health and welfare" matters (such as the "Help Hospitalized Veterans" campaign).

The article estimated that he would "dispatch some 50 million pieces of mail this year" and stated that "he is a phenomenal fund-raiser for conservative and/or populist causes and candidates. Viguerie is Godfather, Idea Man, And Savior to a gathering band of rightists eager to fund their dreams and vexations. …the people who mail $25 million a year to his clients get riled up over school busing, guns, law and order, pornography, permissive education, and the cause of Governor George C. Wallace of Alabama, whom most of them love." The magazine noted that at that point gearing up for the 1976 Presidential campaign he had "raised $3.5 million by direct mail for Wallace, [and] will hit $12 million by next spring".

Direct-mail as a political strategy received a further boost when the Federal Election Campaign Act provided matching funds for small contributions.

1976 presidential primaries
In 1976 Viguerie served as a fundraiser for George Wallace's campaign to win the nomination for president of the United States. After Wallace withdrew, Viguerie began to focus on the American Independent Party to oppose Republican President Gerald Ford and Democratic challenger Jimmy Carter. (Ford who had assumed the Presidency on August 9, 1974 when Richard Nixon resigned, had seen his own popularity suffer when on September 8, 1974 he had pardoned ex-president Richard Nixon for his involvement in the Watergate scandal.)

George Wallace campaign
George Wallace's 1968 presidential candidacy had been the reason the American Independent Party was formed, but he had foregone the party in 1972 to seek the Democratic nomination (in a campaign that ended when he was paralyzed by an assassination attempt). That year the American Independent Party nominated former representative John G. Schmitz of California (a member of the John Birch Society and a former Republican).

In 1976 Wallace had again chosen to seek the Democratic party nomination rather than that of the American Independent Party. Viguerie began fundraising for him, taking in $6 million in donations by the beginning of the year. In February, Viguerie also tried to draft another conservative voice into the Democratic nominations by working to draft Former Texas Gov. John Connally into the race, vowing to donate $20,000 of his own. When contacted by reporters on the move Connally said he had "never heard of it" but refused to rule out accepting such an effort. Viguerie told reporters that he was trying to offset that "The Democratic primary is dominated by liberals, who are all trying to be more liberal than the other."

The Wallace campaign had already come to Viguere in 1973 when he was considering running but was $250,000 in debt. The campaign had a million names of possible donors but fewer than 75,000 had become contributors. The New York Magazine reporting on the campaign's move held that "Viguerie probably has the best political solicitation apparatus in the republic today." He told the magazine that "By the time we're finished, we'll have sent out 19-million pieces and grossed $12 million for Governor Wallace."

Viguere found much to like in Wallace's stances, saying "I'm realizing as each day goes by that George Wallace and I have more in common than I thought. I'd like to see less government in people's lives than Wallace does, but when it comes to social issues, we're together. We agree on busing, law and order, crime, parent control in the public schools, attacking immorality in public life, movies, and television. Why, I pulled my children out of the public schools here because they're too secular and only interested in the life cycle of the salmon. I put them in a private Christian school. I'm with Wallace on antipornography. I've raised millions to fight it. These are the concerns of the client, George Wallace, and we incorporate them in every mailing piece, and we don't miss national defense, either. You see, in an ideological cause like this, people give money not to win friends, but to defeat enemies. You like to change human nature, but you can't--people are more strongly motivated by negative issues than positive ones. When there are no negatives or enemies, the appeal isn't strong. The Democrats know this too. It's hard to pick up an appeal letter of theirs without seeing the name Richard Nixon or Watergate in it."

By Wednesday, June 9, 1976 Governor George Wallace had withdrawn from the Democratic nomination race and placed a call to Jimmy Carter endorsing him. Having anticipated this outcome two days before he told a reporter that he was satisfied with the results of his campaigns because "everybody is now saying what I started out saying back in 1964" and that he had cleared the way for a fellow Southerner like Carter to be accepted as a genuine contender, "There are no longer any real regional differences." Despite conservatives in his own state asking him why he was supporting liberals like Carter and Mondale, Wallace went on to offer speeches in support of Carter's presidential bid.

American Independent Party campaign
Ever since Goldwater's defeat some among Conservative circles had advocated leaving the Republican Party (which they held to be too liberal) to make a conservative third party. After Watergate, Viguerie also held that there was no hope for the Republican party, telling a reporter "I know the marketing field and you just can't market 'Republican' any more. It means depression, recession, runaway inflation, big business, multinational corporations, Watergate, and Nixon. It's easier to sell an Edsel or Typhoid Mary. 'Independent' and 'American'--those are words which will sell. Don't kid yourself. That's the way we're moving. All the Republican party needs is a decent burial. In ten years, there won't be a dozen people in the country calling themselves Republicans. …Nixon, whose name is poison to voters now, wiped out every issue the Republicans could use--balanced budget, morality in government, law and order, national security. Richard Nixon flushed them all down the commode."

Viguerie told a reporter that he was sure that Americans would elect a conservative if presented the truth, saying "I figure that 80% of the American public would vote conservative if we had a neutral press. The whole liberal philosophy is bankrupt. Public schools are a disaster and will become a major campaign issue in two years, over who is going to have the say over children--parents, or the professional educators. The liberal foreign policy is in a total shambles. The evidence is what's happening in Portugal, Southeast Asia, our declining military posture. But the press is protecting the liberals. The Republicans make it easy for them by echoing the same thing." To back up his position he pointed to Gallup polls that showed that while only 17% of Americans called themselves Republicans, 62% called themselves conservatives. He was heartened by another Gallup poll that showed that 25% of the electorate favored the formation of a new conservative party.

Giving up on the Republicans, Viguerie moved on to become one of the main organizers of the American Independent Party convention in Chicago meeting in August. At the opening of the convention a party platform was agreed on that declared their opposition for several ideas including the Equal Rights Amendment, amnesty for draft dodgers, the individual income tax, legalized abortion, forced busing, foreign aid, membership in the United Nations, and gun control. It was felt that the platform would attract conservatives away from the major parties. The convention's keynote speaker denounced "atheistical political Zionism".

Viguerie was a leader among a group of nationally prominent conservatives known as the New Right. Feeling that President Ford was insufficiently conservative and upset that the Republican party had not given the nomination to Ronald Reagan instead, they attended the convention in an effort to take over the party and remake it as a vehicle to create a new conservative coalition. In this effort Viguerie was joined by William A. Rusher, publisher of National Review, Howard Phillips leader of the activist organisation The Conservative Caucus and former head of the Office of Economic Opportunity, and religious conservative Paul Weyrich. They argued that the party was seen as a fringe group but should become the philosophical home for believers in free enterprise and traditional moral values. They hoped to attract former Governor Ronald Reagan if he did not succeed in wresting the Republican nomination from President Ford. If they could not secure Reagan they hoped to attract other nationally known conservatives such as Senator Jesse Helms, Governor Meldrim Thomson Jr., Representative Philip Crane, former Governor John Connally, antifeminist activist Phyllis Schlafly, or Ellen McCormack (who had run an anti-abortion campaign in the Democratic Presidential primary earlier that year) to head the ticket for the party. When none of these figures agreed to switch parties Viguerie's group had to resort to promoting Dallas columnist Robert J. Morris. Viguerie ran as Morris' Vice President choice, promising to use his direct-mail expertise to raise a big budget for the national campaign and to turn over his mailing lists to the party.

For several months Rusher had promised American Independent Party members a nationally known Conservative, promises he continued to make up until two weeks before the convention. When Rusher, Viguerie, and Phillips failed to produce a well-known Conservative, party veterans led by its founder William K. Shearer rebuffed their vision to reform and modernize the party into what Rusher styled as the New Majority Party. The front-runner going into the convention was former Georgia governor and staunch segregationist Lester Maddox (previously a Democrat) with his colorful personality being viewed as a positive that could draw media attention and help the party reach the threshold of five percent of the national vote that would secure it federal funding.

