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National Finals Rodeo

The National Finals Rodeo (NFR) is the premier championship rodeo of the Professional Rodeo Cowboys Association (PRCA). It showcases the talents of the PRCA's top 15 money winners in the season for each event.

The NFR is held each year in the first full week of December, at the Thomas & Mack Center on the campus of the University of Nevada, Las Vegas (UNLV) in Paradise, Nevada, United States, and is aired live on The Cowboy Channel. Cowboy Christmas, a cowboy gift show, is held concurrent with the rodeo at the Las Vegas Convention Center.

Since the rodeo uses 'special dirt', the dirt is stored on the UNLV campus for use in the next NFR.

Events
The NFR is the final rodeo of the PRCA season. World championship titles are awarded to the individuals who earn the most money in his or her event throughout the year.

Seven events and nine championships are sanctioned by the PRCA: The All-Around world title is awarded at the end of the NFR to the highest-earning cowboy who has regularly competed in more than one event during the year. In addition to world championships, an average winner is crowned in each event.
 * Bareback riding - a rider has to stay on a bucking horse and is only allowed to hang on with a "rigging" attached by a cinch and latigos. The rider must stay on the horse for eight seconds to be considered a successful ride. Each successful ride is then judged for a maximum score of 100 points. The more difficult the horse is to ride and the more control the contestant has during the ride, the higher the score. After a successful ride, two pickup riders in the arena assist the contestant by helping him safely dismount the still-moving horse. The bareback rider with the highest score wins.
 * Steer wrestling - also known as "Bulldogging," is a rodeo event where the rider jumps off his horse onto a Corriente steer and 'wrestles' it to the ground by grabbing it by the horns. The contestant that wrestles the steer to the ground the fastest wins. This is probably the single most physically dangerous event in rodeo for the cowboy, who runs a high risk of jumping off a running horse head first and missing the steer, or of having the thrown steer land on top of him, sometimes horns first.
 * Team roping - also called "heading and heeling," is the only team event in professional rodeo. Two ropers capture and restrain a full-grown steer. One horse and rider, the "header," lassos a running steer's horns, while the other horse and rider, the "heeler," lassos the steer's two hind legs. Once the animal is captured, the riders face each other and lightly pull the steer between them, so that both ropes are taut. The team that ropes their steer the fastest wins. This technique originated from methods of capture and restraint for treatment used on a ranch.
 * Saddle bronc riding - similar to bareback riding, but the rider uses a specialized western saddle without a horn (for safety) as well as a bronc rein and has to stay on the bucking horse for eight seconds. Like in bareback riding, two pickup riders attempt to help the contestant dismount the still-moving horse after a successful ride. Also like bareback riding, each successful ride is then judged for a maximum score of 100 points. The more difficult the horse is to ride and the more control the contestant has during the ride, the higher the score. The saddle bronc rider with the highest score wins.
 * Tie-down roping - also called calf roping, is based on ranch work in which calves are roped for branding, medical treatment, or other purposes. It is the oldest of rodeo's timed events. The cowboy ropes a running calf around the neck with a lariat, and his horse stops and sets back on the rope while the cowboy dismounts, runs to the calf, throws it to the ground and ties three feet together. (If the calf falls when roped, the roper must lose time waiting for the calf to get back to its feet so that the roper can do the work.) The job of the horse is to hold the calf steady on the rope. The contestant that ropes his calf the fastest wins. A well-trained calf-roping horse will slowly back up while the cowboy ties the calf, to help keep the lariat snug.
 * Barrel racing - is a timed speed and agility event. In barrel racing, horse and rider gallop around a cloverleaf pattern of barrels, making agile turns without knocking the barrels over. In professional, collegiate and high school rodeo, barrel racing is an exclusively women's sport, though men and boys occasionally compete at local O-Mok-See competition. Barrel racing takes place with other PRCA sanctioned events, but it is sanctioned by the Women's Professional Rodeo Association (WPRA). Results are shown on that web site. The contestant that successfully passes the cloverleaf pattern the fastest wins.
 * Bull riding - an event where contestants attempt to ride full-grown bucking bulls for eight seconds. Like the bucking horse events, each successful ride is then judged for a maximum score of 100 points. The more difficult the bull is to ride and the more control the contestant has during the ride, the higher the score. The rider with the highest score wins. Although skills and equipment similar to those needed for bareback bronc riding are required, the event differs considerably from horse riding competition due to the danger involved. Because bulls are unpredictable and may attack a fallen rider, rodeo clowns, now known as "bullfighters", work during bull-riding competition to distract the bulls and help prevent injury to competitors.
 * All-Around - the All-Around Cowboy is actually an award, not an event. It is awarded to the highest money winner in two or more events.

Note: Steer roping is publicized separately and its finals are held separately at the National Finals Steer Roping (NFSR). The National Finals Breakaway Roping (NFBR), held in conjunction with the NFR since 2020, has been held to determine the WPRA's world champion breakaway roper.

Since the NFR is extremely popular, it sells out all seats for all of the events. Many casinos carry the events live in their sports books or host special parties to accommodate all of the fans in town who cannot get tickets for the events. Most of the major hotels and casinos book special entertainment into their showrooms with a country theme offering many of the regular shows an extended break.

History
The National Finals Rodeo (NFR), known popularly as the "Super Bowl of rodeo," is a championship event held annually by the Professional Rodeo Cowboys Association (PRCA). Said organization, founded in 1936 as the Cowboys' Turtle Association, then renamed the Rodeo Cowboys Association in 1945, and known as the Professional Rodeo Cowboys Association since 1975, established the NFR in order to determine the world champion in each of rodeo's seven main events. Bareback riding, steer wrestling, saddle bronc riding, tie-down roping, and bull riding have all been a part of the NFR since the first one in 1959. Team roping was added in 1962, and barrel racing was added in 1967. The NFR showcases the talents of the PRCA's top fifteen money winners in each event as they compete for the world title. From 1981 through 2000, the NFR also had American freestyle bullfighting, where the top six bullfighters from the Wrangler Bullfighting Tour, which had the Wrangler jeans company as the title sponsor, competed at the event after a year of competing at numerous regular-season events for the chance to qualify for the NFR and try to win the bullfighting world championship. The Wrangler Bullfighting Tour was discontinued after 2000, and freestyle bullfighting became largely obscured for several years, until being heavily revived in the 2010s. Today, freestyle bullfighting has its own organizations that specialize in the event and world championships are determined there. The world championship steer roping competition, the National Finals Steer Roping (NFSR), also held since 1959, has always been held separately from the regular NFR. The NFSR has been held at the Kansas Star Arena in Mulvane, Kansas since 2014. The National Finals Breakaway Roping (NFBR) has been held since 2020 to determine the Women's Professional Rodeo Association’s world champion breakaway roper. The event is held in conjunction with the NFR.

The inaugural NFR was held in 1959 in Dallas, Texas, at the Texas State Fair Coliseum and continued at that venue through 1961. From 1962 to 1964, Los Angeles, California's Los Angeles Sports Arena hosted the competition. Oklahoma City, Oklahoma, successfully bid in 1964 to be the host city. In 1965, the first NFR at the State Fair Arena drew 47,027 fans. The NFR remained there through 1978. From 1979 to 1984, the NFR took place at Oklahoma City's Myriad Convention Center, bringing state merchants an estimated annual revenue of $8 million.

In 1984, Las Vegas bid for the event. Although the Oklahoma City Council considered building a new $30 million arena at the State Fairgrounds, the Las Vegas bid won. Since 1985, the NFR has been held at the Thomas & Mack Center in Las Vegas, Nevada. The NFR has become Thomas & Mack Center arena's biggest client, bringing in more than 170,000 fans during the 10-day event.

The NFR has had a different number of rounds throughout its history. From 1959 to 1960, there were ten rounds; from 1961 to 1966, there were eight rounds; from 1967 to 1969, there were nine rounds; from 1970 to 1977, the event went back to ten rounds; in 1978, there were eleven rounds; and in 1979, the NFR reverted back to having ten rounds, which has been consistent since then.

In 2001, a landmark sponsorship agreement was achieved and Wrangler became the first title sponsor of the National Finals Rodeo. The agreement, part of the Professional Rodeo Cowboys Association's continuing effort to elevate professional rodeo to a new level, was made by PRCA Commissioner Steven J. Hatchell.

Oklahoma has bid to return the NFR to Oklahoma City, but is always outbid by the deep pockets of Las Vegas. Starting in 2011, Oklahoma City hosted the National Circuit Finals Rodeo (NCFR), which is the Finals for the PRCA's semi-pro series. This was seen as a step towards proving the crowds exist to bring the NFR back to Oklahoma City when Las Vegas' contract was scheduled to end in 2014. Following the completion of the 2013 rodeo, Dallas, Texas, and Kissimmee, Florida, made bids to become the host city starting in 2015. On January 24, 2014, the PRCA signed a contract extension through 2024 with the Las Vegas Convention and Visitors Authority. Because the Dallas area hosted in 2020 as a result of Nevada state restrictions, the contract extension was moved to 2025. However, just a few days before the start of the 2023 NFR, it was announced that the Las Vegas Events Board of Trustees and the PRCA Board of Directors had reached an agreement to keep the NFR in Las Vegas through 2035.

Due to the COVID-19 pandemic and Nevada's state mandated health restrictions, the 2020 National Finals Rodeo returned to the Dallas-Fort Worth Metroplex for the first time since 1961 at Globe Life Field in Arlington, Texas, where the state's health restrictions were less onerous. The inaugural National Finals Breakaway Roping (NFBR) was also held at Globe Life Field.

The NFR returned to the Thomas & Mack Center in Las Vegas in 2021, while the NFBR moved to the Orleans Arena, also in Las Vegas, that same year.

In 2022, the NFBR moved to Las Vegas' South Point Arena. Unlike the first two NFBRs, which took place on same days as the NFR, since 2022, the NFBR takes place two days before the start of the NFR.

The 2023 NFR was scheduled to take place from Thursday, December 7 through Saturday, December 16. However, as a result of the UNLV shooting on Wednesday, December 6, which occurred at the Lee Business School, only a mile away from the Thomas & Mack Center, the first round of the NFR was postponed out of respect for the victims. Instead, the first day of competition was held on Friday, December 8. To ensure that there would be ten rounds, on Wednesday, December 13, there were two rounds; one in the afternoon behind closed doors (meaning those with Night One tickets were not given a makeup) and the next one that night with standard Wednesday tickets.

