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Street hierarchy

The street hierarchy is an urban planning technique for laying out road networks that exclude automobile through-traffic from developed areas. It is conceived as a hierarchy of roads that embeds the link importance of each road type in the network topology (the connectivity of the nodes to each other). Street hierarchy restricts or eliminates direct connections between certain types of links, for example residential streets and arterial roads, and allows connections between similar order streets (e.g. arterial to arterial) or between street types that are separated by one level in the hierarchy (e.g. arterial to highway and collector to arterial). By contrast, in many regular, traditional grid plans, as laid out, higher order roads (e.g. arterials) are connected by through streets of both lower order levels (e.g. local and collector). An ordering of roads and their classification can include several levels and finer distinctions as, for example, major and minor arterials or collectors.

At the lowest level of the hierarchy, cul-de-sac streets, by definition non-connecting, link with the next order street, a primary or secondary "collector"—either a ring road that surrounds a neighbourhood, or a curvilinear "front-to-back" path—which in turn links with the arterial. Arterials then link with the intercity highways at strictly specified intervals at intersections that are either signalized or grade separated.

In places where grid networks were laid out in the pre-automotive 19th century, such as in the American Midwest, larger subdivisions have adopted a partial hierarchy, with two to five entrances off one or two main roads (arterials) thus limiting the links between them and, consequently, traffic through the neighbourhood.

Since the 1960s, street hierarchy has been the dominant network configuration of suburbs and exurbs in the United States, Canada, Australia, and the UK. It is less popular in Latin America, Western Europe, and China.

Large subdivisions may have three- or even four-tiered hierarchies, feeding into one or two wide arterials, which can be as wide as the ten lane Champs-Élysées or Wilshire Boulevard. Arterials at this level of traffic volume generally require no fewer than four lanes in width; and in large contemporary suburbs, such as Naperville, Illinois, or Irvine, California, are often eight or ten lanes wide. Adjacent street hierarchies are rarely connected to one another.

History
In the pre-automotive era of cities, traces of the concept of a hierarchy of streets in a network appear in Greek and subsequent Roman town plans. The main feature of their classification is their size. In Roman cities, such as Pompeii, major thoroughfares (e.g. the decumanus) had a width of 12.2 m, secondary streets (e.g. the cardo) 6 m and tertiary streets (e.g. vicinae) measured 4.5 meters. The first allowed for two way cart traffic, the second generally only one, while the third only loaded animals. Narrower streets that could only accommodate pedestrians were also present in both Greek and Roman cities. Thus the restriction on connections between major streets on particular modes (carts and chariots) was the effect of the width of the street itself and not the lack of linkage. This method is akin to the contemporary concept of filtered permeability.

A clearer record of a stricter hierarchical order of streets appears in surviving and functioning Arabic-Islamic cities that originate in the late first millennium AD such as the Medina of Tunis, Marrakesh, Fez, and Damascus. In these cases there are four classes of streets starting with the cul-de-sac type (1.84-2.00 m wide) and moving up to the local (third order connector), then a collector that usually surrounds a residential quarter (second order connector) and, finally, to the first order connector (arterial). The latter connector usually crossed the city through its centre and led to the city gates (see drawing). These arterials were decreed to be at least wide enough for two crossing loaded animals, 3.23 to 3.5 m. This tendency for hierarchical organization of streets was so pervasive in the Arab-Islamic tradition that even cities that were laid out on a uniform grid by Greeks or Romans, were transformed by their subsequent Islamic conquerors and residents, as in the case of Damascus.

In the automotive 20th century, the street hierarchy concept was first elaborated by Ludwig Hilberseimer, in his City Plan of 1927. His major priorities were increasing the safety of primary school-age children walking to school, and increasing the speed of traffic.

Planners also began to modify the grid into a superblock system, where high traffic generators such as shops and apartments were placed on arterial roads that formed the boundaries of the superblock. Schools, churches, and parks were located at the center, and houses filled the residential blocks. Within the superblock, T-intersections, and culs-de-sac acted as traffic calming devices, slowing or preventing through traffic.

This model prevailed between roughly 1930 and 1955, in "instant cities" such as Lakewood, California, and the Los Angeles district of Panorama City. The street hierarchy has been the dominant model for network layout in new suburbs since the Levittowns.

In the 1960s, when operations research and rational planning were the prevailing analytical tools, street hierarchy was seen as a major improvement over the regular, undifferentiated, "messy" grid system. It discouraged dangerous high-speed driving and street racing in residential areas. New master-planned suburbs often codified the street hierarchy into their zoning laws, restricting the use of grid layouts in residential districts.

Eventually, the street hierarchy was also adapted for industrial parks and commercial developments. Use of the street hierarchy is a nearly universal characteristic of the "edge city", a roughly post-1970 form of urban development exemplified by places such as Tysons Corner, Virginia, and Schaumburg, Illinois.