In protest of the proceedings that seemed to be handing the nomination to Maddox, Rusher and Viguerie were among those who did not attend the Saturday session where the voting took place. On the first ballot the party chose Maddox as its presidential nominee - beating challengers Morris and former Louisiana representative John Rarick (previously a Democrat). Shearer had hoped to get his wife Eileen nominated as the vice presidential candidate, but the idea was opposed by Maddox, who expressed his dislike of the idea of running with a woman. Shortly before the vote Maddox endorsed former mayor of Madison, Wisconsin William Dyke (previously a Republican who had been that party's nominee for Wisconsin governor in 1974) for vice president candidate, which caused Eileen to withdraw. Dyke, who beat Viguerie for the vice presidential slot, had gained fame in Conservative circles for a hard-line stand against student unrest at the University of Wisconsin (which included the Sterling Hall bombing) during the Vietnam War. Late in the afternoon Dyke addressed the convention before the vote by telephone, telling them that "America is the last hope for the preservation of freedom in the world." Before that year Dyke had no prior affiliation with the party and was woken up at 3 am by delegates who informed him in person of the nomination which he was happy to accept. Dyke admitted to reporters that he did not have a full understanding of the party's platform, and when asked if his racial policies were segregationist like Maddox's replied "Certainly not. I'm not a segregationist," and that he didn't believe in the "simplistic definition of segregation".

In the closing hour of the convention a resolution was made that the party pledge itself to "interracial harmony", the resolution was defeated by a voice vote. With Maddox at the top of the ticket the party was seen as running on the themes of "segregation, isolationism and repeal of big government." Viguerie told a reporter at the time that he was "shocked and disillusioned" that they would nominate a man who still calls himself a segregationist, and that the party had consigned itself into being a "perpetual fringe group." Rusher joined Viguerie in refusing to support the party's ticket headed by Maddox, telling reporters "What I object to is his comedic air," and "This party has turned inward, backward, and downward." Party founder Shearer contrasted the original vision for the party with that of the New Right saying the party "has its roots in the George Wallace movement. ...[when Wallace] closed his eyes he saw farmers jumping off of flat-bed cotton trucks and workers pouring out of factories. The right-wing conservative Republicans see a super-educated, highly affluent, country club people. ...Lester Maddox has the George Wallace base. The delegates saw that, they gave use the candidate who can roll up a big vote. He's going to put this party on the map." Shearer, when considering Viguerie's faction said that the "New Right" conservatives fail because they think they are "too good to just get down and commune with the average people across the country." He held that by thwarting the New Right the party had escaped dire peril, like "a girl that's being targeted for a rape that didn't come off." Maddox would go on to win only 170,531 votes in the general election (0.2 percent of the national vote) losing to fellow former Georgia governor Jimmy Carter.

Asian Children's Relief Fund
In 1977 the New York Attorney General's office began procedures against the Korean Cultural and Freedom Foundation that had employed Viguerie. Attorney General Louis J. Lefkowitz charged that the group (previously accused of links to the South Korean Central Intelligence Agency) had siphoned off the majority of $1.5 million in donations collected in 1975 for Southeast Asian children. New York's Board of Social Welfare's audit found that $920,302 was paid to The Richard A. Viguerie Co., that had solicited donations by mail. Attorney General Lefkowitz held that the fund-raising literature was "calculated to deceive the contributing public into believing that the greater portion of the money contributed would be expended for the specified program services." The direct-mail campaign was called the "Asian Children's Relief Fund" and pleaded for donations to help children with "terminal forms of malnutrition", declaring "that the lives of 350,000 severely malnourished boys and girls [are] threatened unless immediate help is provided." The audit found that of the $1.5 million raised only $31,015 went to six orphanages in South Vietnam and South Korea. The Korean Cultural and Freedom Foundation who had commissioned the direct-mail campaign had a stated goal of the containment of communism in Asia and its president was Bo Hi Pak, a former South Korean Intelligence officer who worked as a principal aide and interpreter with Unification Church founder Sun Myung Moon. The Church denied any association with the foundation.

Association with the Unification Church
In the early 1980s Viguerie worked for groups controlled by the Unification Church under the leadership of Sun Myung Moon. This began in 1981 after Ronald Reagan had won the Presidency and the effectiveness of Viguerie's direct mail approach faded, as it had been geared to rally conservatives who felt they had been unfairly sidelined. Viguerie was among several Conservative activists that entered into associations with the Unification Church at this time as Conservative donors feeling their party was in the ascendancy stopped giving. Reverend Moon's attache Bo Hi Pak purchased the Tyson's Corner office building owned by Viguerie's firm for $10 million and took over its maintenance and administration. The Church also hired Viguerie to operate direct-mail functions for some of their Church-backed groups such as American Freedom Coalition and subscription solicitations for the Church owned Washington Times. Viguerie (a Catholic) told the Washington Post "Their religion is not my religion, but I have found them to be good, decent people who are strongly anti-communist. I don't see any reason not to work with them."

Campaign for Lieutenant Governor of Virginia
Viguerie sought the Republican nomination for Lieutenant Governor of Virginia in 1985, but did not receive the nomination at the GOP state convention.

Later works
Asked by Campaigns and Elections in May 2000 what his immediate goals were, Viguerie answered:

"To use the Internet to involve Americans in the political process, to help conservatives gain an advantage over the left. To fight against government's use of power, to fight for individual rights and responsibilities, and to fight to extend the blessings of liberty throughout the world."

Writing in The Nation, David Corn noted that Viguerie "raised money for Judicial Watch" and is associated with Larry Klayman, a conservative lawyer and activist who had been a failed candidate for the Republican nomination for US Senate in Florida in 2004.

Viguerie has long been associated with conservative activist Howard Phillips through creation of the Moral Majority in 1979.

According to CharityWatch.org: "[Roger] Chapin hired his long-time friend and direct mail expert, Richard Viguerie, to conduct fundraising campaigns for HHV, paying Viguerie's company $14 million between 2000 and 2005." HHV is a charity run by Roger Chapin, which according to Charity Watch has made many questionable and apparently unethical payments unrelated to its purported mission.

In May 2006 Viguerie said regarding the ability of conservatives to maintain a majority in the U.S. House and Senate, "There is a growing feeling among conservatives that the only way to cure the problem is for Republicans to lose the Congressional elections this fall."

Viguerie commented on the Mark Foley scandal, "This isn't an isolated situation. It is only the most recent example of Republican House leaders doing whatever it takes to hold onto power. If it means spending billions of taxpayers' dollars on questionable projects, they'll do it. If it means covering up the most despicable actions of a colleague, they'll do it."

Viguerie fought for the Legislative Transparency and Accountability Act of 2007 through his petition website called Grassroots Freedom.

When Viguerie spoke at a conference of Libertarian Party state chairs in March 2007, he said of the 2006 United States general elections, "Whenever conservatives are unhappy, bad things happen for the Republican Party."

In 2007 Viguerie co-founded the American Freedom Agenda, described as "a coalition established to restore checks and balances and civil liberties protections under assault by the executive branch."

In January 2008, Viguerie launched ultimateronpaul.com, a website designed to promote the 2008 presidential candidacy of U.S. Congressman Ron Paul, whom Viguerie described as "truly a principled conservative in the grand tradition of Robert A. Taft, Barry Goldwater, and Ronald Reagan" and who "has differentiated himself from all the other candidates, whose allegiance is to Big Government Republicanism."

In a July 2009 article for Sojourners Magazine entitled "When Governments Kill," Viguerie spoke strongly against capital punishment, calling for a moratorium on it to discuss its surrounding issues, hoping that will pave a path to abolition.

Books
Books by Viguerie include:
 * The New Right: We're Ready to Lead (1981)
 * The Establishment vs. the People: Is a New Populist Revolt on the Way? (1983)
 * America's Right Turn: How Conservatives Used New and Alternative Media to Take Power (2004)
 * Conservatives Betrayed: How George W. Bush and Other Big Government Republicans Hijacked the Conservative Cause (2006)
 * Takeover: The 100-Year War for the Soul of the GOP and How Conservatives Can Finally Win it, (2014)

Family
Viguerie and his wife have three children and (as of 2011) six grandchildren.

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title: Richard Viguerie


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title: Category:Korean sculptors


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Gie

Gie is a 2005 Indonesian biopic film directed by Riri Riza. The film tells the story of Soe Hok Gie, a graduate from University of Indonesia who is known as an activist and nature lover. The film is based on a diary Catatan Seorang Demonstran written by Soe himself. The plot of this film is an interpretation of the filmmakers, and scenes portraying Soe's private life may be partly fictionalised for dramatisation.

The film received 11 nominations at the 2005 Indonesian Film Festival, winning three for "Best Film", "Best Actor" (in a leading role) for Nicholas Saputra, and "Best Cinematography".