In May 2024, it was reported that the NFR could move to the New Las Vegas Stadium of the Las Vegas Athletics once the stadium opens in 2028.

In June 2024, the PRCA and Las Vegas Events announced that their contract to keep the NFR in Las Vegas through 2035 would amount to $264,324,473 in total prize money for contestants and stock contractors.

Format and prize structure
The NFR consists of ten days, each of which has a competition, or "go-round", in each event with its own prizes. In addition, each event has a separate set of prizes for having the best combined results over the ten days, referred to as "the average."

The payouts are based on the total prize pool. For every $208,000 in the prize pool, the top six in each go-round receive $620, $490, $370, $260, $160, and $100, and the top eight in the average receive $1,590, $1,290, $1,020, $750, $540, $390, $270, and $150.

In 2012, the prize pool was $6,125,000, so each go-round paid $18,257 for first, $14,429 for second, $10,895 for third, $7,656 for fourth, $4,712 for fifth, and $2,945 for sixth, and each event's average paid $46,821 for first, $37,987 for second, $30,036 for third, $22,085 for fourth, $15,901 for fifth, $11,484 for sixth, $7,951 for seventh, and $4,417 for eighth.

Between 2015 and 2020, the NFR paid out a total of $10 million; $8.8 million in competition prize money and $1.2 million in guaranteed prize money to qualifiers. The total purse increased to $10,257,048 in 2021 and $10,900,098 in 2022. Based on the updated purse in 2023, the increase saw round winners take home $30,706 per round and average winners earn $78,747. Each go-round paid a total of $99,053, while the average total paid $297,159 per event. The stock contractor pay, which is 30% of the contestant payout, increased to $3,450,451.

Impact on UNLV
The Thomas & Mack Center is the home court for the UNLV basketball team. By hosting the NFR, the basketball team plays a few of their away games for about 12 days every December while the NFR is in the Thomas & Mack Center.

Broadcasting
The National Finals Rodeo has been televised consistently since 1974. From that year to 1986, the event was telecast through syndication. From 1987 through 2010, it was broadcast by ESPN, although its coverage was often tape delayed due to coverage of other events. From 2011 through 2013, the NFR was broadcast live on Great American Country (GAC). From 2014 through 2019, it was televised on CBS Sports Network. Since 2020, it has been televised live on The Cowboy Channel and RFD-TV, and streamed live on the paywall-subscription-based The Cowboy Channel Plus application.

title: National Finals Rodeo


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Economy of the Confederate States of America

The Confederate States of America (1861–1865) started with an agrarian-based economy that relied heavily on slave-worked plantations for the production of cotton for export to Europe and to the northern US. If classed as an independent country, the area of the Confederate States would have ranked as the fourth-richest country of the world in 1860. But, when the Union began its blockade of Confederate ports in the summer of 1861, exports of cotton fell 95% and the South had to restructure itself to emphasize the production of food and munitions for internal use. After losing control of its main rivers and ports, the Confederacy had to depend for transport on a delicate railroad system that, with few repairs being made, no new equipment, and destructive raids, crumbled away. The financial infrastructure collapsed during the war as inflation destroyed banks and forced a move toward a barter economy for civilians. The Confederate government seized needed supplies and livestock (paying with certificates that were promised to be paid off after the war, but never were). By 1865, the Confederate economy was in ruins.

Agriculture
The main prewar agricultural products of the Confederate States were cotton, tobacco, and sugarcane, with hogs, cattle, grain and vegetable plots. Pre-war agricultural production estimated for the Southern states is as follows (Union states in parentheses for comparison): 1.7 million horses (3.4 million), 800,000 mules (100,000), 2.7 million dairy cows (5 million), 5 million sheep (14 million), 7 million cattle (5.4 million), 15.5 million swine (11.3 million), 187 million pounds of rice, 199 million pounds of tobacco (58 million), 5 million bales of cotton, 20 million bushels of oats (138 million bushels), 31 million bushels of wheat (114 million bushels), and 280 million bushels of corn (396 million bushels).

In 1862, there was a severe drought that, despite efforts to switch from cotton planting to grain farming, caused food shortages and even bread riots in 1863–64. The harvests were fairly abundant after 1862, but often went to waste as they could not be harvested or moved to markets. Corn was raised in large quantities, and, in general, the raising of food products instead of tobacco and cotton was a necessity.

The scarcity of food in the armies and cities was due mostly to the shortage of male labor, the disruption of transportation and finance. Compounding the problem was the ever-increasing number of refugees flooding into cities; food distribution became increasingly harder, and at times, impossible.

The progressive destruction of the Southern railroad network, along with rapid inflation, affected women in the cities especially hard as they found food prices too high to afford. In Richmond, at the end of a long supply chain, the crisis exploded in bread riots in April 1863, when a large mob of starving women in the city looted stores for food, ignoring the pleas of President Jefferson Davis who stood upon a cart to toss coins to the women, who dispersed only after he threatened to order a company of militia to open fire. In dozens of small towns across Georgia in 1863, working-class women raided stores and captured supply wagons to get such necessities as bacon, corn, flour, and cotton yarn. Soldiers at the front did not need to read newspaper accounts. They were all getting letters from home about the rapidly deteriorating situation affecting their own families. Temporary desertion was one solution as "thousands of husbands discharged themselves" to save their families over the course of the war.

Despite the Confederacy's strength in cotton production, it produced too little cloth to cover its ragged soldiers - Northern manufacturers dominated North American textile production in the antebellum period, and by the end of the first year of war most of the productive textile manufacturing regions of the South were also in the hands of the Union.

Urbanization
The Confederacy had very few cities of any size. Using figures from the 1860 census, New Orleans was the largest city under Confederate control. It was the sixth-largest city listed in the census with a population of about one hundred and sixty thousand. New Orleans and its industrial capacity fell to the Union after only 455 days. The next largest city in the Confederacy was Charleston, South Carolina, with only forty thousand and ranked twenty-second in the United States. Richmond, the capital and the industrial center of the Confederacy, was twenty-fifth.

During the war, Columbus, Georgia became one of the most important centers of industry in the Confederacy, ranked second to Richmond in the manufacture of supplies for the Confederate army.

Manufacturing
The Confederacy's industrial workforce, like its agricultural workforce, was characterized by its wide and extensive use of slaves. In the 1850s, anywhere from 150,000 to 200,000 slaves were used in industrial work. Most, almost 80%, were owned directly by industrial owners, with the remainder being bonded out by plantation owners. Often, manual labor performed by slaves was combined with skilled white artisans to better compete with northern and foreign industry.

The total number of factories in the antebellum South numbered 20,600 (100,500 in the north), 11,000 non-slave workers (1.1 million in the north) and a total value of products amounting to $155 million ($1.5 billion in the northern states).

Because of the profitability of slave industry, Southern industry had been undercapitalized for years by the time of the outbreak of the war. Besides a social preference for the lifestyle that accompanied plantation slavery, agriculture in staple goods was considered the easiest route to profitability; thus agriculture always outbid industry when it came to capital allocation. As early as 1830, Southern industry was a generation behind, and by the Civil War, was vastly inferior to Northern and foreign manufacturing. When the war turned negative, many industries in the South faced exponentially growing struggled shortages of raw materials and skilled labor, as well as worsening financial opportunities.

In Wilmington, North Carolina, Louis Froelich (1817–1873), a German immigrant, opened the Confederate States Arms Factory. His firm made bayonets, sabers, Bowie knives, and sheathes or scabbards for these weapons, as well as thousands of metal buttons for military uniforms.

Shipbuilding
At the outset of hostilities, only two government-owned naval yards were located in the South. Between 36 and 145 private shipyards existed, of varying capacity and skill. While sawmills were readily available to supply the construction of wooden boats, iron processing in the South was limited. The result was that few ships were built. The most famous was the CSS Virginia, a steam-powered ironclad warship built in 1861-62 using the raised and cut down original lower hull and steam engines of the scuttled USS Merrimack (1855). Virginia fought in the Battle of Hampton Roads against the Union's USS Monitor in March, 1862, in what was the world's first battle between ironclads.

Iron Industry
The Tredegar Iron Works in Richmond was the third-largest iron manufacturer in the United States by 1860. During the war it was the primary iron and artillery production facility of the Confederacy.

Birmingham, Alabama, although an important industrial center of the South after the war, did not produce iron until 1864. Production from this region was minor throughout the war.

Gallego Flour Mills
The Gallego Flour Mills in Richmond gained international reputation for the superior type of flour which it shipped to Europe and South America. At the time of their destruction in 1865, they were the largest of their kind in the world.

Mining/Mineral Resources
Salt was a crucial resource during the Civil War. Salt not only preserved food in the days before refrigeration, but was also vital in the curing of leather. The salt could be extracted from natural rock salt deposits (such as those in underground salt domes) and through the boiling and evaporation of salt water, usually seawater. The main salt works and known natural salt deposits of the Confederacy were located in Virginia, Louisiana, and Florida.

Textiles
Early in the war, the government used cottage and home-based industry to manufacture textiles such as shirts and shoes. Finding this approach inadequate, the government moved to consolidate finished-goods production into military-run textile shops concentrated in larger cities. These textile shops, with the exception of those captured or destroyed, continued to run until the end of the war. Private mills generally supplied raw textiles to these shops for refinement.

Privately owned textile mills found themselves in a very lucrative market. Rising prices due to scarcity and high levels of demand made sales to the public far more profitable than fixed-price contract sales to the military, so much so that in the first year private mills often refused or cut back on fulfillments ordered by Confederate quartermasters.

Government control
While the general political sentiment in the Confederacy was reluctance toward government involvement in private business, the exigencies of the war forced the Confederate government to exert a strong control over industry related to war aims. The bureau of conscription, empowered by the Conscription Acts of 1862 and 1864, dispensed exemptions to those in industry, if necessary, which provided a powerful incentive to private industry to fulfill government contracts. Owners who refused would find themselves quickly without their labor force, free or slave.