Criticisms and discussion
Social commentators and urban planners have often pointed out that the street hierarchy arrangement has serious limitations. These criticisms are generally part of a broader indictment of mid-20th-century urban planning, with critics charging that planners have only considered the needs of young children and their working-age parents in creating the spatial arrangement of the late 20th and early 21st centuries.

Financial costs
Some planners and economists consider the street hierarchy to be financially wasteful, since it requires more miles of street to be laid than a grid plan to serve a much smaller population.

While housing unit density and, consequently, population density affects the per capita cost of infrastructure, it is not inextricably linked to the street network pattern whether hierarchical or uniform. Theoretically and historically a city block can be built at high or low density, depending on the urban context and land value; central locations command much higher land prices than suburban. The costs for street infrastructure depend largely on four variables: street width (or Right of Way), street length, block width, and pavement width. These variables affect the total street length of a neighbourhood and the proportion of land area it consumes. Street length increases costs proportionately while street area represents an opportunity cost of land unavailable for development. Studies show that regular, undifferentiated grid patterns generally incur infrastructure costs about 20 to 30 percent higher than the discontinuous hierarchical street patterns, reflecting an analogous street length increase.

In suburban areas subject to property tax caps such as California's Prop 13, the enormous per-capita expenditures required to maintain streets mean that only houses costing over half a million dollars can provide enough property tax revenue to cover the cost of maintaining their street hierarchies. In areas with low developer impact fees, cities often fail to provide adequate maintenance of internal and arterial roads serving newly constructed subdivisions. Municipal records show that street maintenance represents a large portion of a municipal budget, particularly in Northern climates where snow removal is added to the regular lifecycle upkeep. Two planning strategies have been suggested to deal with these costs in new developments: reduction of street length or increase in household density, or a combination of the two. Of the two strategies, reducing street length is the most effective and permanent; densities can vary over time and cannot be effectively controlled.

Pedestrian degradation
New Urbanists decry the street hierarchy's deleterious effects on pedestrian travel, which is made easy and pleasant within the subdivision but is virtually impossible outside it. Residential subdivisions usually have no pedestrian connections between themselves and adjacent commercial areas, and are often separated from them by high masonry walls intended to block noise. New Urbanist writers like Andres Duany and James Howard Kunstler often point out the absurd nature of car trips forced by the street hierarchy: while a grocery store may be less than a quarter-mile distant physically from a given home in a subdivision, the barriers to pedestrian travel presented by the street hierarchy mean that getting a gallon of milk requires a car trip of a mile or more in each direction. Jane Jacobs, among other commentators, has gone so far as to say that modern suburban design—of which the street hierarchy is the key component—is a major factor in the sedentary lifestyle of today's children. Mass transit advocates contend that the street hierarchy's denigration of pedestrian traffic also reduces the viability of public transportation in areas where it prevails, sharply curtailing the mobility of those who do not own cars or cannot drive them, such as disabled persons, teenagers, and the elderly.

Congestion causes and remedies
Most traffic engineers consider the street hierarchy to be optimal, since it eliminates through traffic on all streets except arterials. However, some have contended that it actually exacerbates traffic congestion, leading to air pollution and other undesirable outcomes. An alternative to street hierarchy, Traditional Neighborhood Development (TND) networks, recommended by the Institute of Traffic Engineers, implies that a type of hierarchy is desirable nonetheless. It suggests that "While TND street networks do not follow the same rigid functional classification of conventional neighborhoods with local, collector, arterial and other streets, TND streets are hierarchical to facilitate necessary movements."

A more precise image of the prevalent thinking about structuring road networks can be found in the 2006 ITE/CNU recommended practice for the design of urban thoroughfares. In it, the functional, traffic-engineering classifications of roads are replaced by three basic road types: boulevard, avenue and street with the addition of a second type of boulevard – the multi-way. These road types reflect familiar names and images of roads and also real conditions in an urban environment, where each type normally performs multiple functions but only up to a hierarchical limit. For example, a boulevard can function as a principal and minor arterial but not as a collector or local access street; an avenue, as principal/minor arterial and a collector but not as a street; while a street can serve as minor arterial, a collector and a local (access road) but not as a principal arterial. These exclusions of functional roles derive from the design intention to put an emphasis either on mobility or access; both cannot be accommodated concurrently in every case.

These hierarchical distinctions of road types become clearer when considering the recommended design specifications for the number of through lanes, design speed, intersection spacing and driveway access. As the number of lanes increase from two to four and then six and, correspondingly, the operating speed from 40 km/h to about 60 km/h, the intersection spacing increases from a 90–200 m range to its double (200–400 m). Similarly, the restriction on driveway access becomes more stringent and, in effect, impossible in the case of a required raised median for boulevards and multi-way boulevards. Thus a multi-way and simple boulevard (corresponding to the functional definition of arterial) are deemed to perform their mobility function better when access to them is limited to intervals between 200 and 400 m, that is every three to five normal, 80-m-wide city blocks.