Plot
Soe Hok Gie grew up in a lower-middle class Chinese Indonesian family in Jakarta. In his early teens, young Gie had developed a fascination in concepts and idealisms advocated by world class intellectuals. Combined with a fighter's passion, faithfulness to friends, and a heart filled with genuine care for others and for his country, young Gie grew to become intolerant with injustice, and dreamt of an Indonesia that is truly founded on justice, equality, and righteousness. This passion was frequently misunderstood by others. Even Soe's best friends, Tan Tjin Han and Herman Lantang posed the question "What is all this fighting for?" which Soe would calmly respond with his awareness that freedom has a price tag that must be paid. Soe's motto, as written on the movie poster, is translated as "It is better to be singled out than to surrender to hypocrisy".

Soe's teen and college years was spent under the regime of Indonesia's founding father Sukarno, which was characterised with conflict between the military and the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI). Soe and his friends insisted that they were politically neutral; and as much as Soe has respect for Sukarno as Indonesia's founding father, Soe detested Sukarno's dictatorship which caused the poor and the oppressed to suffer. Soe was well aware of the social inequality, power abuse, and corruption under the government of Sukarno, and courageously spoke out against it in discussion groups, student unions, and wrote sharp criticisms in the media. Soe also abhorred the fact that too many students appeared to others as advocates of positive change, who in fact were just taking advantage of the political situation to make personal gain. This attracted much sympathy as well as opposition. Many interest groups sought Soe to support their campaigns, while many enemies of Soe jump at any opportunity to intimidate him.

Tan, Soe's childhood friend, had always deeply admired Soe's prudence and courage but lacked that fighter's spirit himself. In their twenties, the boys were reunited again for a short time. Soe finds out that Tan had become "seduced" and deeply involved with the PKI but was ignorant as to what this implied or what consequences awaited. Soe urges Tan to relinquish his ties with the PKI and hide out, but Tan did not listen.

Soe and his friends spend their leisure time hiking and enjoy nature with the Nature-Loving Students of the University of Indonesia (Mapala UI). Other things they enjoyed doing included watching and analysing movies, attending traditional Indonesian performing arts, and hanging out at parties.

Cast

 * Nicholas Saputra as Soe Hok Gie
 * Jonathan Mulia as Young Soe Hok Gie
 * Thomas Nawilis as Tan Tjin Han
 * Christian Audi as Young Tan Tjin Han
 * Sita Nursanti as Ira
 * Wulan Guritno as Sinta
 * Lukman Sardi as Herman Lantang
 * Angelo Bondoc as Young Herman Lantang
 * Indra Birowo
 * Surya Saputra
 * Doni Alamsyah
 * Robby Tumewu
 * Tutie Kirana
 * Gino Korompus
 * Rosaline Oscarr
 * Soultan Saladin
 * Naya Kartaadiredja (uncredited)

Additional characters
Ira and Sinta are two girls that represented the women in Soe's life. While in real life Soe did date several girls in the UI, Ira and Sinta in this movie are fictional characters because the women that were in fact close to Soe refused to make themselves known and reveal details of their relationship with Soe. Soe's diary mentioned his involvement with three women; however, it did not clearly indicate whether he was in love with any one of them.

Ira was an intellectual young woman that shared Gie's idealistic dreams and fighter's spirit. Ira was Soe's best supporter and friend and present both during Gie's productive and leisure activities. Subtle hints of romance seemed to spark between the two every now and then, but neither had the nerve to follow it through.

As the years unwinded, along came Sinta, an attractive girl with rich parents who admired Soe's writings. It was obvious that Gie and Sinta were physically attracted to each other, but failed to find the heart-to-heart connection. Sinta seemed to merely delight in Gie's company and the comfort and pride of being the girlfriend of a well-respected character, but did not have a genuine interest for the things that are close to Gie's heart. Vice versa, Gie was clueless about keeping Sinta entertained, and felt dissatisfied with the relationship. Sinta's presence caused a chill between Gie and Ira.

The romance between Soe in the movie and Sinta may be based on Soe's closest girlfriend in real life. She was the daughter of a wealthy couple who admired Soe's work. However, as the relationship intensified, the girl's parents began to find excuses to prevent Soe and their daughter from seeing each other because the parents did not want to risk having their daughter married to a man who was struggling to make ends meet financially and was frequently the target of hate speech and other threats. In the movie, however, there was not much parental intervention portrayed or suggested in Soe and Sinta's relationship—it simply features several (often speechless) scenes of Soe and Sinta which leaves the audience to draw their own conclusions as to what may be going on at the back of Soe and Sinta's heads.

Tan Tjin Han, young Soe's best friend, is in fact a fictional character. He is inspired by two personal friends of Soe, Djin Hok and Effendi. Djin Hok was the friend of Soe who experienced domestic abuse in his aunt's house, while Effendi was the friend who was abducted for his alleged involvement in the PKI.

Other additional characters include Denny (a humorous and outspoken friend of Soe), Jaka (promoter of the Catholic student union who turned out to only have used politics as a means of obtaining personal gain) and Santi (a prostitute introduced to Soe as the boys' attempt to stimulate Soe to do something about his potentially romantic relationship with Ira).

Awards and nominations

 * Official entry from Indonesia for Best Foreign Language Film at the 78th Academy Awards
 * In competition in the ASEAN category at the 2006 Bangkok International Film Festival
 * Awarded Best Film at the 2005 Indonesian Film Festival

Original Motion Picture Soundtrack

 * Gie- Eross SO7 Feat. Okta
 * Cahaya Bulan- Eross SO7 Feat. Okta
 * Dimana Dia- Tetty Kadi
 * Terombang Di Penantian- Titiek Puspa
 * Genjer Genjer- Bing Slamet
 * Nurlela- Bing Slamet
 * Mr. Ego- Speaker 1st
 * Donna Donna- Sita Nursanti RSD

title: Gie


text: User talk:Wilburt

title: User talk:Wilburt


text: Category:Indonesian films

title: Category:Indonesian films


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text: User talk:70.245.153.243

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text: User talk:209.164.32.131

title: User talk:209.164.32.131


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380th Air Expeditionary Wing

The 380th Air Expeditionary Wing (380 AEW) is a provisional unit of the United States Air Force Air Combat Command (ACC). It is attached to the United States Air Forces Central Command component of ACC and is stationed at Al Dhafra Air Base, United Arab Emirates.

About 1,200 active duty military members, Reserve, and Air National Guard personnel make up the Wing. Aircraft assigned: McDonnell Douglas KC-10A Extenders, Lockheed U-2 Dragon Ladies, Boeing E-3 Sentry (AWACS) and Northrop Grumman RQ-4 Global Hawk. Its mission is aerial refueling and reconnaissance.

The Wing's origins date to 1942 when the 380th Bombardment Group was established. It operated primarily in the Southwest Pacific Theater as a Consolidated B-24 Liberator heavy bomber unit assigned to Fifth Air Force.

Active for over 40 years, the 380th Bombardment Wing was a component organization of Strategic Air Command's deterrent force during the Cold War, as a strategic bombardment wing.

Units

 * 380th Expeditionary Operations Group
 * 380th Expeditionary Maintenance Group
 * 380th Expeditionary Aircraft Maintenance Squadron
 * 380th Expeditionary Maintenance Squadron

 * 380th Expeditionary Mission Support Group
 * 380th Expeditionary Contracting Squadron
 * 380th Expeditionary Communications Squadron
 * 380th Expeditionary Civil Engineer Squadron
 * 380th Expeditionary Logistics Readiness Squadron
 * 380th Expeditionary Security Forces Squadron
 * 380th Expeditionary Force Support Squadron

 * 380th Expeditionary Medical Group

World War II
The history of the 380th dates back to 28 October 1942 when the unit was established. The 380th Bombardment Group (Heavy) was activated on 3 November 1942 at Davis–Monthan Field, Arizona. Originally, the 380th Group consisted of four squadrons, the 528th, 529th, 530th, and 531st Bombardment Squadrons. Shortly after being activated, the group moved to Biggs Field, Texas, where it underwent extensive combat training. After completing training, the 380th moved to Lowry Field, Colorado, to undergo final combat training. The 380th was part of Fifth Air Force, and was known as the Flying Circus and as the King of the Heavies

The 380th went overseas in April 1943 to become the second Consolidated B-24 Liberator unit in the Fifth Air Force at that time after the 90th Bomb Group. The other heavy bomber unit (the 43d Bombardment Group) flew Boeing B-17 Flying Fortresses. The group arrived at Fenton Airfield, Australia, and also encompassed a part of Western Australia at Corunna Downs Airfield, a top secret airfield in the Pilbara, north of Perth, Western Australia in the Royal Australian Air Force's North-Western Area Command area of responsibility. The Command's purpose was to engage in destroying Japanese strongholds in the Pacific. The group later moved to RAAF Base Darwin. Here it was placed under the Australian Northwest Area Command operating out of Darwin, Northern Territory. It was the only B-24 Liberator unit attached to the RAAF. The group was assigned to train RAAF personnel on the B-24 and to secure Australia's safety against a threatened Japanese invasion along its northern coast. Upon its arrival in Australia, the group immediately began combat operations. It was the only heavy bomber unit available to cover the whole of the Dutch East Indies (1,000,000 square miles) from July 1943 until late in 1944. At that time the successes in the New Guinea campaign had brought the other Fifth Air Force units close enough to the East Indies to join the 380th in that task.