Business leaders

 * William Gregg (industrialist)
 * Samuel Griswold
 * Hannibal Kimball
 * Samuel Morgan
 * John L. Porter
 * Francis A. Pratt
 * William T. Sutherlin

Navigation
Before the war the South had a good system of transportation by riverboats on a huge network of navigable rivers, plus a dozen ocean ports. In May 1861 the Union naval blockade shut down almost all port activity except for blockade runners. International and coastal traffic fell 90% or more. In peacetime, the vast system of navigable rivers allowed for cheap and easy transportation of farm products. The vast geography made for difficult Union logistics, and Union soldiers were used to garrison captured areas and protect rail lines. But the Union Navy seized most of the navigable rivers by 1862, making its own logistics easy and Confederate movements difficult. After the fall of Vicksburg in July 1863, it became nearly impossible for all but small military units to cross the Mississippi with Union gunboats constantly on patrol. The Eastern and Western parts of the Confederacy were thereafter never satisfactorily connected.

Railroads
The outbreak of war had a depressing effect on the economic fortunes of the Confederate railroad industry. With the cotton crop being hoarded in an attempt to entice European intervention, railroads were bereft of their main source of income. Many were forced to lay off employees, and in particular, let go skilled technicians and engineers. For the early years of the war, the Confederate government had a hands off approach to the railroads. It wasn't until mid-1863 that the Confederate government initiated an overall policy, and it was confined solely to aiding the war effort. With legislation authorizing "impressment" (commandeering) that same year, railroads and their rolling stock came under de facto control of the military.

At the beginning of the war (1861), the Northern states included 20,000 miles of railroad while the Confederate states had 9,000 miles (1,700 miles total in the three border states of Missouri, Kentucky and Maryland).

The Confederate Army of the Shenandoah used their railroad system effectively at the First Battle of Manassas (Bull Run) on July 21, 1861. Confederate reinforcements under Brig. Gen. Joseph E. Johnston arrived from the Shenandoah Valley by railroad and the course of the battle quickly changed.

Gen. Braxton Bragg also effectively used the Southern railway system to amass forces in central Tennessee against the Union forces of Gen. Don Carlos Buell in July, 1862. The rail system was used to move some 35,000 men down the length of the state of Mississippi, then across Mobile Bay to Mobile, Alabama and then up the length of the state of Alabama arriving finally at Dalton, Georgia. This was a total distance of about 766 miles and involved "more than half a dozen" railroads. This circuitous route had to be used because the Union Army controlled a key railroad which would have offered a more direct route. According to Jean Edward Smith, "Bragg had moved men farther and faster than troops had ever been moved before. He had united two Confederate armies, his own and Smith's [Gen. Edmund Kirby Smith] and stood poised to change the direction of the war."

In the fall of 1863 the Army of Northern Virginia sent most of Gen. James Longstreet's First Corps, Army of Northern Virginia via rail from Virginia to northern Georgia in order to reinforce Gen. Bragg's Army of Tennessee just prior to the Battle of Chickamauga. Approximately 15,000 men were transported about 900 miles to the Georgia theater of operations. This operation involved sixteen different railroads and took a total of seven days (9–16 September) for the entire corps to arrive in Georgia.

In the last year of the war (1865), the Confederate railroad system was on the verge of collapse. The impressment policy of quartermasters ran the rails ragged. Feeder lines were scrapped to replace iron for trunk lines, and the continual use of ill-maintained rolling stock wore them down faster than they could be replaced.

Export
The Confederate States accounted for 70% of total US exports by dollar value. Confederate leaders believed that this would give the new nation a firm financial basis. Cotton was the primary export, accounting for 75% of Southern trade in 1860. The Confederate States entered the war with the hope that its near monopoly of the world cotton trade would force the European importing countries, especially Great Britain and France, to intervene in the war on her behalf. In 1861, Southerners at the local level imposed an embargo on cotton shipments—it was not the government's policy. Millions of bales of cotton went unshipped, and by summer 1861 the blockade closed down all normal trade.

A small amount of cotton was exported through blockade runners. In the course of the war, 446,000 bales of cotton were exported to England and Europe. Ironically, the largest amount of cotton exports went to the United States. Most cotton however, would never be traded during the Confederacy's brief existence, either being destroyed during the war or hoarded until the end.

Disputes over the proper tariff rate had been a sectional political issue between Northern and Southern states at one point almost leading to a prior dissolution of the Union. Southerners mostly opposed protectionist tariffs for finished goods, fearing they would lessen the value of their raw material exports, as foreign manufactures would be blocked sale back to the United States. Southern political pressure kept the tariffs at low levels from 1847 through 1860. The founders of the Confederate States codified this opposition in the Constitution of the Confederate States with a prohibition of protectionist tariffs. One of the first acts of the Confederate Congress was the lowering of import tariffs from the then current US average rate of 20% to 10%.

However the Confederacy proposed to impose its tariffs on all imports from the US, which would have been a vast increase in taxes for the Southerners. In practice almost no tariffs were collected; the total customs revenue collected was about $3.3 million (Confederate dollars), from 1861 through 1864. [Historical Statistics (2006) series Eh201]

Import
Just as the blockade had made export of Confederate goods prohibitive, so did it frustrate the importation of vital goods to the Confederate war-effort. Importers often had to use transshipment points, such as ports in the Caribbean, transferring and splitting cargo onto smaller ships for the final leg. Thus shipments became sporadic and delayed.

In the immediate aftermath of Fort Sumter, agents, headed by Major Caleb Huse, were sent abroad to Europe to procure weapons and other necessary supplies. Despite these efforts, the first shipment did not leave England until August, and didn't arrive in the South till November, a full 8 months after the outbreak of hostilities. The slow rate of importation continued from September 1861 to February 1862, with a grand total of 15,000 small arms procured for the Confederate's war effort.

After February, the Confederacy's fortunes in weapons procurement changed dramatically. From April 1862 till August of that year, the Confederacy was able to procure some 48,150 arms, over three times the amount gained in the same period the year before. By February 1863, the total number of guns purchased had raised to a total of 174,129. While some of these weapons were seized by the Union Navy in the blockade, a slight majority made it through, with 40.9% of all privateers being caught in 1862.

The South acquired raw minerals through trade with Mexico, most notably sulphur, copper, powder, and niter. Union officials recognized the extent of trade with Mexico, and aggressively tried to interrupt it. Despite their efforts, and the fall of the Mississippi into Union hands, flow of goods from Mexico to the Confederacy was unabated until the end of the war.

While attempts were made to engage shipbuilders on the Pacific coast, in an attempt to access ports in South America, none of the plans came to fruition. Only the Confederate steamer, the Alabama, after finding the Atlantic too hostile, set sail for Pacific waters in an attempt to wreck America's Far-East trade. Though it succeeded in its mission to harass American trade interests, it did not manage to open new ports or engage in trade for the Confederacy, and it was sunk before it could return home with its captured goods.

Blockade runners who sold to the public dealt almost exclusively in luxury and other high-profit items, despite the ever-present need for staple goods. The practice was so egregious that the Confederate Congress came to ban the import of luxury items, though the law was not effectively enforced. Smuggling over land, from either Mexico or Union territory, also provided a profitable trade in luxury items, though it also became a useful means of acquiring much-needed medicine.

Finance
Most of the available capital in the Confederate states was invested in slaves or in cotton land. There was no way to monetize these to support the war effort. The weak banking system, unable to handle the financial demands, largely collapsed. The main international bankers in Europe were reluctant to finance the Confederacy, so Richmond turned to smaller houses and speculators, who bought $15,000,000 in Confederate bonds with gold. The gold was used to buy warships and supplies to be brought in by blockade runners. By highlighting Britain's economic links to the Northern states and pointing to the potential dangers of meddling in the conflict, financiers in the City of London provided the U.K. Parliament with a powerful economic justification for the policy of neutrality.

At the beginning of the war the Confederacy had some $47 million in bank deposits (compared to $189 million in Northern banks), and $27 million in specie (gold and silver coins) holdings (compared to $45 million worth in the northern states).

Money
Bad money drives out good, and supplies of gold and silver were hoarded, driven out of circulation by the rising flood of paper money. The first Confederate notes were issued in March 1861, and bore interest. They were soon followed by others, bearing no interest and payable in two years, others payable six months after peace. New issues were continually provided, so that from an initial million dollars in circulation in July 1861, the amount rose to thirty million before December 1861; to one-hundred million by March 1862; to two-hundred million by August 1862; to perhaps four-hundred and fifty million dollars by December 1862; to seven-hundred million dollars by the autumn of 1863; and to a much larger figure before the end of the war.

The individual states and other political bodies copied this policy of issuing irredeemable paper money. Alabama began by issuing a million dollars in notes in February 1861, and added to this amount during each subsequent session of the legislature. The other states followed suit. Cities also sought to replenish their treasuries in the same way. Corporations and other business concerns tried to meet the rising tide of prices with the issue of their individual promissory notes intended to circulate from hand to hand.

As a result of this redundancy of the currency, its value collapsed. Gold was quoted at a premium in Confederate notes in April 1861. By the end of that year, a paper dollar was quoted at 90 cents in gold; during 1862 that figure fell to 40 cents; during 1863, to 6 cents; and still lower during the last two years of the war. The downward course of this figure, with occasional recoveries, reflected the popular estimate of the Confederacy's chance of winning independence.

The oversupply of currency drove prices to exorbitant heights and disarranged all commerce. Savings in nominal dollars lost 90% or more of their value. It affected different classes of commodities differently. Imports like coffee became very expensive, and ersatz substitutes were found (Massey 1952). Confederate asset-price stabilization policies appear to have increased the velocity of circulation, and counterproductively channeled inflationary pressures into other areas of the economy. Three successive monetary reforms encouraged holders of treasury notes to exchange these notes for bonds by imposing deadlines on their convertibility. Confederate efforts aimed at precipitating the conversion of currency into bonds did temporarily suppress currency depreciation. These acts also triggered upsurges in commodity prices, however, because note holders rushed to spend the currency before their exchange rights were reduced.