A common practice in conventional subdivision design is a road pattern that limits access to the arterials (or boulevards) to few points of entry and exit. These choke points produce traffic congestion in large subdivisions at rush hour periods. Congestion also increases on the boulevard (regional arterial) if the access restrictions are not observed. Furthermore, congestion can be density-dependent in addition to being configuration-dependent. That is, the same geometric configuration ideally suited to improve traffic flow, roundabouts for example, fails to function adequately beyond a certain threshold of traffic volume. Increased traffic volume is a direct outcome of increased household density of a district.

These relationships of congestion to layout geometry and density have been tested in two studies using computer-based traffic modeling applied to large subdivisions. A 1990 study compared the traffic performance in a 700-acre (2.8-km2) development that was laid out using two approaches, one with a hierarchical street layout that included cul-de-sac streets and the other a Traditional Neighborhood Design street layout. The study concluded that the non-hierarchical, traditional layout generally shows lower peak speed and shorter, more frequent intersection delays than the hierarchical pattern. The traditional pattern is not as friendly as the hierarchical to long trips but friendlier to short trips. Local trips in it are shorter in distance but about equivalent in time with the hierarchical layout.

A later more extensive comparative traffic study of an 830-acre (3.4-km2) subdivision tested three types of layouts: conventional, TND, and Fused Grid. It also tested the resilience of all three layouts to an increased traffic load generated by increased residential densities. The study concluded that all types of layouts perform adequately in most low to moderate population density scenarios up to a certain threshold of 62 persons per hectare (ppha). As densities increased beyond the threshold so did travel time. At a 50% density increase to 90 ppha, the conventional hierarchical pattern showed the highest increase in travel time (20%), followed by the TND (13%) and the fused grid (5%). When the density increased further to include one local job per two residents, delays increased respectively by 139%, 90% and 71% for the conventional, traditional, and fused grid. This confirms the density influence on congestion levels and that a hierarchical pattern can improve flow if laid out following the access restrictions proposed in the ITE/CNU practice guide.

In edge cities the number of cars exiting a large subdivision to an arterial that links to a highway can be extremely high, leading to miles-long queues to get on freeway ramps nearby. See Rat running.

Safety
Transportation planners and traffic engineers have expressed concerns over the traffic safety drawbacks presented by the street hierarchy. Recent studies have found higher traffic fatality rates in outlying suburban areas than in central cities and inner suburbs with smaller blocks and more-connected street patterns. While some of this disparity is the result of distance from emergency medical facilities (hospitals are usually not built in a newly developed suburban area until a fairly late stage in its development), it is clear that the higher speeds engendered by the street hierarchy increase the severity of accidents occurring along arterial roads.

An earlier study found significant differences in recorded accidents between residential neighbourhoods that were laid out on an undifferentiated grid and those that included culs-de-sac and crescents in a hierarchical structure. The frequency of accidents was significantly higher in the grid neighbourhoods.

Two newer studies examined the frequency of collisions in two regional districts using the latest analytical tools. They investigated the potential correlation between street network patterns and frequency of collisions. In one study, cul-de-sac hierarchical networks appeared to be much safer than the uniform grid networks, by nearly three to one. A second study found the grid plan to be the least safe by a significant margin with respect to all other street patterns.

A 2009 study suggests that land use patterns play a significant role in traffic safety and should be considered in conjunction with the network pattern. While all intersection types in general reduce the incidence of fatal crashes, four-way intersections, which occur regularly in a uniform grid, increase total and injurious crashes significantly. The study recommends hybrid street networks with dense concentrations of T-intersections and concludes that a return to the 19th century gridiron is undesirable.

Banning on-street parking
Banning on-street parking can provide social benefits if the car users and the general public pay for off-street parking.

United States
While street hierarchies remain the default mode of suburban design in the United States, its 21st century usefulness depends on the prevalence of low density developments. To the degree that developable land becomes scarce in coastal urban areas and in geographically constrained inland cities such as Tucson, Las Vegas, and Salt Lake City, the street hierarchy's inability to handle any but the lowest population densities is a long-term liability. The street hierarchy is also unpopular in the coastal city of New Orleans because of its geographic barriers, and because like Philadelphia, New York, and Cleveland, New Orleans already had suburbs before the new design became popular. Grids were used in New Orleans to fit a population that had at one time reached over 700,000 into 180 sqmi of land with over 20 percent of that number being dedicated to uninhabitable wetlands. There a street hierarchy took up too much space to be economical. Real estate developers in areas with high land prices, such as Southern California's Inland Empire, are finding that the relatively high population density of contemporary subdivisions is leading to severe traffic congestion on arterial roads that were country lanes a decade earlier. The street hierarchy is also becoming less attractive as awareness increases of the environmental consequences of the urban planning paradigm of which it is an integral part. The "smart growth" movement calls for street patterns with a high degree of connectivity, and with it a more balanced provision for various travel modes, both vehicular and non-vehicular.