During April and May 1944, the 380th engaged in the most intensive and sustained operations since arrival in the southwest Pacific, neutralizing the rear bases through which the Japanese might reinforce their air force in the Wakde-Hollandia area of the Netherlands East Indies. From the end of May 1944 until it moved to Murtha Field, San Jose, Mindoro, Philippines in February 1945, the 380th concentrated on neutralizing enemy bases, installations and industrial compounds in the southern and central East Indies. In April 1945, Far East Air Forces relieved the 380th of its ground support commitments in the Philippines. During the month, the Group flew the first heavy bomber strikes against targets in China and French Indochina. In June 1945, the 380th was placed under the operational control of the 13th Air Force for pre-invasion attacks against Labuan and on the oil refineries at Balikpapan in Borneo. For nearly two weeks, the Group's Liberators kept these targets under a state of aerial siege. After the Borneo raids, the 380th flew its last combat missions to Taiwan.

After the cessation of hostilities, the 380th moved to Okinawa and flew reconnaissance patrols over the Japanese islands. The group ferried released prisoners of war to Manila. On 18 October 1945, the unit was transferred to Seventh Air Force in the Philippines, where it moved to Clark Field on Luzon, and participated in the Sunset Project, the return of B-24s and their crews to the United States. Although some aircraft and crews were flown back to the United States, most of the aircraft from inactivating units were simply scrapped at Clark and personnel were returned via Navy ships from Manila.

In its service with the Australians, the 380th served longer under the operational control of an Allied country than any other Air Force unit (from June 1943 until February 1945). The 380th Group was inactivated on 20 February 1946.

B-24 Aircraft
The 380th was assigned to the South West Pacific War Area because of the long-range capabilities of the Liberator and the need for its services there at that point in the war (Spring 1943). A total of 137 planes served in Australia and New Guinea. Of these, 53 served further in The Philippines.

The 380th made the longest bombing missions of WWII, to the oil refineries at Balikpapan, Borneo (200 miles further than the Ploesti mission in Europe) and to those at Surabaja, Java (as long as Ploesti). Both of these missions were accomplished several times during their stay in Australia.

In addition to attacks on the Japanese oil supply, the 380th was heavily engaged in crippling their shipping fleet to reduce the Japanese capability of supplying their far-flung forces. Numerous Japanese airfields were also heavily bombed in the East Indies to reduce the Japanese threat to Australia and New Guinea forces.

As part of its duties in Australia, the 380th carried out the operational training of 52 Australian crews and their associated ground staffs so that the Australians could take over the East Indian campaign activities of the 380th when they were assigned to The Philippines in February 1945.

Cold War
The 380th Bombardment Group remained inactive from 20 February 1946 until its redesignation from Heavy to Very Heavy on 13 May 1947. On 29 May 1947, the Group was activated at MacDill Field, Florida, as a Boeing B-29 Superfortress reserve unit under the 49th Bombardment Wing. The group remained an inactive reserve unit until being called to active duty on 1 May 1951 during the Korean War. Fifteen days later on 16 May 1951, after the personnel had been processed for active duty and transferred to other units, the Group was inactivated.

Cold War
The 380th Bombardment Wing (Medium) was established at Plattsburgh Air Force Base, New York, on 11 July 1955 and assigned to Strategic Air Command (SAC) Eighth Air Force. For the next 40 years, the 380th was a front line SAC wing during the Cold War.

Along with the wing's activation, the 528th, 529th and 530th Bombardment Squadrons were also activated. During July and August, the personnel assigned to the Wing arrived at Plattsburgh. In December 1955, the first Boeing B-47 Stratojet medium bomber was assigned to the Wing but instead of being flown to Plattsburgh, was delivered to Pinecastle Air Force Base, Florida, as Detachment 1of the wing because of the delays in completing the base facilities at Plattsburgh.

Major Harold L. Neal piloted the first flight of a B-47 by a 380th's crew on 27 January 1956 at Pinecastle. For the next several months, training continued while additional B-47s were assigned to the Wing. By the end of January 1956, 16 B-47s were assigned to the wing and increased to 30 by the end of April. The first B-47E arrived on 21 March 1956 piloted by Brigadier General Kenneth O. Sanborn, first commander of the 820th Air Division, also headquartered at Plattsburgh AFB, but temporarily assigned to Pinecastle. The aircraft was christened "City of Plattsburgh" the next day. By June 1956, the runway and essential facilities were completed at Plattsburgh and the wing and Air Division moved its aircraft and headquarters to the newly constructed base from Florida. In September 1956, the 380th Air Refueling Squadron, flying the Boeing KC-97 Stratofreighter, was transferred to Plattsburgh from Sheppard Air Force Base, Texas. The wing was declared combat ready on 1 October 1956.

In April 1957, the 380th deployed to RAF Brize Norton, England for a three-month period as part of an Operation Reflex deployment. During this deployment, Wing's B-47 inaugurated the "Three Capitals" air race. The occasion was the Paris Air Show held at Paris–Le Bourget Airport in Paris. On 28 May 1957, three B-47s from the 380th BW took off from Brize Norton and flew over Le Bourget to start the race. The objective of the race was to fly from Paris to Madrid to Rome and back to Paris, and the prize was the General Electric Trophy. A B-47E from the 529th Squadron won the 2346 smi race in 4 hours 12 minutes and 7 seconds, with an average speed of 558 mph. The aircraft, commanded by Capt. Robert E. Sheridan was piloted by 1stLt. J.L. Mombrea with Capt. Frank R. Beadle as Observer.

On 18 July 1957, the Wing suffered its first peacetime major accident. A KC-97G from the 380th Air Refueling Squadron with a crew of eight exploded and crashed into Lake Champlain when 2 of the 4 engines failed 3 minutes after take-off from Plattsburgh AFB at 9:28 p.m. During February 1959, the wing gained both the 820th Air Base Group and the 4020th USAF Hospital. Both of these units had previously been assigned to the 820th Air Division, located at Plattsburgh AFB. The 531st BS was activated and assigned to the 380th in May 1959. Later that year, on 7 August, another unit was attached to the Wing from the 820th AD, the 26th Air Refueling Squadron. The 531st was inactivated on 1 January 1962.

Between 20 July 1962 and 24 December 1964, the 380th also flew EB-47 assigned to the 4365th Post Attack Command and Control Squadron. On 15 January 1962, the Wing suffered its second aircraft lost when a B-47E assigned to the 529th Squadron on a routine training flight making bomb runs over Fort Drum crashed on the southeast slope of Wright's Peak (a mountain top 60 mi south of Plattsburgh). The wreckage was discovered on the 21st by a group of US Army pilots from Fort Devens, Massachusetts. Later that same year, on 22 October 1962, the Wing responded to the Cuban Missile Crisis by deploying eight of its B-47s to a dispersal base. These aircraft and personnel stayed at the dispersal base until 25 November 1962 with the remaining aircraft and personnel on alert at Plattsburgh.

On 15 September 1964, the wing was redesignated the 380th Strategic Aerospace Wing and was composed of added the 556th Strategic Missile Squadron. On 18 September, the Wing received its first Boeing KC-135A StratotankerA flown by Col. Harold J. Whiteman, the wing commander and a four-man crew composed of Maj. Creston Fowler (commander), Capt. Robert J. Svoboda (co-pilot), Capt. Robert D. Smith (navigator) and TSgt. Roy W. Rebstock (boomer). The aircraft was christened the same day, "Spirit of the North Country" by Mrs Gladys Ellison. Mrs Ellison's husband was SMSgt. Guin B. Ellison, Maintenance Supervisor of the Year for the 380th.