Speculation, prices and hunger
Blockade runners made much more profit by importing liquor, fancy dresses, and other luxuries instead of munitions. Tobacco and cotton, which found few foreign buyers owing to the blockade, actually fell in value as quoted in gold. The great divergence of the price of these two commodities in the CSA and abroad—the New York price of cotton increased more than tenfold during the war—offered the strongest inducement to evade the blockade and export them. A small amount of Confederate cotton reached the world market by way of the blockade runners or via Mexico, netting handsome profits. By 1862 federal Treasury Department agents were buying cotton, offering high prices in gold. Tobacco and cotton were smuggled through the military lines in exchange for hospital stores, coffee and similar articles. The Confederate military authorities tried to suppress this illicit trade, but at times even they were carried away by the desire to secure the much-desired foreign supplies. The disturbances of prices, their local differences and fluctuations, produced wild speculation in the Confederate States. Normal commercial activity became almost impossible, and a gambling element was forced into every transaction. Speculation in gold became especially pronounced. Legislation and popular feeling targeted speculators, but to no avail. Even the government itself felt compelled to speculate in gold. Speculation in food and other articles was equally inevitable and was much decried. Laws passed to curb the speculators had no effect.

Shortages grew worse and worse, especially in the cities, leading to bread riots and significant malnutrition. Food rations in the Confederate army were cut; the cavalry was reduced because of a lack of fodder. Night blindness caused by malnutrition reduced the combat effectiveness of Confederate troops, who also lacked adequate blankets, clothing, and shoes. They read letters from home reporting on the worsening situation, as workers were lethargic and children were getting skinnier.

Price controls and impressment
Economic historians blame the relentless soaring of retail prices on the government's printing of more and more paper money—some $2.25 billion in all. The people at the time however primarily blamed speculators, who acquired an evil victorious image they could never shake off, as typified by the character Rhett Butler in the novel Gone with the Wind. Increasingly the farmers, who were refusing to sell their product at low prices fixed by the government came under attack. Other critics claimed the Commissary Department because of its inefficiency and corruption, the collapse of the internal transportation system, with priority given to military needs over shipment of farm products, and the lack of cloth sacks and plows and the declining supervision of slaves, deliberate destruction caused by stragglers and union raids, as well as wasteful harvesting methods by inexperienced poorly supervised workers.

The rebel government made the shortages and inflation much worse by the policy of impressment, through which a military unit could seize food, horses, mules, wagons, and supplies—and sometimes of slaves to work on military fortifications. The impressment parties paid low fixed price using paper certificates that promised actual payment later. Flour sold for $100 per hundred pounds in Alexandria, Louisiana, in late 1863, but the impressment price was only $12. Farmers were outraged, and reduced their plantings, hid their crops, and moved their livestock out of reach of the impressment parties. If the Union lines were nearby, farmers could sell to the enemy for high prices paid in gold coin. In Georgia farmers hid a two-year supply of corn rather than sell to the government—but the weevils ruined the grain so much it was only good for the distillery. Increasingly the Confederacy adopted a taxation system based on tithing, that is, 10% of the crop to be turned over to the government. Voluntary compliance was hard to achieve, and violent resistance broke out in the mountain districts. Poor people were especially hard-hit by the runaway inflation, which led legislatures to pass laws making the collection of debts much harder. That of course antagonized the business class, sharply reduce the credits and loans they traditionally had made.

Government revenues
The effectiveness of the Union blockade and the peculiar industrial development of the Confederate States removed the possibility of an ample government revenue. Though import duties were levied, the proceeds amounted to almost nothing. A small export-duty on cotton was expected to produce a large revenue sufficient to base a loan upon, but the small amount of cotton exports reduced this source of revenue to an insignificant figure. Moreover, since few manufactures existed to tax under an internal revenue system such as the US government adopted, the Confederacy was cut off from deriving any considerable revenue from indirect taxation. The first Confederate tax law levied a direct tax of twenty million dollars, apportioned among the states. These, with the exception of Texas, contributed their apportioned share to the central government by issuing bonds or notes, so that the tax was in reality but a disguised form of loan. Real taxation was postponed until the spring of 1863, when a stringent measure was adopted taxing property and earnings. It was slowly and with difficulty put into effect, and was re-enacted in February 1864. In the states and cities there was a strong tendency to relax or postpone taxation in view of the other demands upon the people. With no revenue from taxation, and with the disastrous effects of the wholesale issue of paper money before it, the Confederate government made every effort to borrow money by issuing bonds. The initial $15 million loan was soon followed by an issue of one hundred million in bonds, which was, however, difficult to place. There followed even larger loans. The bonds rapidly fell in value, and were quoted during the war at approximately the value of the paper money, in which medium they were paid for by subscribers. To avoid this circumstance, a system of produce loans was devised by which the bonds were subscribed for in cotton, tobacco and food products. This policy was subsequently enlarged, and enabled the government to secure at least a part of the armies' food supplies. But the bulk of the subscriptions for these bonds was made in cotton, for which the planters were thus enabled to find a market.

The South hoped to keep the currency within bounds by having holders of paper money exchange it for bonds, which the law allowed and encouraged—but as notes and bonds fell in value simultaneously, there was no inducement for holders to make that exchange. On the contrary, a note-holder had an advantage over a bond-holder, in that he could use his currency for speculation or for purchases in general.

In the autumn of 1862 Confederate law attempted to compel note-holders to fund their notes in bonds to reduce the redundancy of the currency and to lower prices. Disappointed in the result of this legislation, the Congress, in February 1864, went much farther in the same direction by passing a law requiring note-holders to fund their notes before a certain date, after which notes would be taxed a third or more of their face value. This drastic measure was accepted as meaning a partial repudiation of the Confederate debt, and though it for a time reduced the currency outstanding and lowered prices, it wrecked the government's credit, and made it impossible for the Treasury to float any more loans. During the last months of the war, the Treasury led a most precarious existence, and its actual operations can only be surmised.

During the entire war the notion that the CSA possessed a most efficient engine of war in its monopoly of cotton (the "King Cotton" idea) buoyed up the hopes of the Confederates. The government in Richmond strained every effort to induce the great powers of Europe to recognize the Confederacy as a nation (see Cotton diplomacy). It also—more successfully—secured individual foreigners' financial recognition of the Confederate States by effecting a foreign loan based on cotton. This favorite notion went into practice in the spring of 1863. The French banking house of Erlanger & Company undertook to float a loan of $3,000,000, redeemable after the war in cotton at the rate of sixpence a pound. According to one source, Baron Rothschild informed W. W. Murphy, American consul-general in Frankfort, that "all Germany condemned this act of lending money to establish a slaveholding government, and so great was public opinion against it that Erlanger and Company dare not offer it on the Frankfort bourse". As cotton at the time was selling at nearly four times that figure, and would presumably be quoted far above sixpence long after the establishment of peace, the bonds offered strong attractions to those speculatively inclined and in sympathy with the Confederate cause. The Confederate agents mismanaged the placing of the bonds in Europe, but notwithstanding, a considerable sum was secured from the public and used for the purchase of naval and military stores. This was aided in part by the (incorrect) assumption of some investors that, even should the Confederacy lose the war, the United States government would honor and redeem the bonds. However, at the close of the war the re-established Federal authorities ignored these foreign bonds, like all the other bonds of the Confederate government, or of state governments under the Confederacy.

Long term weaknesses
By 1863, after two years of warfare, the North was finally fully mobilizing its economy, while the Southern economy had peaked and was waning. General William T. Sherman, an acute observer of the war, had predicted this development even before Sumter, telling a rebel acquaintance in late 1860:

"The North can make a steam-engine, locomotive or railway car; hardly a yard of cloth or a pair of shoes can you make. You are rushing into war with one of the most powerful, ingeniously mechanical and determined people on earth—right at your doors. You are bound to fail. Only in your spirit and determination are you prepared for war. In all else you are totally unprepared. … At first you will make headway, but as your limited resources begin to fail, and shut out from the markets of Europe by blockade as you will be, your cause will begin to wane."

General reference

 * Carter, Susan B., ed. The Historical Statistics of the United States: Millennial Edition (5 vols), 2006.
 * Coulter, E. Merton. The Confederate States of America, 1861–1865, (1950), survey
 * Current, Richard N., et al. eds. Encyclopedia of the Confederacy (1993) (4 Volume set; also 1 vol abridged version); articles by scholars.
 * Heidler, David S., et al. Encyclopedia of the American Civil War: A Political, Social, and Military History, (2002). 2740 pages (ISBN 039304758X)
 * Schwab, John Christopher. The Confederate States of America, 1861–1865: A Financial and Industrial History of the South  (1901) good survey of finances by a Yale economics professor; online free
 * Thomas, Emory M. Confederate Nation: 1861–1865, 1979. Standard political-economic-social history