Europe
The 1967 design of Milton Keynes, with its (national speed limit) grid roads at 1 km intervals containing 'organic' road lay-out grid-squares, was strongly founded on the 'street hierarchy' principle. The 2006 expansion plans for Milton Keynes will abandon this model in favour of "mixed-use traditional British city streets".

Developing countries
In countries such as India, where automobile ownership is increasing at double-digit annual rates, the street hierarchy is becoming increasingly popular as suburban development takes on forms strongly resembling those of American exurbs. However, the suburban-like cities in China are the aftermath of excessive implementing hierarchical street-layout and rapid urban development. With high-rise residential towers, over-engineered roads and public transportation systems, they are distinctively different from American suburbs. The street hierarchy theory forms the center of the Chinese planning system which was adapted from ex-soviet in 60's. Today, Chinese planning schools are continuing to teach the theory unaware of its effects on the suburbanization, congestion and wasteful road-engineering.

title: Street hierarchy


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Talk:Jabalpur district

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text: User:Aprocalypse

title: User:Aprocalypse


text: Portal:Agriculture/Did you know

title: Portal:Agriculture/Did you know


text:
User:Wai Hong

My name is Wai Hong. I am from Malaysia and is currently living in Melbourne, Australia. I'm contributing to a few articles regarding Melburnian suburbs and Malaysian towns. In general, I'm interested in Melbourne and Malaysia.

I can speak English, Malay and Cantonese fluently. I also understand Mandarin pretty well but cannot speak as well. However, I have a very limited knowledge of written Chinese.

I do not have that much time so I cannot do in-depth researches for specific articles. My contributions are usually from my general knowledge. Recently, I have started researching for articles using the internet.

I have interests in areas of geography and history. I am also helping out in cleaning up incomprehensible articles and recategorizing articles.

Articles
These are some of the articles which I have started or contributed significantly to. As of 26 May 2007, I have made 6080 edits.

Geography

 * Carlton, Victoria
 * Damansara Jaya, Damansara Utama
 * Gua Musang
 * Jeli
 * Kampar, Perak, Kemaman
 * Lawas, Legaran Segget, Lenggong, Lonsdale Street, Melbourne
 * Machang, Marseille, Muar
 * Pagoh
 * Simpang Pulai
 * Tumpat

List
List of notable University of Melbourne graduates

Others
2006 Commonwealth Games medal count, Sultan Badlishah, Hussein Shah of Johor, Jamaluddin Jarjis, Kristang people, Mansur Shah of Malacca, Medleys, University of Melbourne Medical Revue, Melbourne Museum, Mohd Khir bin Toyo, Ahmad Husni Hanadzlah.

title: User:Wai Hong


text:
Cadillac Runabout and Tonneau

The first Cadillac automobiles were the 1903 Model built in the last quarter of 1902. These were 2-seater "horseless carriages" powered by a reliable and sturdy 10 hp single-cylinder engine developed by Alanson Partridge Brush and built by Leland and Faulconer Manufacturing Company of Detroit, of which Henry Leland was founder, vice-president and general manager.

Reformed as the Cadillac Automobile Company in August 1902, it began manufacturing the runabouts and named them "Cadillac" after the city's founder Antoine Laumet, the self-styled Antoine Laumet de La Mothe, sieur de Cadillac at the re-purposed Detroit Assembly. The 1904 Model B was a refinement of the 1903 and while still a mid-engined, one cylinder automobile, it now had an extended front and transverse front suspension. With the introduction of the Model B, the 1903 style became known as the Model A. Both the Model A and B were available as a two-passenger runabout or four passenger rear tonneau. Catalogs also show a light delivery.

The one cylinder Cadillac continued to be offered through 1908 in the runabout, tonneau or delivery bodies under a variety of Model designations which are delineated below.

Single-cylinder engine
The Models A, B, C, E, and F shared a single-cylinder 98.2 cuin engine rated from 6.5 to around 9 hp depending on model. The cylinder was horizontal, pointing rearward, and was cast from iron with a copper water jacket. Bore and stroke were square at 5 in. The engine was named by its manufacturers, Leland and Faulconer, "Little Hercules".

The engine employed a patented variable-lift intake valve licensed from Alanson Partridge Brush. The restrictions of this design using Brush's patents led the company to develop their own four-cylinder engine for the later Models D, L, G, and H.

Rear entrance tonneau
When the street was muddy or dirty the car would be backed up to the sidewalk so tonneau passengers did not need to walk in the mud.

Model A
Three cars were completed in time for the New York Auto Show staged in January, 1903. All three cars were sold at the show and by mid-week orders had been taken for 2,286 further units, each one requiring a deposit of US$10 ($0 in dollars ). The cars had some similarities to the Ford Model A; however, the Cadillac was designed by Alanson Partridge Brush.