September 1965 saw one of the Wing's B-47s, "Pride of the Adirondacks" departing Plattsburgh for SAC's 14th Bombing and Navigation Competition at Fairchild Air Force Base, Washington. Six days later, that same aircraft returned to Plattsburgh being hailed as the "World's Best B-47" after having won top honors among all SAC B-47 units in 3 of 4 competition areas for the B-47s. "Pride of the Adirondacks" was commanded by Maj. Charles W. Patrick with Capt. John V. Wilcox for co-pilot, Maj. Robert A. Wickland as navigator and Ssgt. John F. Navroth as Crew Chief. The crew won 'Best B-47 Crew, Bombing', 'Best B-47 Crew, Combined' and 'Best B-47 Unit'. Within three weeks of that triumph, the first B-47 departed for storage at Davis–Monthan Air Force Base, Arizona, as part of an accelerated phase-out of the type. On 14 December, a ceremony was held as the final three B-47s departed Plattsburgh for the Arizona's storage facility. "Pride of the Adirondacks" was preserved and put on display at the entrance of the base on 8 February 1966.

Atlas missiles
During 1961 and 1962, construction began on 12 SM-65 Atlas missile sites. The sites were built within a 50 mi radius of the base and were completed in 1963. The squadron was equipped with 13 missiles, allowing each silo to have its Atlas missile with one left for spare. When one missile in a silo was scheduled for maintenance, the spare missile was sent to replace it. This allowed the 380th to maintain 12 ready to launch missiles seven days a week. All sites were in New York state except for two located on the other side of Lake Champlain in Vermont. The 556th Strategic Missile Squadron became completely operational on 15 September 1964. This was the last Atlas squadron to be accepted and the only Intercontinental ballistic missile base east of the Mississippi River. The 556th's last operational day was 30 April 1965 with the squadron's inactivation on 25 June 1965.

B-52 era
To replace the B-47s, the Wing was assigned the Boeing B-52G Stratofortress bomber and received its first aircraft christened "Champlain Lady" on 19 June 1966. After the arrival of the new type, another new unit was assigned to the Wing on 25 January 1967, the 310th Air Refueling Squadron. On 21 January 1968, tragedy struck the wing again when B-52G 58-188, crashed near Thule Air Base in Greenland while on a Chrome Dome mission. The aircraft was flown by a crew from the 528th Squadron and was carrying four hydrogen bombs when it crashed into an ice covered bay at the western tip of Greenland. The crew of seven was composed of Capt. John Baug (commander), Capt. Leonard Svitenko (co-pilot), Maj. Frank Hopkins (radar navigator), Capt. Curtis Criss (navigator), Capt. Richard Marx (electronic warfare), SSgt. Calvin Snapp (gunner) and Maj. Alfred J. D'amario (safety officer from Wing HQ). Sadly, Capt. Svitenko was killed during the crash.

The Wing's involvement in the Vietnam War was one of temporary duty assignments. Tanker and bomber crews of the 380th were temporarily assigned to the Pacific theater in support of B-52 Operation Arc Light missions and KC-135 Operation Young Tiger. The KC-135 crews and aircraft supported Southeast Asia operations from October 1966 until 1973. The B-52 crews served from 1968 until 1970.

FB-111 era
The stay of the B-52s assigned to the 380th was destined to be short. In 1968, plans were initiated to bring the Air Force's newest strategic aircraft, the General Dynamics FB-111 Aardvark to Plattaburgh. The FB-111A was the all-weather strategic bombing version of the F-111, intended as an interim successor to the B-52 and Convair B-58 Hustler of Strategic Air Command. On 8 October 1969, the FB-111A entered service with the 4007th Combat Crew Training Squadron of the 340th Bomb Group at Carswell Air Force Base, Texas. Even though the FB-111A was officially declared operational, it had yet to reach the combat forces. After reaching operational capability, the 4007th relocated to Plattsburg and became part of the wing.

By the end of 1970, B-52s were transferred to Fairchild Air Force Base, Washington, and the last B-52G left Plattsburgh on 5 January 1971. Construction requirements for the new FB-111A were completed in 1969. Col. G.R. Abendhoff, 380th commander, piloted the first FB-111A to the base during Open house ceremonies on 17 July 1971. On 1 July 1972, the 380th Wing was redesignated the 380th Bombardment Wing, Medium. During the 1974 SAC bombing and navigation competition, the FB-111 and KC-135 crews from the 380th combined their effort with the support personnel to prove to be "The best of the best". The 380th was the first Wing equipped with the FB-111A to win the competition and would dominate again in the years to come.

1980 began with a new challenge for the Wing after being named the official military support installation for the 1980 Winter Olympics at Lake Placid, New York. The 380th coordinated helicopter rescue mission conducted by the 38th Aerospace Rescue and Recovery Squadron.

The 380th Group was consolidated with the 380th Wing by order of the Secretary of the Air Force on 31 January 1984.

As the year progressed, the 380th once again proved itself worthy of its motto, "Best of the Best", as it achieved an unprecedented fifth Fairchild Trophy at the annual SAC Bombing and Navigation Competition. In addition to winning the Fairchild, which established a record of five trophies for one unit, the Wing captured its second Saunders Trophy for the best air refueling unit and the "Best FB-111 Crew Award". In 1985, the 380th BW received the pinnacle award for SAC Wings. The Omaha Trophy for the best overall SAC wing for the 1984 calendar year was awarded to the Wing on 11 July.

During the summer of 1988, a full complement of the 380th Wing deployed for the first time since World War II. Over 300 men and women deployed to a forward operating base in support of "Mighty Warrior 88", an SAC wide exercise held to better enable the various SAC wings to carry out their respective missions under austere conditions.

As the Rockwell B-1B Lancer came into service, the FB-111A became redundant to SAC needs, and starting in 1988 most FB-111As began a conversion into a ground attack configuration (F-111G – less their nuclear delivery capability). As the aircraft were converted, they were reassigned to Tactical Air Command training units operating out of Cannon Air Force Base, New Mexico.

Post Cold War
In September 1990, crews from both air refueling squadrons combined with personnel from other units to form the 1703rd Air Refueling Wing (Provisional) in Saudi Arabia, supporting Operations Desert Shield and Desert Storm.

On 10 July 1991, Strategic Air Command and the 380th Wing said goodbye to the FB-111A when the last 4 operational aircraft left Plattsburgh for their final flight to preservation in museums. The 380th Wing was redesignated the 380th Air Refueling Wing a few days earlier on 1 July 1991. The mission of the wing was to provide worldwide air refueling with its KC-135A/Q Stratotankers and served as host to the Tanker Task Force operation. The 380th Tanker Task Force was responsible for supporting most of the transoceanic operations on the East Coast.

The wing was absorbed by Fifteenth Air Force, Air Mobility Command, on 1 June 1992 with the inactivation of SAC. As a result of the 1993 Base Realignment and Closure Commission, Plattsburgh was closed on 30 September 1995 and the 380th Wing was inactivated.

Global War on Terrorism
The 380th Air Expeditionary Wing was reactivated at Al Dhafra Air Base in the United Arab Emirates in January 2002 to support the War in Afghanistan. The wing participates in Operation Enduring Freedom and Operation Iraqi Freedom.

Lineage

 * 380th Bombardment Group
 * Constituted as the 380th Bombardment Group (Heavy) on 28 October 1942
 * Activated on 3 November 1942
 * Redesignated 380th Bombardment Group, Heavy on 26 August 1944
 * Inactivated on 20 February 1946

 * Redesignated 380th Bombardment Group, Very Heavy
 * Activated in the reserve on 16 June 1947
 * Redesignated 380th Bombardment Group, Medium on 26 June 1949
 * Ordered to active duty on 1 May 1951
 * Inactivated on 16 May 1951

 * Consolidated with the 380th Bombardment Wing as the 380th Bombardment Wing on 31 January 1984

 * 380th Air Expeditionary Wing
 * Established as the 380th Bombardment Wing, Medium on 23 March 1953
 * Activated on 11 July 1955
 * Redesignated 380th Strategic Aerospace Wing on 15 September 1964
 * Redesignated 380th Bombardment Wing, Medium on 1 July 1972
 * Consolidated with the 380th Bombardment Group on 31 January 1984
 * Redesignated 380th Air Refueling Wing on 1 July 1991
 * Inactivated on 30 September 1995

 * Redesignated 380th Air Expeditionary Wing and converted to provisional status on 4 December 2001.