Specialized studies

 * Andreano; Ralph ed. The Economic Impact of the American Civil War 1962, essays by economic historians
 * Ball, Douglas B. Financial Failure and Confederate Defeat, 1991.
 * Bensel, Richard Franklin. Yankee Leviathan: The Origins of Central State Authority in America, 1859–1877 (1990) ch 3
 * Black, Robert C., III. The Railroads of the Confederacy, 1988.
 * Bonner, Michael Brem. Confederate Political Economy: Creating and Managing a Southern Corporatist Nation (LSU Press, 2016) online review
 * Burdekin, Richard C. K. and Farrokh Langdana. "War Finance in the Southern Confederacy, 1861–1865," Explorations in Economic History 30 (July 1993), with tables
 * Burdekin, Richard C. K. and Marc D. Weidenmier, "Suppressing Asset Price Inflation: the Confederate Experience, 1861–1865" Economic Inquiry 2003 41(3): 420–432.
 * Davis, William C. and Robertson, James I. Jr., eds. Virginia at War, 1861. U. Press of Kentucky, 2005. 241 pp.
 * Dew, Charles B. Ironmaker to the Confederacy: Joseph R. Anderson and the Tredegar Iron Works Yale University Press 1966
 * Diamond, William. "Imports of the Confederate Government from Europe and Mexico," Journal of Southern History (1940) 6#4, pp. 470–503 in JSTOR
 * Gates, Paul W. Agriculture and the Civil War (1965)
 * Massey, Mary. Ersatz in the Confederacy: Shortages and Substitutes on the Southern Homefront (1952) ISBN 0872498778
 * Morgan, Chad. Planters' Progress: Modernizing Confederate Georgia. U. Press of Florida, 2005. 164 pp.
 * Nevins, Allan. Ordeal of the Union, vol 5. The Improvised War, 1861–1862; vol 6. War Becomes Revolution, 1862–1863; vol 7. The Organized War, 1863–1864; vol 8. The Organized War to Victory, 1864–1865. (1970)
 * Norman, Matthew W. Colonel Burton's Spiller & Burr Revolver: an Untimely Venture in Confederate Small-arms Manufacturing Mercer U. Press 1996.
 * Ramsdell, Charles W. Behind the Lines in the Southern Confederacy (1944), short history
 * Ramsdell, Charles W. "The Confederate Government and the Railroads," American Historical Review, (1917), 22#4 pp. 794–810 in JSTOR
 * Resch, John P. et al., Americans at War: Society, Culture and the Homefront vol 2: 1816–1900 (2005)
 * Rubin, Anne Sarah. A Shattered Nation: the Rise and Fall of the Confederacy, 1861–68 North Carolina Press, 2005.
 * Sellers, James L. "The Economic Incidence of the Civil War in the South." Mississippi Valley Historical Review 14 (1927):179–191.
 * Taylor, Robert A. Rebel Storehouse: Florida in the Confederate Economy U. of Alabama Press 1995
 * Thomas, Emory M. The Confederacy As a Revolutionary Experience (1971)
 * Turner, Charles W. "The Virginia Central Railroad at War, 1861–1865," Journal of Southern History (1946) 12#4, pp. 510–533 in JSTOR
 * Vandiver, Frank. Ploughshares into Swords: Josiah Gorgas and Confederate Ordnance University of Texas Press, 1952
 * Wakelyn, Jon L. Biographical Dictionary of the Confederacy Greenwood Press ISBN 0-8371-6124-X
 * Wallenstein, Peter and Wyatt-Brown, Bertram, eds. Virginia's Civil War. U. Press of Virginia, 2005. 303 pp.
 * Wallenstein, Peter. "Rich Man's War, Rich Man's Fight: Civil War and the Transformation of Public Finance in Georgia." Journal of Southern History 50 (1984):15–43.
 * Wiley, Bell Irwin. The Plain People of the Confederacy, 1944.
 * Wilson, Harold S. Confederate Industry: Manufacturers and Quartermasters in the Civil War U. Press of Mississippi, 2002.

Economic data sets
All data sets are in Historical Statistics of the United States: Millennial Edition Online (2006) available in academic libraries. See also Historical Statistics of the United States, Colonial Times to 1970 available on-line from the U.S. Census Bureau.
 * Chapter Eh – Confederate States of America.
 * Population of the slave states, by state, race, and slave status: 1860–1870 Series Eh1-7
 * Farms, farm implements, livestock, and home manufactures in the slave states, by state: 1860–1870 Series Eh8-23
 * Selected crop outputs of the slave states, by state: 1860–1870 Series Eh24-39
 * Manufacturing in the slave states-establishments, capital invested, product value, and employment, by state: 1860–1870 Series Eh40-49
 * Taxable property in the Confederacy, by state: 1861 Series Eh50-58
 * Confederate blockade running-ships engaged, ships lost, and successful runs, by vessel type and port: 1861–1865 Series Eh59-94
 * Quantity and price of cotton imported into the United Kingdom: 1855–1875 Series Eh95-102
 * European cotton imports, by country of origin: 1860–1875 Series Eh103-110
 * Money and Prices, Series Eh111-193  ISBN 978-0511132971
 * Confederate money stock: 1860–1862 [Godfrey, nine states] Series Eh111-117
 * Confederate money stock: 1860–1865 [Godfrey, seven states] Series Eh118-124
 * Confederate money stock: 1861–1864 [Lerner] Series Eh125-127
 * Prices and wage indexes for the eastern Confederacy: 1861–1865 Series Eh128-130
 * Monthly index of Richmond wholesale commodity prices: 1861–1865 Series Eh131
 * Wholesale commodity price indexes in Richmond, the eastern Confederacy, New York City and San Francisco: 1861–1865 Series Eh132-135
 * Monthly wholesale price quotations for selected commodities in Richmond: 1856–1865 Series Eh136-165
 * Monthly commodity price indexes for the Confederate states: 1861–1865 Series Eh166-193
 * Government Finances, Series Eh194-228 ISBN 978-0511132971
 * Confederate government revenues and expenditures: 1861–1864 Series Eh194-215
 * Bond yields on domestic loans in the Confederacy: 1862–1864 Series Eh216-220
 * Weekly prices of Confederate cotton bonds and sterling bonds in Amsterdam: 1863–1865 Series Eh221-222
 * Gold prices in the Confederacy: 1861–1865 Series Eh223-228

Historiography

 * Gallagher, Gary W. "Home Front and Battlefield: Some Recent Literature Relating to Virginia and the Confederacy," Virginia Magazine of History and Biography Vol. 98, No. 2, pp. 135–168 in JSTOR
 * Massey, Mary Elizabeth. "The Confederate States of America: The Homefront," in Rembert Patrick, ed., Writing Southern History: Essays in Historiography (1965), pp. 249–272
 * Steven E. Woodworth, ed. The American Civil War: A Handbook of Literature and Research, 1996. 750 pages of historiography and bibliography

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


text:
User:StephenLNZ

Hello,

I'm Stephen Hay and I run Luxury New Zealand, the only site on the net catering exclusively to the entire top-end (5-star+) of the travel industry in New Zealand.

Tourism in New Zealand has a backpacker history but it is now moving decidedly upmarket. Tourism New Zealand, the official tourism marketing arm has delibrately targetted the Interactive Traveller as its ideal target market.

title: User:StephenLNZ


text:
Lela Rochon

Lela Rochon Fuqua (born Lela Rochon Staples on April 17, 1964) is an American actress. She is best known for her starring role as Robin Stokes in the 1995 romantic drama film Waiting to Exhale. Rochon also had roles in the films Harlem Nights (1989), Boomerang (1992), The Chamber (1996), Gang Related (1997), Knock Off (1998), Why Do Fools Fall in Love (1998), and Any Given Sunday (1999).

Early life
Rochon was born in the Los Angeles suburb of Torrance, the daughter of Zelma, a nurse practitioner, and Samuel Staples, a business owner and graphic artist. She is a 1982 graduate of Cerritos High School in Cerritos, California. In 1986, she graduated from California State University, Dominguez Hills (CSUDH), where she earned a bachelor's degree in broadcast journalism, with minors in sociology and theatre. In 2016, Rochon returned to CSUDH as the keynote speaker at the commencement ceremonies for the College of Arts and Humanities.

Early works
In 1984, Rochon appeared as an extra in the movie Breakin’, where she met the man who would later become her husband. From 1986 to 1988, while attending college, Rochon was one of the "Spudettes" featured in over 30 national spots for the Spuds MacKenzie Budweiser/Bud Light TV commercials. She also appeared in the 1985 made-for-television film A Bunny's Tale starring Kirstie Alley and Delta Burke, based on Gloria Steinem's experiences as a Playboy Bunny. She appeared as the love interest of Gerald Levert in the video for "My Forever Love" by Levert, and in Luther Vandross' "It's Over Now" video. She also appeared in the music video for Lionel Richie's single "All Night Long (All Night)", in Al B. Sure's video for the song "Natalie", and in Tupac Shakur's video "I Get Around" as one of the female dancers. She had many guest starring roles in a number of sitcoms, include The Cosby Show, Amen, 227, The Fresh Prince of Bel-Air, and Hangin' with Mr. Cooper. Rochon made her film debut in 1985, when she starred opposite Fred Williamson in Fox Trap. In 1987, she played the role of Debby in the film The Wild Pair, starring Beau Bridges and Bubba Smith. In 1989, Rochon acted opposite Eddie Murphy in 1989's Harlem Nights, as the memorable "Sunshine" character. She again worked with Murphy in the successful 1992 romantic comedy, Boomerang. In 1995, she was regular cast member during the first season of The WB sitcom, The Wayans Bros.

Breakthrough
In 1995, Rochon landed one of the lead roles opposite Whitney Houston, Angela Bassett and Loretta Devine in the adaptation of the Terry McMillan novel and highly successful drama film Waiting to Exhale. She played the character Robin Stokes, for which she was nominated for an MTV Movie Award for Best Breakthrough Performance and NAACP Image Award for Outstanding Supporting Actress in a Motion Picture. In 1996, Rochon starred opposite Timothy Hutton in the Showtime cable network film Mr. and Mrs. Loving, receiving a Cable Ace Award nomination for Best Actress. Later that year, she played the female lead in the crime thriller film The Chamber. The following year, she starred alongside Jim Belushi and Tupac Shakur in the crime thriller Gang Related. In 1998, Rochon had the leading role alongside Halle Berry and Vivica A. Fox in the romantic drama Why Do Fools Fall in Love, and well starred in Knock Off with Jean-Claude Van Damme, and The Big Hit, as love interest to Mark Wahlberg's leading character. In 1999, she appeared in Any Given Sunday directed by Oliver Stone. In 2001, Rochon made her return to television with one of leading roles alongside Bonnie Bedelia, Nancy McKeon, Tracey Needham, and Lisa Vidal in the Lifetime crime drama series, The Division. She left the series after a single season.

2000s-present
In 2004, Rochon co-starred opposite Katie Holmes in the romantic comedy film First Daughter. In 2009, she had cameo in crime drama Brooklyn's Finest directed by her husband, Antoine Fuqua. In 2013, she played one of leading roles in Regina King's directorial debut Let The Church Say Amen, the film adaptation of ReShonda Tate Billingsley's 2005 novel for BET. She later had roles in films Supremacy (2014) with Danny Glover and Derek Luke, and Reversion (2015), playing Aja Naomi King's character's mother. In 2017, she had a recurring role in the CBS crime drama series Training Day, and in 2019 on the Oprah Winfrey Network drama David Makes Man.

In 2024, Rochon was cast in the leading role in the BET+ crime family drama series, The Family Business: New Orleans as Big Shirley Duncan.

Personal life
Rochon has been married twice and has two children. Her first marriage was to dancer and actor Adolfo Quiñones, better known as Shabba Doo, from 1982 until divorcing in 1987. In 1999, she married film director Antoine Fuqua. Together, they have a daughter, Asia Rochon Fuqua, and a son named Brando Fuqua. Rochon suffered a miscarriage in 2001.

title: Lela Rochon


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Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Hohobans

 This page is an archive of the proposed deletion of the article below. Further comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page (such as the article's talk page or on a Votes for Undeletion nomination). No further edits should be made to this page.