Throughout 1903, 2,497 units were built. Production began in March 1903 and output totalled 1,895 units from March 1903 to March 1904. The 2-seater runabout cost US$750 ($0 in dollars ); an optional rear entrance detachable tonneau cost $100 and doubled the occupant capacity. The entire body was bolted to the chassis and could be lifted without removing or disconnecting any plumbing or wiring.

Cadillacs of 1903 sometimes are identified erroneously as the Model A; in fact, they were known simply as the "Cadillac Runabout" and the "Cadillac Tonneau". When a new Cadillac was introduced in 1904, it was designated the "Model B"; meanwhile, production of the earlier runabout and tonneau models continued through a second year. Only at that time did Cadillac began to designate them as Model A cars to distinguish them from the new, 1904 models.

The front of the car had a sloping, curved, false hood and radiator. The car was advertised as having 6+1/2 hp. Power was transmitted the rear wheels by chain-drive through a planetary transmission. Pedal operated brakes on rear axles were supplemented by engaging reverse gear. The 22-inch wood wheels had 12 spokes and the car's wheelbase was 72 in.
 * Options
 * Bolt-on rear-entrance tonneau containing two more seats $100 ($0 in dollars )
 * Leather top, side curtains etc. $50 ($0 in dollars )
 * Rubber top, side curtains etc. $300 ($0 in dollars )
 * Head and side-lamps
 * Alternative chain sprockets to adjust road speed

Reputation
The Cadillac earned a reputation for reliability, ease and economy of maintenance and for being a car with a remarkable ability for climbing and pulling. In 1903, F. S. Bennett, Cadillac's importer into the UK, entered the car in the Sunrising Hill Climb, where it was the only single-cylinder car to finish, and in the 1,000 Miles Reliability Trial, where it came fourth in its price class in overall points but first in its class in points scored for reliability.

Production continued into 1904 but with an 8+1/4 hp engine. A pressure-fed multiple oiler was added.

Model B (1904)
Introduced in January 1904 Cadillac's Model B was similar to their Model A, sharing its engine but using a pressed-steel frame and axles and the Model B was on a longer 76 in wheelbase. The front axle is described as girder-style. It supported the car through a single transverse half-elliptic spring. The sloping dash was replaced by a detachable box-like front to the body and a vertical radiator. All body styles lost as much as 70 pounds weight. Prices went up $50. The car was advertised as having 8+1/4 hp but there were no changes to the design of the engine.

The Model B was available as a runabout or a touring car with a detachable rear-entrance tonneau and optional surrey top, or with a delivery body. The passenger cars were both priced at $900 and weighed roughly 1450 lb. Options now included a bulb horn and a deck to replace the tonneau. The Model B continued in production through 1905 when an alternative tubular front axle was available and the power was advertised as 9 hp.

Model C (1905)

The Model C was a short-wheelbase car intended to replace the old Models A and B for the summer of 1905. It shared much of the Model B chassis components, but used the hood and radiator of the Model F. The tonneau was detachable, unlike the Model F.

Riding on a 72 in wheelbase, Model C was available as either a runabout, priced at $750, or touring car, priced at $850, with a detachable rear-entrance tonneau and optional surrey top. The lightweight runabout weighed just 1330 lb, 120 lb less than the touring model.

Model D (1905)
Four cylinder engine, see separate article Cadillac Model D

Model E (1905)
The Model E was released in January, 1905. It was a featherweight 1100 lb runabout model with seating for two, priced at $750 in 1905. It used a 74 in wheelbase, splitting the difference between the C and the B/F.

No detachable tonneau to make it a four-seater was available. The arched front axle was tubular. The axle was given a truss and added mid-year was a rocker shaft between it and the spring. Single cylinder 98.2 cuin engine with an advertised output of 9 horsepower. The planetary transmission which had balanced linkage on its bands provided two speeds and reverse. Drive was taken to the back axle by chain.

One of the first closed-body coupes was first built using a Model E, called the Cadillac Osceola, at the C. R. Wilson Company. The Osceola was requested by Mr. Leland to determine the feasibility of a car body that was closed to the elements, and the construction was supervised by Fred J. Fischer, who, with Charles T. Fisher and his other brothers, later founded Fisher Body. Named for a Seminole Indian Chief whom Henry Leland admired, the Osceola remained with the Leland family for years.

Model F (1905)
The Model F was the primary new Cadillac model of 1905. It had a sharper hood and radiator, prompting the update of the Model B (which became the Model C) and even spawning an aftermarket of updates to existing Model A and Model B cars. Models E and F shared the same chassis, though the latter was lengthened by two inches

The Model F was available as either a 4-seater 2-door touring car with side-entrance to the fixed tonneau or a 2-seater delivery vehicle. Both were priced at $950 in 1905. The Model F shared the same 76 in wheelbase as had been used on the Model B.