Assignments

 * 16th Bombardment Wing (later 16th Bombardment Operational Training Wing), 3 November 1942
 * V Bomber Command, c. 28 April 1943 (attached to Northwest Area Command, Royal Australian Air Force), 1 June 1943 – January 1945
 * 310th Bombardment Wing, 24 March – 9 August 1945
 * Continental Air Command, 16 June 1947 – 16 May 1951
 * V Bomber Command, c. 9 August 1945
 * VII Bomber Command, 9 October 1945
 * Far East Air Forces, c. 28 Nov 1945 – 20 Feb 1946
 * 49th Bombardment Wing (later 49 Air Division), 16 June 1947
 * Fifteenth Air Force (attached to 307th Bombardment Group), 26 Jun 1949
 * Second Air Force, 1 April 1950 – 16 May 1951
 * Eighth Air Force, 11 July 1955
 * 820th Air Division (later 820th Strategic Aerospace Division), 1 February 1956 (attached to 7th Air Division, 3 April – 3 July 1957)
 * 817th Air Division, 25 June 1965
 * 45th Air Division, 1 July 1968
 * 817th Air Division, 2 July 1969
 * 45th Air Division, 30 June 1971
 * Eighth Air Force, 29 March 1989
 * Fifteenth Air Force, 1 September 1991
 * Twenty-First Air Force, 1 July 1993 – 30 September 1995
 * Air Combat Command to activate or inactivate as needed. 4 December 2001
 * United States Air Forces Central Command (later Ninth Air Force (Air Forces Central), c. 2002 – present

Components

 * Operational Groups
 * 380th Operations Group: 1 September 1991 – 1 October 1994
 * 458th Operations Group: 1 July 1993 – 1 April 1994

 * Operational Squadrons
 * No. 24 Squadron, Royal Australian Air Force: attached May–December 1944
 * 26th Air Refueling Squadron: attached 7 August 1957 – 31 July 1959, assigned 1 August 1959 – 1 April 1961
 * 310th Air Refueling Squadron: 25 January 1967 – 1 September 1991
 * 380th Air Refueling Squadron: 16 August 1956 – 1 April 1961; 15 September 1964 – 1 September 1991
 * 528th Bombardment Squadron: 3 November 1942 – 20 February 1946; 16 June 1947 – 16 May 1951; 11 July 1955 – 1 July 1991
 * 529th Bombardment Squadron: 3 November 1942 – 20 February 1946; 17 July 1947 – 27 June 1949; 11 July 1955 – 25 June 1966 and 6 January 1971 – 1 September 1991
 * 530th Bombardment Squadron (later 530th Strategic Bombardment Training Squadron, 530th Combat Crew Training Squadron): 3 November 1942 – 20 February 1946; 17 July 1947 – 27 June 1949; 11 July 1955 – 25 June 1966, 1 July 1986 – 1 July 1991
 * 531st Bombardment Squadron: 3 November 1942 – 20 February 1946; 16 June 1947 – 27 June 1949; 1 May 1959 – 1 January 1962
 * 556th Strategic Missile Squadron: 15 September 1964 – 25 June 1965

Stations

 * Davis–Monthan Field, Arizona, 3 November 1942
 * Biggs Field, Texas, 2 December 1942
 * Lowry Field, Colorado, 4 March – 17 April 1943
 * Fenton Airfield, Australia, May 1943
 * RAAF Base Darwin, Australia, 9 August 1944
 * McGuire Field, Mindoro, Philippines, 20 February 1945
 * Motobu Airfield, Okinawa, 9 August 1945
 * Fort William McKinley, Luzon, Philippines, 28 November 1945 – 20 February 1946
 * MacDill Field (later MacDill Air Force Base), Florida, 16 June 1947 – 16 May 1951
 * Plattsburgh Air Force Base, New York, 11 July 1955 – 30 September 1995
 * Al Dhafra Air Base, United Arab Emirates, Early since 2002

Aircraft and missiles

 * Consolidated B-24 Liberator (1942–1945)
 * Boeing B-29 Superfortress 1949-1951)
 * Boeing B-47 Stratojet (1955–1965)
 * Boeing KC-97 Stratofreighter (1956–1961)
 * Boeing EB-47E Stratojet (1963–1964)
 * SM-65 Atlas (1964–1965)
 * Boeing KC-135 Stratotanker (1964–1994; Since January 2002)
 * Boeing B-52G Stratofortress (1966–1971)
 * General Dynamics FB-111A Aardvark (1971–1991)
 * McDonnell Douglas KC-10A Extender (1993–1994)
 * Boeing E-3B/C Sentry (Since January 2002)
 * Northrop Grumman RQ-4 Global Hawk (Since January 2002)
 * Lockheed Martin F-22 Raptor (Present)

title: 380th Air Expeditionary Wing


text:
Youth detention center

In criminal justice systems, a youth detention center, known as a juvenile detention center (JDC), juvenile detention, juvenile jail, juvenile hall, or more colloquially as juvie/juvy or the Juvey Joint, also sometimes referred to as observation home or remand home is a prison for people under the age of majority, to which they have been sentenced and committed for a period of time, or detained on a short-term basis while awaiting trial or placement in a long-term care program. Juveniles go through a separate court system, the juvenile court, which sentences or commits juveniles to a certain program or facility.

Some juveniles are released directly back into the community to undergo community-based rehabilitative programs, while others juveniles may pose a greater threat to society and to themselves and therefore are in need of a stay in a supervised juvenile detention center. If a juvenile is sent by the courts to a juvenile detention center, there are two types of facilities: secure detention and secure confinement.

Secure detention means that juveniles are held for usually short periods of time in facilities in order to await current trial hearings and further placement decisions. By holding juveniles in secure detention, it ensures appearance in court while also keeping the community safe and risk-free of the juvenile. This type of facility is usually called a "juvenile hall," which is a holding center for juvenile delinquents. On the other hand, secure confinement implies that the juvenile has been committed by the court into the custody of a secure juvenile correctional facility for the duration of a specific program, which can span from a few months to many years.

Juvenile detention is not intended to be punitive. Rather, juveniles held in secure custody usually receive care consistent with the doctrine of parens patriae, i.e., the state as parent. The state or local jurisdiction is usually responsible for providing education, recreation, health, assessment, counseling and other intervention services with the intent of maintaining a youth's well-being during his or her stay in custody.

Generally speaking, secure detention is reserved for juveniles considered to be a threat to public safety or the court process, though in many cases, youths are held for violating a court order. Status offenders, i.e., juveniles charged with running away from home, alcohol possession, and other offenses that are not crimes if committed by adults, may only be held for 24 hours or less, while initial case investigation is completed, and other alternatives are arranged.

Within the categories of secure detention and secure confinement for juveniles, the overarching name of these facilities is residential programs. Five overarching types of residential programs where a juvenile may be placed while in court custody: The Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention found the five types of residential programs for juveniles to be a broad range, which included detention, corrections, camp, community based, and residential treatment. The reason for the wide variety in placement options of juveniles is that there does not currently exist a uniform definition of residential treatment programs. As a result, this creates a lack of uniformity across states and a large variety of names for secure detention and secure confinement centers for juveniles.

Services provided to the youth
Many services are supposed to be provided to the youth at both detention centers and confinement facilities. Services vary from facility to facility, but in general the programs and services provided to the youth are geared toward the juvenile's needs. At the core, juvenile facilities function as rehabilitative institutions for youth. Education is seen by many as the primary rehabilitative service that must be provided to detained youth. Highly effective schools within juvenile facilities provide high school curriculum, opportunities for General Equivalency Diploma (GED) preparation, special education services, certified teachers, small student to teacher ratio, connection with families, and vocational training opportunities. Despite state and federal requirements, there are many problems with the educational systems in juvenile detention centers. Many institutions do not provide basic education services, and in others, children only receive a fraction of the state-mandated instructional time, and classes are not based on a coherent curriculum.(Katherine Twomey, The right to Education in Juvenile Detention Under State Constitutions, p. 766). Some facilities do not have designated classrooms, libraries, or even books, and the teachers are often poorly trained, and are not trained in how to deal with special needs of children in detention. (Id. at 767.) Despite these shortcomings, there have been very few consequences to states for violating the requirements of the No Child Left Behind Act, (Id. at 779.); therefore, states do not have much incentive to improve standards to achieve compliance.

Mental health
There is a long-standing connection found in research between youth who commit crimes and mental health concerns. A remarkably high population of juveniles present serious mental health illness within juvenile facilities. Since juvenile detention facilities operate on the foundation of rehabilitating the youth, different mental health programs are provided by facilities to help the youth rehabilitate. It is the expectation that juvenile detention centers and juvenile institutions provide mental health services to their residents. The incarcerated youth population requires careful and structured intervention, which must be provided by the facilities.