The result of the debate was delete. - Mailer Diablo 05:30, 28 August 2005 (UTC)

Hohobans
Delete. Completely unverifiable; possible hoax. Wound up over at votes for undeletion, but in the interest of fairness, I've posted it here. - Lucky 6.9 02:01, 22 August 2005 (UTC)
 * Comment; Well, "Kaput and Zosky" does serve up a fair amount (roughly 6k) of hits. Question is of course if it is a hoax or not. If not, I would vote keep based on the apparent popularity of the cartoon. — Preceding unsigned comment added by Celsius (talk • contribs), at 2005-08-22 02:33:04
 * I got much the same thing, but nothing that combined with "Hohobans." "Kaput and Zosky" are all over the place and there's a fair-sized article here as well. - Lucky 6.9 03:11, 22 August 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete. Only hit for "Kaput and Zosky" hohobans is VfU. Niteowlneils 03:19, 22 August 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete. Not unverifiable, just as-yet unverified. It seems unlikely to me that a French cartoon would have such odd names (h is aspirated in French so I expect thathoho signifies a rather rare sound).  I have noted the basic facts on the talk page of Kaput and Zösky so no factual information would be lost if this article were deleted. --05:02, 22 August 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete nn Dottore So 05:14, 22 August 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete, no Google or Yahoo search hits for Hohobans, and Hohoban hits don't have anything to do with this. Zoe 05:23, August 22, 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete. The page contains claims about "Hohobans." The claims are unfortunately unreferenced. There is no actual verification of the existence of the Hohoban, much less any verificatory source that suggests notability sufficient for inclusion in an encyclopedia. WP accepts stubs, but these have guidelines; WP is under no obligation to accept unreferenced, unverified claims, especially those which are in all likelihood hoaxes. Should a claim of authenticity be made via Tony Sidaway's or Lucky's  posts on the related Talk pages, my vote to delete shall remain almost certainly unchanged; simply because something purpotedly exists should not by any means be taken to suggest it automatically deserves mention in an encyclopedia. That requires notability, as explained in WP:N and WP:V. Absent that standard, there is no basis for an encyclopedic article on the subject.— Encephalon  |  ζ   06:43:32, 2005-08-22 (UTC)
 * Wow, Encephalon, that should be added to the Deletion policy and Undeletion policy pages. Zoe 04:30, August 23, 2005 (UTC)
 * You're too kind, Zoe. In a way, I don't think anything needs to be added. It's already there.— Encephalon |  ζ   15:58:33, 2005-08-23 (UTC)

 * The above discussion is preserved as an archive of the debate. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page (such as the article's talk page or in an undeletion request). No further edits should be made to this page.


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Legend of Kay

Legend of Kay is an action-adventure and platforming video game for the PlayStation 2 by German developer Neon Studios about a young anthropomorphic cat warrior named Kay who fights to save his once-peaceful island from the gorillas and rats who have conquered it.

Another version of the game was developed for the Nintendo DS by Firehazard Studio. It was released on May 28, 2010, in Europe, in North America on June 14, and in Australia on August 26. However, this version did not receive positive reviews.

There were also PlayStation 3 and Xbox 360 versions of the game released digitally worldwide, featuring improved graphics.

Plot
For many generations, the mystical land of Yenching had been inhabited by many animals, mainly cats, hares, frogs, and pandas. Because of a religious code called the Way, these four races had prospered throughout the ages in their own separate towns. But as the years passed, the younger generations began to defect from the Way. Ultimately, with no protective code to guide the races, Yenching was invaded by the Gorillas and the Rats (known as the Din), led by Gorilla Minister Shun and Tak, the Rat Alchemist. Minister Shun now rules the majority of Yenching with an iron fist, and is said to reside in the volcanic mountain of Waa-Lo.

The story now focuses around a figure named Kay. Kay is a hotheaded young cat, and the Master's finest martial arts student. Like many of the people of the races, Kay does not believe in the Way, and likes to focus on physical skills and strength. This is what makes his friend, Su Ling, leave his town in disgust, hoping to find another town that would share her belief in resurrecting the Way. One day, in Kay's martial arts school, Shun's gorillas and the mayor of Kay's town declare that they must shut down the school because new 'Din schools' must soon be erected in the town. Kay is outraged, and even more so when his Master simply agrees to the new terms. And so, making up his mind, Kay sneaks into his Master's house at night (the Master is drunk, and asleep) and steals the mystical blade the Master keeps. Kay then jumps out of the town walls, and makes his way into the wilderness.

Kay's exploits vary from traversing to the Haretree (the secret residence of all the hares of Yenching), befriending a dragon (and almost getting fried in the process), traveling through dangerous swamps in order to reach Frog City (the city of frogs, obviously), and riding on a dragon to get to the Forbidden City (the city of pandas, located on a plateau), all the while defeating hordes of rats, crocodiles, turtles, bears, ladybugs, and gorillas. There, in the Forbidden City, Kay finds his friend Su Ling, who is now a ringleader of the Avalanche, a group of pandas who are dedicated to the revival of the Way, and stopping Shun and the army of Din. After helping them out, the Avalanche begins its voyage to island of Waa-Lo, with Kay in tow. After an arduous voyage, Kay and the Avalanche begin to explore the caves of Waa-Lo, making their way to the center of the volcano. During the expedition, Kay finally catches up with Tak, the rat alchemist. After defeating him, Kay meets Shun in person. The two engage in a fierce duel, with Kay being the victor. Injured, Shun runs to the contraption he and Tak created. The fires of Waa-Lo power up the machine, and begin to fuse Shun and one of his bodyguards into a single, monstrous ape-like entity. With no choice left but to fight, Kay begins to do battle with the monster. As Kay strikes the final blow, Waa-Lo begins to erupt. Luckily, the Avalanche sends a rescue team, via a hot-air balloon.

As Kay, Su Ling, and the Avalanche (all back in the ship) stare across the horizon at the exploding volcano, the merchant (who the pandas have seemingly saved) tries to sell some souvenirs to Kay and Su Ling. With a grin, Kay pulls off the merchant's rice hat to reveal the Master himself. Kay jokes about finally having to master his abilities by outfoxing his master. Kay, Su Ling, and the Master all then begin to laugh, the ship returning for a free Yenching.

Remaster
Legend of Kay Anniversary, a version of the game with improved graphics and online leaderboards for players to compare scores, was released on Windows, OS X, Xbox 360, PlayStation 3, PlayStation 4, and Wii U on July 28, 2015. It was later ported to the Nintendo Switch on May 29, 2018.

Reception
The PlayStation 2 version of Legend of Kay received an average aggregate score of 72/100 on Metacritic, while the DS version received "unfavorable" reviews on GameRankings.

The remaster, Legend of Kay Anniversary, received an aggregate score of 54/100 on Metacritic. Dom Reseigh-Lincoln of Nintendo Life called the Switch version of the game an "unremarkable experience", and said that while it was graphically the best version of the game, camera issues were not fixed from the original, and the game had "abysmal" voice acting, with dated gameplay compared to competitors on the same platform such as Super Mario Odyssey.

title: Legend of Kay


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Talk:Tamara Jaber

Untitled
I thought this was an encyclopedia not an advertisment for some unknown person who won a talent contest. Khanada 12:00 August 22nd 2005

Tag it for deletion then.

I have to agree with Khanada. Even with the changes this article reads as an ad for Tamara. Wikipedia can't have a page for every one-hit wonder. I think a comment about her single would be more appropriate on the Scandal'us page. I've tagged this article for deletion, but I'm not sure if I've followed the correct proceedure. Please let me know if I've gone about it the wrong way. Goremay 11:07, 2 October 2006 (UTC)

This article was deleted in 2006 and now it's back. What's with that? Goremay (talk) 09:14, 3 July 2010 (UTC)

Why was it deleted? She has released two solo singles, was a member of Scandulus and now is a member of Scarlett Belle, there should be an article for her. ozurbanmusic (talk)

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title: Talk:Tamara Jaber


text:
Thomas Ballantyne (politician)

Thomas Ballantyne (August 13, 1829 – June 29, 1908) was a Canadian politician and Speaker of the Ontario Legislature.

Ballantyne was born in Peebles, Scotland, and immigrated to Canada in 1852. He made his fortune as a cheese manufacturer, becoming successful enough to be elected president of the Dairyman's Association. He contested the riding of Perth North in the 1871 provincial election as a Liberal but was defeated. After declining the federal Liberal nomination in the 1872 federal election, he stood in the 1875 provincial election for Perth South and was elected to the Legislative Assembly of Ontario as a Liberal by a margin of 180 votes.

Ballantyne was re-elected on four successive occasions. In 1891, he became Speaker of the legislature and was the first Speaker to preside in the new legislative buildings at Queen's Park. He retired from public life after his defeat in the 1894 provincial election.

title: Thomas Ballantyne (politician)


text: Category:Jodeci albums

title: Category:Jodeci albums


text: User talk:69.142.208.39

title: User talk:69.142.208.39


text:
User:Kier07

Hi there. My real name is Kiran.

I'm a mathematician. My research interests involve the action of groups, particularly discrete (not necessarily abelian) groups, on low-dimensional manifolds. Ghys's paper Groups acting on the circle is a beautiful example of the kind of thing I find interesting. Here I am at the Mathematics Genealogy Project.

Besides mathematics, I'm also interested in many other things. I love science, especially astronomy, biology, and psychology; languages; storytelling; philosophy; and politics. (OK, I don't love politics, but I care very deeply about fighting for a better society, and that's what politics, ideally, is all about.) I'm interested in questions such as: How do the stories we tell, and the worldviews we unconsciously drink in as part of the culture we're embedded in, shape our thinking -- and how can we change?

For the most part at Wikipedia I seem to add small bits of information, improve consistency and grammar, and revert vandalism.

title: User:Kier07


text: Wikipedia:Wikipedia Signpost/Boneyard/Blank page 116


text:
Strapwork

In the history of art and design, strapwork is the use of stylised representations in ornament of ribbon-like forms. These may loosely imitate leather straps, parchment or metal cut into elaborate shapes, with piercings, and often interwoven in a geometric pattern. In early examples there may or may not be three-dimensionality, either actual in curling relief ends of the elements, or just represented in two dimensions. As the style continued, these curling elements became more prominent, often turning into scrollwork, where the ends curl into spirals or scrolls. By the Baroque scrollwork was a common element in ornament, often partly submerged by other rich ornament.