Model G, Model H and Model L (1906)
Four cylinder engine, see separate article Cadillac Model D

Model K and Model M (1906–1908)
Cadillac's single-cylinder lineup was consolidated into two models for 1906, the short wheelbase Model K and long wheelbase Model M. Priced at $750 for the Model K or $950 for the Model M, 3,650 units were sold that year. The K and M were essentially similar to the Models E and F from 1905 but with updated bodies. Production and sale of the Models K and M continued in 1907 in both the Tulip and straight lined body styles. The Model M was offered with a delivery body in 1906 and again for the 1907 model year.

Three 1907 Model Ks were used in the famous Dewar Trophy test of the Royal Automobile Club in England. They were disassembled, the parts mixed, and then reassembled without problems. This test cemented the Cadillac's reputation for precision and quality and brought fame to the marque.

The Model M continued only as a commercial delivery vehicle for 1908, priced at US$950 ($0 in dollars ).

Model S and Model T (1908)
The Model S and Model T of 1908 were essentially versions of the K/M from previous years with the wheelbase extended to 82 in. These would be the last single-cylinder Cadillacs. For 1909 the lineup standardized on the four-cylinder Model Thirty. The main difference between the S and T was that the latter lacked running boards.

title: Cadillac Runabout and Tonneau


text:
Moscow State Circus

The title Moscow State Circus is used for a variety of circuses. Most commonly, it refers to one of the two circus buildings in Moscow, the "Circus Nikulin" (the old circus, featuring animal acts) and the "Bolshoi Circus" (the new circus, featuring trapeze and acrobatics), or to traveling shows which may or may not be directly related to Russia.

The Russian Circus rose during the Soviet period, when acts from many Russian circuses united to tour the United States under the title, "The Moscow Circus." During this time, the circus became a point of pride. Russian Circus traditions include clowning, juggling, acrobatics, contortion, and animal acts (especially bear acts, such as bears who juggle with their feet).

Stylistically, the Soviet circuses were different from their Western counterparts. Their acts were more focused on Eastern European culture, and tended to hold more narrative and be more dance-oriented than their bespangled, action-packed contemporaries. This narrative style has recently become more popular with shows worldwide, with shows by companies including Cirque du Soleil and Cirque Dreams.

Nationalization
The Moscow Circuses, like many other institutions, were nationalized in 1919, and then, in 1957, run by the Soyuzgoscirk, the Centralized Circus Administration. In 1929 with the creation of the Moscow Circus School, the USSR became the first country in the world to operate a state-run circus training facility. At the Soviet Circus's peak of popularity in the late 1980s, students at the Moscow Circus School trained for 20 hours every week in various disciplines, and upon completion of training, the young men were required to enlist (though they worked in an entertainment division of the army); women were welcomed, but not required to serve. Despite the work, approximately a thousand individuals auditioned for the 70 spaces in the school; life as a performer with the Circus was almost as good as being a government official. Artists performed nine shows each week, delighting over 70 million citizens per year, and were guaranteed retirement benefits, childcare for children over one year old, maternity leave, the ability to travel, and in special cases were awarded luxuries, like nicer housing, normally restricted to the political elite. One such performer was the famous clown Oleg Popov, who was awarded the title of "People's Artist of the USSR".

Like their American contemporaries, the Communist government saw the circus as the people's entertainment. Officials considered the circus to be culturally on par with the Ballets Russes or Tchaikovsky, but was much more affordable, and therefore more proletarian, at only about five dollars per ticket. The Soyuzgoscirk established seventy circus buildings across the USSR, and entire towns would turn out to see the shows.

Style and politics
Since these well-attended shows often ran for four hours and were run by the government, they became outlets for Soviet propaganda. Instead of several rings, the Moscow Circus had only one (as was traditional) and the acts told stories, proverbs, or folk legends.

One such act was the "Cranes," a flying trapeze troupe. The "Cranes" were named after and themed by a song depicting fallen Soviet World War II soldiers who fly up into the sky as cranes, instead of being buried in the ground. The show, set to classical music, focused on the story being told, rather than on the incredible display of skill. One of the performers threw a "quad" (4 backward rotations before being caught by the catcher), an impressive and incredibly rare trick, which would have been the focus of the act in any other kind of show; nevertheless, the performer said that the most important part of the act was the way it was an aesthetic experience. He said it was not the individual skills, "but the simultaneity of our aerial gymnastics and the psychological effectiveness of our acting, all of it working together to move an audience...other circuses have first-rate performers, but we do something special — each act creates a small vignette. These are playlets that give spectators not only the flavor of our life, but also reveal the soul of Soviet man. " Aesthetics were very important to the Soviet circus, and every acrobat received formal ballet schooling.