Many different mental health treatment strategies exist for juveniles. It is the responsibility of case management to decide what type of intervention strategy works best for each youth in his or her mental health treatment plan. Mental health services that can be provided to the youth include, individual counseling, group counseling, crisis counseling, family intervention, medication management, and transition planning.

Education
Education is seen by many as the cornerstone of youth rehabilitation. Many landmark court cases, such as the 1981 case of Green v. Johnson, have given way to juveniles receiving their educational rights while incarcerated. Green v. Johnson (1981) ruled that incarcerated students do not have to give up their rights to an education while incarcerated.

Despite research stating the need for strong educational programs in juvenile detention facilities, there does not exist a uniform standard for education in juvenile facilities as education settings in juvenile facilities greatly vary across the country. The overseer of the school within the juvenile facility differs from state to state. Some schools within juvenile detention facilities are decentralized, some are centralized and run by school districts, and others are overseen by a State education agency.

Special education
There is a large percentage of incarcerated juveniles who are diagnosed as students with special needs. Under the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA), youths with disabilities in correctional facilities are entitled to special education and related services regardless of incarceration status. The Office of Special Education Programs (OSEP) requires State Education Agencies to ensure that special education services are being provided at juvenile facilities.

Being that there is a wide variety a short term or long term stay.

There is a grave presence of juveniles who are classified as youth with disabilities. The disabilities most prevalent in incarcerated juveniles include intellectual disabilities, learning disabilities, and emotional disturbances. Surveys and studies have found that a high number of incarcerated youth suffer from emotional disturbance disabilities as opposed to youth in general public schools. Even with key court decisions and acts, it has been found that a large number of juveniles held at both detention centers and confinement facilities are not being served the special education services they should be provided by law. It has been found that many juvenile detention institutions have struggling special education programs, especially for those centers that detain youth for short periods of time.

Zero Tolerance Policies in Juvenile Court Schools
Juvenile Court Schools provide public education for juveniles who are incarcerated in facilities run by county probation departments. These schools are located in juvenile halls, juvenile homes, day centers, ranches, camps, and regional youth education facilities and are operated by the county board of education. Even though court schools have the same school curriculum, they are often more strict in discipline that is more punitive than holistic. The most disadvantaged and "troubled" students are filling up schools in the juvenile justice system. These students are often further behind in credits and with more personal and structural problems than their counterparts at traditional schools. The majority of these teenagers struggle with learning disabilities, which ties with noticeable behavioral problems, and are experiencing emotional and psychological problems at home. Zero tolerance policies seem to be more strict in the juvenile justice system than in other traditional schools. In a juvenile court school, when a student violates a zero tolerance rule they automatically are prone to suspension and eventually going back to a detention center for its violation. In contrast, a student from a traditional school is more likely to get a second chance for its violation. Zero Tolerance policies are enforced in a greater manner in juvenile court schools than in other traditional schools.

The rules at Juvenile Court Schools are strict and are based on zero tolerance policies. Zero Tolerance Policies may serve more to "push students further out of school and into the school-to-prison pipeline than to re engage them". Students are being harshly punished for minor incidents that should be fixed without having to involve severe consequences. Zero tolerance policies have taken over the role of education. The definition of Zero Tolerance Policies is described in the article, A Study of Zero Tolerance Policies in Schools: A Multi-Integrated Systems Approach to Improve Outcomes for Adolescents, as "…a widespread application to minor offenses can be attributed to the "Broken Windows" theory of crime. This theory analogizes the spread of crime to a few broken windows in a building that go un-repaired and consequently attract vagrants who break more windows and soon become squatters".

Stephen Hoffman in his article, "Zero Benefit: Estimating the Effect of Zero Tolerance Discipline Policies on Racial Disparities in School Discipline" states that, "...zero tolerance discipline policies are associated with poorer school climate, lower student achievement, higher dropout rates…" At Juvenile Court Schools, students are expected to follow a set of rules. The rules at the Court Schools differ from those at traditional schools; they are more punitive.

Concerns and criticism
Two major concerns in regard to juvenile detention centers and long-term confinement facilities have been raised: overcrowding and ineffectiveness. As the number of juvenile cases has increased in the past 15 years, so has the number of juveniles spending time in secure and confined facilities. As a result, the system has become overcrowded, often leading to a shortage of available beds.

Overcrowding exists in many facilities for juveniles, and in overcrowded juvenile detention centers and correctional facilities increased violence can occur. Furthermore, overcrowding can lead to a shortage of necessary and promised programs and services in the facility. Underfunding an overcrowded facility can lead to a shortage of services for the youth, such as education and mental health services.

Apart from overcrowding, the overall efficacy of juvenile secure facilities in the life of youth has been questioned. The high juvenile recidivism rate has caused many critics to question the overall efficacy of secure detention centers and confinement facilities.

United States
There were 45,567 total juveniles in detention facilities in 2016. 32,301 juveniles were in a public facility. 13,266 were in a private facility.

Connecticut
In 1870, Long Lane School was built on donated land in Middletown. However, it became the Connecticut Juvenile Training School (CJTS) in 2003. CJTS is a treatment facility dedicated to delinquent boys from age 12–17. There have been numerous controversies and scandals associated with CJTS between 1998 and 2005. In 2005, Governor Jodi Rell attempted to close the facility, but it was instead reformed in 2008 by The Department of Children & Families. The new CJTS features a therapeutic model which was developed with assistance from The Boys & Girls Clubs of America. The school was shut down without replacement in 2018.

District of Columbia
The Department of Youth Rehabilitation Services (DYRS) is the District of Columbia's head juvenile justice agency and is responsible for placing DC community youth who are in its oversight in detention, commitment, and aftercare programs.

DYRS offers and operates a range of services and placements for their committed youth. The secure centers that DYRS operates are Youth Services Center (YSC) and New Beginnings Youth Development Center. YSC is the District's secure detention center. New Beginnings Youth Development Center is a secure confinement facility for the District's committed youth.

YSC is operated by DYRS as the District of Columbia's secure juvenile detention center, which was opened in 2004. It is an 88-bed facility for male and female detained (not committed) youth who have been accused of delinquent acts and are awaiting their court hearings. YSC's meets the required needs of the youth it serves. Education services in YSC are provided by the District of Columbia Public Schools (DCPS), which delivers a range of services to the residents. The facility also provides programs and services to meet the essential mental health, emotional, physical, and social needs of the youth. YSC provides a secure and humane environment and coordinates all court meetings and team meetings for its youth. Above all else, YSC makes certain that the protection of the legal rights of the juveniles are being upheld.

New Beginnings Youth Development Center is another secure DYRS operation. The center is a 60-bed, all-male secure center for DC's most serious youth delinquents. The $46 million facility opened in 2009 in unincorporated Anne Arundel County, Maryland, near Laurel. New Beginnings replaced the Oak Hill Youth Center, which was located .5 mi away in unincorporated Anne Arundel County.

The main goal of New Beginnings is to provide residents with 24-hour supervision as well as programs and services that allow for successful transitions back into the DC community. The services provided include educational, recreation, medical, dental, and mental health programs. DYRS created a partnership with the See Forever Foundation to provide the educational services of Maya Angelou Academy for the residents. Behavioral health staff oversee the mental health programs. The facility is a 9–12-month program, which is modeled after the very successful Missouri Model.

Maya Angelou Academy was founded in 2008, first at Oak Hill Youth Center, and now is the education program serving DYRS committed youth at New Beginnings Youth Development Center. Maya Angelou Academy is part of the Maya Angelou Charter School Network in the DC area. The academy provides a safe, structured, and intensive learning environment to the youth it serves at New Beginnings Youth Development Center.

Pennsylvania
PA Child Care is a detention center in Pennsylvania, US. It was part of the Kids for cash scandal in which judges were given kickbacks in exchange for imposing harsh sentences on youth offenders so that the detention centers would get business.

title: Youth detention center


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Tony Taylor (baseball)

Antonio Nemesio Taylor Sánchez (December 19, 1935 –July 16, 2020) was a Cuban baseball second baseman who played 19 seasons in Major League Baseball (MLB). He played for the Chicago Cubs, Philadelphia Phillies, and Detroit Tigers from 1958 until 1976. He batted and threw right-handed and also played third base and first base.