European strapwork is a frequent background and framework for grotesque ornament – arabesque or candelabra figures filled with fantastical creatures, garlands and other elements – which were a frequent decorative motif in 16th-century Northern Mannerism, and revived in the 19th century and which may appear on walls – painted, in frescos, carved in wood, or moulded in plaster or stucco – or in graphic work. The Europeanized arabesque patterns called moresque are also very often combined with strapwork, especially in tooled and gilded bookbindings.

Scrollwork is a variant that tended to replace strapwork almost completely by the Baroque. It is less geometric and more organic, more three dimensional, and with emphasis on the curling ends of the "straps". The Italian artists at the Palace of Fontainebleau had already moved onto this by the 1530s, but in provincial work in northern Europe flat strapwork panels continued for another century or more.

Where there is no suggestion of three dimensions – curling ends and the like – the decoration may also be called bandwork or "interlaced bands", the more technically correct term. Peter Fuhring derives this style from Islamic ornament.

Italy
Strapwork designs, influenced by Islamic ornament, are found on tooled book-covers in Italy and Spain by the mid-15th century, and in other media by the early 16th century, for example in the Raphael Loggie in the Vatican. By the time the First School of Fontainebleau had spread their very emphatic version of the style to northern Europe, the Italians had largely abandoned it, although it remained common on fine decorated bookbindings in Italy as elsewhere, often combined with moresque decoration.

Flemish
The forms developed in Antwerp by Cornelis Floris, Cornelis Bos, Hans Vredeman de Vries and others were disseminated by ornament prints from about 1550 and had an enormous influence across northern Europe. Floris "developed the massive Fontainebleau strapwork into a yet more nightmarish style of his own", but also, with Bos, "experimented with an altogether lighter, more elegant variety".

France
Strapwork was found earlier, but really came to prominence after it was used in stucco in the enormous elaborate decorative frames designed by Rosso Fiorentino and his team for the Palace of Fontainebleau in the 1530s. Thereafter, spread by prints, it became part of the vocabulary of Northern Mannerist ornament.

England
Strapwork became popular in England in the late 16th and 17th centuries as a form of plasterwork decorative moulding used particularly on ceilings, but also sculpted in stone for example around entrance doors, as at Misarden Park (1620), Gloucestershire, or on monumental sculpture, as on the frieze of the monument to Sir John Newton (d.1568), at East Harptree, Gloucestershire, and on that of Sir Gawen Carew (d.1575) in Exeter Cathedral. Wollaton Hall outside Nottingham makes especially extensive, and for some excessive, use of strapwork inside and out.

Islamic
Islamic girih uses complex patterns and interlace, but the form of the strips is generally simple, does not vary along their length, and no attempt to achieve a stylized impression of other materials is made. The patterns it used influenced European ornament in the Renaissance, through the Moresque style.

Girih is an Islamic decorative art form used in architecture and handicrafts (book covers, tapestry, small metal objects) from the 8th century onwards. It consists of geometric lines that form an interlaced strapwork. Girih patterns are used in varied media including tilework, brickwork, stucco, wood (for example in minbar pulpits) and mosaic faience work.

title: Strapwork


text:
Arani Province

Arani is a province in Cochabamba Department, Bolivia. Its capital is Arani, situated about 53 km from Cochabamba. Arani is known for its bread and its artisan wickerwork.

Geography
Some of the highest mountains of the province are listed below:

• Chawpi Urqu

• Chullpa Ch'utu

• Ikma Mayu

• Inka P'iqi

• Iskay Wasi

• Jatun Llallawa

• Jatun Punta Mayuq

• Jatun Salla

• Juch'uy Llallawa

• Kuntur

• K'illi K'illi

• Llusk'a Llusk'a

• Mayu Urqu

• Murun Pampa

• Ñuñu Urqu

• Puka Chanka

• Pukara

• Phaqcha Urqu

• Qucha Quchayuq Urqu

• Qullpa Qucha Urqu

• Qullu Mayu

• Qutu Rumi

• Q'illu Q'asa

• Salla Punta

• Salla Q'asa

• Siqina Urqu

• T'utura Pampa

• Urqu Punta

• Wanu Wanu

• Waylla Qucha

• Yana Qucha

Subdivision
The province is divided into two municipalities which are further subdivided into four cantons.

Arani Municipality consists of three cantons, Arani, Pocoata and Collpaciaco. Vacas Municipality is not further subdivided, so Vacas Canton and Vacas Municipality are identical.

Population
The people in the Arani Province are mainly indigenous citizens of Quechua descent.

Languages
The languages spoken in the Arani Province are mainly Quechua and Spanish. The following table shows the number of those belonging to the recognized group of speakers.

Tourism
Festivals and Fairs:
 * August 14–15: Saint Isidore the Laborer in Qullpayaku, 2 days
 * August 24–25: Virgen la Bella in Arani, 2 days
 * September 20: Farmers' fair in Tacopaya, 1 day
 * 3rd week in November: Bread fair in Arani, 1 day
 * December 4: Saint Barbara in Vacas

Other tourist attractions include the church of Saint Bartholomew (San Bartolomé) in Arani, built in 1610, which is dedicated to the Virgen la Bella, and the lakes in Vacas Municipality: Parqu Qucha, Asiru Qucha, Junt'utuyu, Pilawit'u, Qullpa Qucha and Yanatama.

title: Arani Province


text:
Arque Province

Arque is a rural province in Cochabamba Department in the eastern cordillera of the South American state of Bolivia.

Geography
The province is surrounded by the provinces of Tapacarí in the northwest, Quillacollo in the northeast, Capinota in the east, Bolívar in the south and the departments of Oruro in the west and Potosí in the southeast.

It is located in the Bolivian Andes at an elevation between 3,000 and 4,500 metres and about 250 km west of Cochabamba, the capital of the department. The landscape is deeply fissured. Some of the highest mountains of the province are listed below:

• Apachita

• Awila Chukuña

• Chullpa Ch'utu

• Chuymani

• Ch'uñawi

• Inka Pukara

• Jach'a Qullu

• Janq'u Jaqhi

• Juch'uy Sayari

• Kuntur Sayana

• Kuntur Wachana

• Mik'ayani

• Millu Wiqu

• Murmuntani

• Pichaqani

• Puka Puka

• Pukara

• P'ujru P'ujruni

• Qala Pampa

• Sayari

• Silla Q'asa

• Siwinqani

• Wila Ch'utu

• Yanakuna

• Yaritani

Arque, the capital of the province, is situated on the northern bank of the Arque River, an affluent of the Río Grande.

Climate
The rainy season covers the months from December to April. The precipitation can occur in the form of devastating hailstorms which may even destroy the planted seeds of field crops and the harvests.

Subdivision
Arque Province is divided into two municipalities (Spanish: municipio, sección or sección municipal): Arque Municipality (first section) and Tacopaya Municipality (second section). The two municipalities with one mayor each are further subdivided into four cantons and supervised each of them by a corregidor: Arque Canton and Colcha Canton in Arque Municipality and Tacopaya Canton and Ventilla Canton within Tacopaya Municipality. The province is managed by a sub-prefect (subprefecto).

Arque Municipality is situated in the eastern part of the province and Tacopaya Municipality is located in the west.

The People
Arque Province has the lowest Index on Human Development (0.311) within Bolivia. Of all the 314 municipalities in Bolivia Arque was on the last position (HDI 0.311) in the year 2001 and Tacopaya was on rank 308 (HDI 0.361). However, in recent years many measures particularly done in the field of education and health have been taken in order to improve the social situation. In 2005 92% of the population of Arque including larger and smaller communities had access to potable water according to reports from Arque Municipality. Only seven communities still remained without water supply at that time.

The province has a rural character. Most families rely on subsistence farming for their livelihood. The peasants cultivate maize, wheat, barley and potatoes on the stark, steep slopes. The population with a high number of indigenous citizens of Quechuan and Aymara descent mostly lived or still lives in humble houses with earthen floor, adobe walls, roofed with thatched material. Often these houses only consist of one single room where the meals are prepared on open fire so that the smoke can cause infections of the eyes. The roofs bear a deadly danger which comes overnight: the blood-sucking winchuka bugs (vinchuca), common to the zone, which can cause the Chagas disease. During the day the insects hide in crevices in the walls and roofs made of straw. The bugs emerge at night, when the inhabitants are sleeping. One measure to reduce the risk of acquiring the disease is the renovation of houses by using tiles and the construction of houses that are resistant to the entry of the bug.

Some data:

The latest results about the ethnic-linguistic composition of the population are as follows:

Ref.: obd.descentralizacion.gov.bo

Languages
The languages spoken in the Arque Province are mainly Quechua and Spanish. The following table shows the number of those belonging to the recognized group of speakers.

title: Arque Province


text:
Capinota Province

Capinota is one of sixteen provinces in the Cochabamba Department, Bolivia. Its capital is the city of Capinota. The province has a projected population over 33,000 inhabitants by 2017. Capinota has three sections and the most populous is Capinota section, followed by Santivanes.

Subdivision
Capinota Province is divided into three municipalities which are further subdivided into cantons.

title: Capinota Province


text:
Carrasco Province

Carrasco is a province in the Cochabamba Department in central Bolivia. Its capital is Totora.

Geography
Some of the highest mountains of the province are listed below:

• Apachita

• Ch'uru Wayq'u

• Ch'utu Ch'utu

• Iskay Wasi

• Jatun Muqu

• Jatun Pampa

• Jatun Salla

• Juch'uy

• Lawayqu

• Layqa

• Machaqa Marka

• Mama Rumi

• Mama Wasi

• Misk'i

• Nina

• Putu Phutunqu

• P'isaqa

• P'ukru

• Qucha Qucha

• Qucha Quchayuq Urqu

• Qutani

• Rumi Rumiyuq

• Salla Punta

• Sallani

• Tawri

• T'utura

• Wasa Mayu

• Wathiya

• Yana Urqu

• Yuraq Qallpa

• Yuraq Yuraq

Subdivision
Carrasco Province is divided into six municipalities which are further subdivided into cantons.