In many respects, the shows resembled American shows of the day: they had parades and a spec, their clowns wore red noses and silly hats, their shows were full of big cats and Liberty Horses. This commonality fostered a sense of international community. One man credited the "peace caravan of circuses," which traveled through the streets of many cities, including Paris, Warsaw, Prague, and Berlin, with "contributing to the [Berlin] Wall's removal." He continued, "For a brief period in 1989, the clowns became the leaders, crossing cultural and national borders, celebrating the end of the Cold War before it was declared over by official parties."

Bolshoi Circus
The Great Moscow State Circus (Большой Московский государственный цирк на проспекте Вернадского) is an auditorium in Moscow located at the Vernadsky Prospekt. It was opened 30 April 1971. It can seat up to 3,400 people and the height of the amphitheatre is 36 metres. Performances are held each day in the afternoon and evening.

The circus building has 5 arenas (equestrian, water, illusionist, ice rink, and light-effect), located 18 metres below the floor, which can be swapped during the performance.

Initially, the circus building was merely a performance venue. In the early 1990s its own company was formed. It is headed by Leonid Kostyuk, a former circus artist and equilibrist. The former organiser of circuses in Soviet Russia was Soyuz Gost-Cirk (loosely translated as Russian People's Circus). Thousands of performers worked for the circus organisation.

The present company employs several hundred performers and tours as the "Great Moscow State Circus".

The Moscow State Circus is a state-owned enterprise. The circus organisation was threatened by the dismantling of the Soviet Union, and by some performers' inclination to seek better-paid foreign contracts. In June 2007, an attempt to privatise the building was initiated, strongly opposed by company director Leonid Kostyuk, among many others. Eventually President Vladimir Putin eliminated the building from the list of state properties to be privatised.

United Kingdom
The name Moscow State Circus has long been used by troupes of Russian circus performers in the West.

Such a tour is currently being promoted and produced in the United Kingdom by The Extreme Stunts Show ltd., a company formed for this specific purpose. Until 2017 was promoted and produced by in the United Kingdom by The European Events Corporation. Since 1995, individual artistes have been able to take advantage of new post-Soviet freedoms to agree to terms and travel abroad. The current production, which began touring in April 2011, is entitled Babushkin Sekret ('Grandmother's secret') and is themed around the Russian story of The Twelve Chairs. There is a cast of twenty-seven performers, including clowns, acrobats and jugglers, and the show features a wide variety of acts that involve perch pole, static trapeze, aerial silk, chinese pole, and high wire techniques. The show climaxes with a spectacular chair balancing act involving a tower of chairs approximately 10 metres high.

Australia
The Great Moscow Circus has been touring Australian country towns for 50 years, made up of International performers and Australian performers and crew.

The Australian 'Great Moscow Circus' went into liquidation on 14 March 2017, stranding international performers in Australia.

title: Moscow State Circus


text:
Katni district

Katni District, also known as Murwara District, is one of the 55 districts of Madhya Pradesh state in central India. The town of Katni (Murwara) is the District headquarters. The District is part of Jabalpur Division. The District occupies an area of 4949.59 km2.

Geography
Katni is located in the central part of Madhya Pradesh with the headquarters at Katni town. It is one of the district of Jabalpur division. Katni is conglomeration of culture from three different cultural states viz. Mahakausal, Bundelkhand, and Baghelkhand. There are three different stories which reveals why Katni is called Mudwara.

Economy
Katni is a town in Madhya Pradesh. It is also one of the largest rail junctions in the country and the second biggest diesel shed in the country is also located here. Katni is also a mineral-rich district, especially known for lime and bauxite.

In 2006 the Ministry of Panchayati Raj named Katni one of the country's 250 most backward districts (out of a total of 640). It is one of the 24 districts in Madhya Pradesh currently receiving funds from the Backward Regions Grant Fund Programme (BRGF).

Demographics
According to the 2011 census Katni District has a population of 1,292,042, roughly equal to the nation of Estonia or the US state of New Hampshire. This gives it a ranking of 379th in India (out of a total of 640).

The district has a population density of 261 PD/sqkm. Its population growth rate over the decade 2001-2011 was 21.38%. Katni has a sex ratio of 948 females for every 1000 males and a literacy rate of 73.62%. 20.41% of the population lives in urban areas. Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes make up 12.05% and 24.59% of the population respectively.

Kols are the largest tribal group which is 41% of the tribal population, while Gonds (34%) and Bharias (20%) are the other major tribes.

At the time of the 2011 Census of India, 97.98% of the population in the district spoke Hindi and 1.56% Sindhi as their first language.