Taylor was signed as an amateur free agent by the New York Giants in 1954 and played for three of their minor league affiliates until 1957, when the Chicago Cubs drafted him in that year's Rule 5 draft and promoted him to the major leagues. After spending two seasons with the organization, he was traded to the Philadelphia Phillies in 1960, the same year he was selected twice as an All-Star. He was subsequently dealt in mid-1971 to the Detroit Tigers, who released him after two seasons. He returned to the Phillies and played his last game on September 29, 1976.

Early life
Taylor was born in Central Alava, Matanzas Province, on December 19, 1935. He was of American descent through his father, who died in 1957. His mother's parents were Chinese; they changed their name to Sánchez upon arrival in Cuba.

Taylor's younger brother, Jorge, also played baseball with a minor league affiliate of the Cincinnati Reds in 1960. Taylor also had a sister (Estrella). He started playing baseball when he was seven or eight years old. He was signed as an amateur free agent by the New York Giants in April 1954.

Professional career
Taylor posted a career .261 batting average with 75 home runs and 598 RBI in 2195 games.

Taylor signed at age 18 as a third baseman in the New York Giants organization. He debuted in the major leagues with the Chicago Cubs in 1958; he was their starting second baseman in 1958 and 1959.

Taylor had a small role in one of baseball history's weirdest plays. It took place on June 30, 1959, when the St. Louis Cardinals played the Cubs at Wrigley Field. Stan Musial was at the plate facing Bob Anderson with a count of 3–1. Anderson's next pitch was errant, the ball evaded catcher Sammy Taylor and rolled all the way to the backstop. Umpire Vic Delmore called "ball four", but Anderson and Sammy Taylor contended that Musial foul tipped the ball, which would mean the ball was actually strike two. While Delmore was embroiled in an argument with Anderson and Sammy Taylor, Musial ran for second base. Seeing that Musial was running to second, third baseman Alvin Dark retrieved the ball, which briefly wound up in the hands of field announcer Pat Pieper, but Dark recovered it. Absentmindedly, however, Delmore produced a new baseball and gave it to Sammy Taylor. When Anderson saw Musial trying for second, he took the new ball from Sammy Taylor and threw it towards Tony Taylor covering second base, and the ball went over the latter's head into the outfield. Meanwhile, Dark threw the original ball to shortstop Ernie Banks. Musial did not see the throw and he was declared out when the tag was made.

Taylor was traded to the Philadelphia Phillies along with Cal Neeman for Don Cardwell and Ed Bouchee early in the 1960 season. Despite the fact that Philadelphia was a mediocre team, Taylor established himself and was named to the National League All-Star team that year.

A solid and dependable performer, Taylor set a Phillies team record by playing 1,003 games at second base (later broken by Chase Utley), and his six steals of home ranks him second on the Phillies' all-time list.

Taylor appeared on a live satellite broadcast feed on July 23, 1962, in the first live transatlantic broadcast, relayed by Telstar in the 20 minutes that it orbited over the Atlantic Ocean. As lead-in filler before a speech by President John F. Kennedy, a 90-second clip of a game between the Phillies and the Chicago Cubs at Wrigley Field, featuring Taylor hitting a ball pitched by Cal Koonce to right fielder George Altman, was captured and broadcast live to Europe.

In 1963, Taylor hit .281 and collected career highs in runs (102) and hits (182), and the next season, he made the defensive play that saved Jim Bunning's perfect game. In 1970, he hit a career-high .301 average with 26 doubles, nine triples and nine homers.

Taylor was dealt from the Phillies to the Detroit Tigers for minor-league right-handed pitchers Carl Cavanaugh and Mike Fremuth on June 11, 1971. He helped them to a division title a year later. A free agent before the 1974 season, he signed again with the Phillies and became a valuable utility man and pinch hitter for his final three major league seasons.

Later life
After retiring as a player, Taylor became a major league coach for the Phillies from 1977 to 1979, and again from 1988 to 1989. In the intervening time, he was manager in the organization's minor league system and a roving instructor. He served as a minor league coach with the Giants starting in 1990. Two years later, he became minor league coordinator of the Florida Marlins, before becoming their major league coach from 1999 to 2001, and again in 2004.

Taylor was enshrined in the Cuban Baseball Hall of Fame in 1981. He was subsequently inducted into the Philadelphia Phillies Wall of Fame in 2002, and the Hispanic Heritage Baseball Museum Hall of Fame two years later.

Taylor died on July 16, 2020, at the age of 84. He had suffered a stroke one year before at the conclusion of an event for retired players at Citizens Bank Park, and died due to complications arising from it.

title: Tony Taylor (baseball)


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Talk:Shane O' Neill

There are now two articles on Seán an Díomais/Seán Ó Néill; one entitled 'Shane O'Neill', and the other 'Shane O' Neill'. I have placed a more in-depth comment on the former page.

title: Talk:Shane O' Neill


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William Clapp House

The William Clapp House (1806) is a historic house located at 195 Boston Street, Dorchester, Massachusetts. It is the headquarters of the Dorchester Historical Society and contains many items from the society's collections, including 19th century furnishings and local historical items. It is one of two Clapp Houses owned by the society that are listed on the National Register of Historic Places.

The house was built in 1806 for the marriage of William Clapp (March 3, 1779 - February 29, 1860), son of Capt. Lemuel and Rebecca (Dexter) Clap who built the nearby Captain Lemuel Clap House. The younger Clapp followed his father's business with the largest tannery in Dorchester.

Later in life, Clapp devoted his time to his farm and the development of many varieties of pears. The most notable was Clapp's Favorite, developed in 1820 and marketed by 1860. It remains in wide commercial use today.

title: William Clapp House


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Moving Image Archive

The Moving Image Archive is a collection of Scottish film and video recordings at the National Library of Scotland, held at Kelvin Hall in Glasgow, Scotland. There are over 46,000 items within the collection, and over 2,600 of these are publicly available online at the library's Moving Image Catalogue.

History
The Scottish Film Archive was established by the Scottish Film Council in 1976 with the aid of the Government's Job Creation Scheme and became a permanent feature of the council's activities in 1978.

What was to become the Moving Image Archive came to the National Library of Scotland in 2007, though it was called the Scottish Screen Archive at the time. Scottish Screen was established in 1997 and worked in the areas of production, development, location assistance, exhibition and festivals, training, media education and preserving the heritage and history of the moving image; developing, encouraging and promoting every aspect of film, television and new media in Scotland. Working with the Scottish Government, their goal was to establish Scotland as a major screen production centre and project Scottish culture to the world.

It was announced in January 2006 that Scottish Screen would amalgamate with Scottish Arts Council to form the newly created Creative Scotland. Creative Scotland took over these functions in 2010. The NLS renamed the collection in 2015.

Moving Image Archive
The main purpose of the National Library of Scotland's Moving Image Archive is to locate, preserve and provide access to moving images reflecting Scottish 20th and 21st century culture and history. In addition the Archive collects a wide range of written and photographic materials relating to the development of cinema exhibition and film production in Scotland over the past 100 years. The Archive was originally premised in Hillington with limited facilities, however it relocated in 2016 to the Library's new public centre for digital and moving image collections at Glasgow's Kelvin Hall.

Principally non-fiction, the Archive's collection to date includes more than 46,000 items comprising documentary, newsreel, shorts, educational, advertising and promotional films, amateur and professional productions. The material is largely on 16mm and 35mm, with smaller collections of 9.5mm and 8mm film and videotape. The collection has been built up largely through donations from all sectors of the community, industry, broadcasting organisations, local authorities and members of the public, with a nucleus of material acquired from the former Scottish Central Film Library and Films of Scotland Committee.

The strengths of the collection lie in its ability to illustrate local community life, industrial history and the changing nature of leisure. It reflects ways in which Scotland and its people have been portrayed in film since 1896, both by indigenous and visiting filmmakers and more recently the broadcasting sector and the Scottish film industry.

The television material in the Archive includes Gaelic language broadcast production from 1993 onwards, the acquisition of which is funded by Seirbheis nam Meadhanan Gaidhlig (GMS).

Preservation is the primary function of the archive. Purpose-built film and video vaults ensure that original masters are correctly stored and protected.

The Archive is a member of The International Federation of Film Archives (FIAF), the International Federation of Television Archives (FIAT), and is a founding member of the UK Film Archive Forum. The Archive is also a participating member of the Scottish Archive Network (SCAN).

title: Moving Image Archive


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User talk:Oppolo

Welcome!

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title: User talk:Oppolo