Entre Ríos Municipality was created in 2004.

The people
The people are predominantly indigenous citizens of Quechuan descent. There are also groups of Yuracaré along Chapare River in the municipalities Chimoré and Puerto Villarroel.

Languages
The languages spoken in the Carrasco Province are mainly Quechua and Spanish. The following table shows the number of those belonging to the recognized group of speakers.

Visitor attractions
Carrasco National Park and the archaeological site of Inkallaqta are situated within the province.

title: Carrasco Province


text:
Cercado

Cercado may refer to:

Places

 * Cercado Province (Beni), a province of the Beni department in Bolivia
 * Cercado Province (Cochabamba), a province of the Cochabamba department in Bolivia
 * Cercado Province (Oruro), a province of the Oruro department in Bolivia
 * Cercado Province (Tarija), a province of the Tarija department in Bolivia
 * Cercado de Lima, the proper name of the Lima District in Peru
 * El Cercado, a town in San Juan Province, Dominican Republic

People

 * César Cercado (born 1989), Mexican footballer

title: Cercado


text:
Ayopaya Province

Ayopaya is a province in the Cochabamba Department, Bolivia. Its capital is Ayopaya (or Independencia).

Geography
Some of the highest mountains of the province are listed below:

• Ch'illiwani

• Ch'uñu Pata

• Inka Q'asa

• Jatun Apachita

• Jatun Yuraq Q'asa

• Jichu Apachita

• Lip'ichi

• Liqiliqini

• Llamayuq Q'asa

• Pirwata

• Pukarani

• P'iq'iñ Q'ara

• Qiñwani Punta

• Q'illu Mayu

• Q'illu Q'illu

• Salla Willk'i Punta

• Silla Q'asa

• Turi Turini

• Waka P'iqi

• Wila Qullu

• Wila Quta

• Wisk'achani

Subdivision
Ayopaya Province is divided into three municipalities which are further subdivided into cantons.

Cocapata Municipality (formerly Cocapata Canton) was created on February 6, 2009. Its mother municipality is Morochata.

title: Ayopaya Province


text:
Esteban Arze Province

Esteban Arze (Quechua: T'arata) is a province in Cochabamba Department, Bolivia. Its capital is Tarata. Many people from the Esteban Arze province (Tarata and Arbieto) have migrated abroad,mainly to Argentina and to the Washington DC area (Arlington county, Fairfax county, and Alexandria Virginia, and Montgomery County Maryland.) https://pulitzercenter.org/reporting/only-bridge-matters-now

Subdivision
The province is divided into four municipalities which are further subdivided into cantons. The municipalities with their seats are:

Places of interest

 * Laguna La Angostura

Holidays and Feasts
The province's primary feast is in honor of Saint Severin, which is celebrated the last Sunday of November in the town of Tarata.

title: Esteban Arze Province


text:
Germán Jordán Province

Germán Jordán is a province in the Cochabamba Department, Bolivia. Its capital is Cliza. Many people from Germán Jordán province, along with people from neighboring Esteban Arze and Punata province have migrated to Argentina and to the Washington, D.C. area.

Subdivision
Germán Jordán Province is divided into three municipalities which are further subdivided into cantons.

title: Germán Jordán Province


text:
Mizque Province

Mizque (from Quechua: misk'i, meaning "sweet") is a province in the Cochabamba Department, Bolivia. Its capital is Mizque.

The province, in 1992, had a population of 27,959 inhabitants, mostly indigenous citizens of Quechuan descent. In 2001, the population increased to 36,181 inhabitants and it was estimated at 41,062 in 2005.

Geography
Mizque Province is home to a great diversity of ecoregions because it contains a wide variety of topographic features with heights ranging between 2,000 and 3,600 m. The province belongs to the Julpe-Mizque basin with an area of 3,845 km2.

The main rivers are:
 * Mizque River, 75 km
 * Julpe River, 60 km
 * Uyuchama River, 50 km
 * Tuqma River, 45 km
 * Kari Kari River, 42 km
 * Vicho Vicho River, 32 km

Although there is a large amount of superficial and sub-superficial water within the province, the zone is suffering from drought due to the lack of irrigation systems.

Some of the highest mountains of the province are listed below:

• Apachita

• Chawpi Ch'utu

• Chullpa Mayu

• Chullpa Q'asa

• Chullpani

• Chuqi Chuqi

• Inka P'iqi

• Inka Pirqa

• Iskay Ch'utu

• Jatun Ch'utu

• Jatun Pukara

• Jatun Urqu

• Kachi Q'asa

• Kimsa Pampa

• Kuntur Pata

• Kuntur Punta

• Misa Punta

• Mulli Q'asa

• Puka Qallpa

• Puka Qawiña

• Puka Q'asa

• Pukara

• Putu Phutunqu

• Rirpu

• Siwinqani

• Tampu Q'asa

• Tikrasqa

• Tuqma

• Tuqma Urqu

• Wanq'uni

• Warmi Wañusqa

• Wisk'acha Punta

• Yana Qaqa

• Yana Urqu

• Yura Q'asa

Climate
The climate is dry. There are a few irregular rainfalls and long periods of drought. The medium annual temperature varies between 16 and 18 °C. During the rainy season ("summer"), corresponding to the months from December to March, the province receives 87% of the annual precipitation, in December and January alone 57%, often occurring as hailstorms. During the dry season ("winter") the temperature goes down radically and snowfalls occur. The annual precipitation is between 300 and 700 mm, reaching 507 mm annually on an average.

Flora
The semiarid and arid regions are covered with plants which are tolerant towards dry conditions. 75% of the total area of Mizque Province is cultivated.

Fauna
The red-fronted macaws (Ara rubrogenys), endemic to a small mountainous area of Bolivia, can be observed in Mizque. This species is considered to be endangered due to intense agriculture activity which has reduced its habitat. The problem is that the peasants of some zones look upon them as a plague because they raid the maize in the fields. There is a chance that they might be regarded as one of the tourist attractions of the region.

Subdivision
The province is divided into three municipalities which are further subdivided into ten cantons.

The people
The majority of the population of the Mizque Province lives in the rural area in communities far apart from each other. The lack of good roads makes trade and providing services difficult. The land in some areas is quite dry and not appropriate for farming. That may be some of the reasons why the Human Development Index in the municipalities of Mizque is among the lowest in Bolivia (0.365, 0.400 and 0.460), placing them in the positions 284 (Mizque), 305 (Vila Vila) and  298 (Alalay) out of 314 municipalities.

The conditions of life are especially critical in the puna and remote communities. The level of income of a peasant family in the high zones or in the dryland is estimated at 200 - 250 US-$ per year.

Some data:

There are 182 rural communities within the territory of the province situated in heights between 2,000 m in the template valleys and 3,600 m in the puna.

Language
The predominant language is Quechua, spoken by 32,212 inhabitants and about 11,482 inhabitants are bilingual. They can speak Spanish as well. The following table shows the number of those belonging to the recognized group of speakers.

Economy
The economic activity is concentrated on agriculture and animal husbandry and to a minor extent on mining and crafts. The most important sectors in agriculture are the cultivation of potatoes, maize, wheat, peanuts, barley and onions.

Festivals and Fairs

 * 2nd week in May: Fruit fair in Mizque, 1 day
 * July 16: Our Lady of Mount Carmel in Alalay, 3 days
 * September 8–14: Our Lord of Burgos (Señor de Burgos) in Mizque, 7 days
 * September 23–25: Virgen Mestiza de Shikimira in Vila Vila, 3 days

title: Mizque Province


text:
Wikipedia:Peer review/Bengali language/archive1

Bengali language
I'm an occaisional contributor but not a main editor. The article looks almost ready to be a FAC. Comments on how to improve the overall quality of the article would be appreciated, specifically comments on the layout, language, and placement of images. Ttownfeen 02:06, August 22, 2005 (UTC)

 * How does it compare vis-a-vis Tamil? I'm not really into the finer aspects of language, so can't really comment on the article contents. But the Table of contents is ugly, the dialects subheading make it expand a great deal. Also a single subheading under a heading is not recommended. Please merge with the parent heading. Some more pictures and some sound samples are needed.  =Nichalp   «Talk»=  08:00, August 23, 2005 (UTC)
 * Yeah, there are a number of very high quality language FA's, so try looking at those and see what you can emulate. There is great material here, but some suggestions: 1) The article refers to it as the 4th or 5th most popular language, but the list that it links to has it as 7th or 8th if I remember right. Sounds like a POV problem. 2) The research and use of referencing seems insufficient. There are only five references (I didn't check their quality, but FA's need high quality references) and there is no apparent way to tell what facts come from what source. Inline citation of the most important and or potentially contentious points to the highest quality references available would really help. At least 20 or so would be a good guideline. 3) The prose is broken up in many very short paragraphs, which results in poor flow. Try to expand or combine each until it flows better. Most great articles can eliminate all on or two sentence paragraphs. - Taxman Talk 23:35, September 1, 2005 (UTC)

 * Hmm, here is a possible explanation of the "most spoken" thing, if you consider speakers, it is 7th or 8th, but if you consider Native speakers, then it is 4th or 5th. For example, a lot of people in the world can speak English though it is not their native tongue. I'll try to fix as per your suggestions. Thanks. --Ragib 17:43, 6 September 2005 (UTC)

 * I like it! Tony 05:15, 14 September 2005 (UTC)


text:
Narciso Campero Province

Narciso Campero is a province in the Cochabamba Department, Bolivia. Its capital is Aiquile. Aiquile lies on one transportation route between the cities of Cochabamba, Sucre and Santa Cruz.

Subdivision
The province is divided into three municipalities which are further subdivided into cantons.

1998 earthquake
Campero was near the epicenter of an earthquake which struck on May 22, 1998. The shock had a moment magnitude of 6.6 and a maximum Mercalli intensity of VIII (Severe). It caused over 100 deaths and left thousands homeless. It was the largest shallow earthquake in Bolivia in over 50 years, and was felt as far away as Cochabamba and Sucre (approximately 100 km). The earthquake caused widespread damage over an area of approximately 100 km in diameter. The major towns affected were Hoyadas (100% of the buildings destroyed), Aiquile (75% of the buildings destroyed) and Totora (70% of the buildings destroyed).

title: Narciso Campero Province