Notable people

 * Motilal Verma (1906–1993), political figure
 * Ramdas (politician), Indian Politician
 * Pinky Maidasani, Singer and Rapper
 * Sanjay Pathak, Indian Politician
 * Akshat Khamparia, chess Player
 * Giriraj Poddar, Indian Politician

Places of interest
Badera Chaturyug Dham Temple is a temple located in Badera Village of Katni district of Madhya Pradesh and is a very holy and popular religious place. This temple is just 15 K.M. away from Katni. This temple is a 5-story building, in which every floor has a temple of the deity of the Yugas(ages) mentioned in the Hindu scriptures.

title: Katni district


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Simon Hobart

Simon Hobart (24 September 1964 – 23 October 2005) was a figure in British gay nightlife. He founded the alternative nightclub Popstarz at London's Scala. He was also the owner and promoter of Soho venues Ghetto (which hosted the Nag Nag Nag night) and Trash Palace.

Early career
He began his career as a promoter and DJ at a Westbourne Grove goth club in the early 1980s, the KitKat. In 1984, a photo of him in full goth regalia was splashed across the front page of the tabloid The Sun, above the caption "Godfather of Goth." Hobart took the fall for the first club raid on London's first all-night club. Police (dressed as goths) undertook surveillance of the venue and saw no club managers or owners at the place: just the 20-year-old DJ. 200 police descended upon the premises. Hobart was sentenced to undertake community service.

Following the huge success of the night, he opened Bedrock. He has said in interviews that he promoted the club's opening night (3 February 1989 At Oxfords, 21 Oxford street W1) by not letting anyone in, forcing them in a long queue outside, but blasting the music and pretending it was packed to capacity inside.

Later he had DJ residencies at Heaven. Simon then moved into Drum and Bass, opening two underground DnB nights, Fusion and Vivid.

Popstarz and later career
On 25 May 1995, he started his first gay night, Popstarz, capitalizing on the popularity of Britpop. "If Popstarz had failed," he told Alternative London Magazine, "I wouldn’t have embarrassed myself, because I didn’t know anyone in the gay community."

He told Gay.com that he started Popstarz to bring something different to the gay scene, away from the “factory-farm stereotyped, mindless, blinkered gay people” churned out by other clubs. "The feeling was that gay people had been liberated from the hell that they’d been in for most of their teen to adult lives,” he said. “So many people said to me it was like coming out of the closet for the second time.”

In more recent years, his passion was the Ghetto (previously the Tube Nightclub), a small basement club behind the London Astoria, where he had the opportunity to nurture a number of criss-crossing alternative gay scenes.

Simon often said he was willing to take losses on certain nights (such as Redeye) because he was so committed to promoting the alternative gay scene.

In 2003, The Observer included Simon in its list of the 20 most influential gay people in the country.

Death
Simon Hobart died in the early hours of Sunday 23 October 2005 outside his home in Borough, London. An inquest into his death recorded that 'the toxic effect of alcohol had affected his breathing'

A benefit night was held in Hobart's honour with close friend, Suede front man Brett Anderson as the DJ that night.

title: Simon Hobart


text:
Portal:Agriculture/WikiProjects

 * WikiProject Agriculture

 * WikiProject Horticulture and Gardening
 * WikiProject Tree of life and its subprojects
 * WikiProject Veterinary medicine
 * WikiProject Food and drink
 * WikiProject Forestry
 * WikiProject Business and Economics
 * WikiProject Companies

title: Portal:Agriculture/WikiProjects


text:
Mandla district

Mandla District is a district of Madhya Pradesh in central India. The town of Mandla is the administrative headquarters of the district. It is part of Jabalpur Division.

The district has an area of 8771 km², and a population of 779,414. It has 9 development blocks, 6 tehsils, and 1214 villages. It lies in the Mahakoshal region, and most of the district lies in the basin of the Narmada River.

Economy
In 2006 the Ministry of Panchayati Raj named Mandla one of the country's 250 most backward districts (out of a total of 640). It is one of the 24 districts in Madhya Pradesh currently receiving funds from the Backward Regions Grant Fund Programme (BRGF).

Demographics
According to the 2011 census Mandla District has a population of 1,054,905, roughly equal to the nation of Cyprus or the US state of Rhode Island. This gives it a ranking of 432nd in India (out of a total of 640). The district has a population density of 182 PD/sqkm. Its population growth rate over the decade 2001-2011 was 17.81%. Mandla has a sex ratio of 1005 females for every 1000 males, and a literacy rate of 68.28%. 12.34% of the population lives in urban areas. Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes make up 4.69% and 57.88% of the population respectively. Gonds are the largest Scheduled Tribe with over 50% of the district's population.

Languages
At the time of the 2011 Census of India, 88.67% of the population in the district spoke Hindi and 10.22% Gondi as their first language. The dialect of the region is a central Indo-Aryan dialect closely related to Chhattisgarhi.

Administration
In Mandla district total 6 tehsi's.

 * 1) Bicchiya
 * 2) Mandla
 * 3) Ghughari
 * 4) Nainpur
 * 5) Niwas
 * 6) Narayanganj

There is two municipality and three Nagar Parishad in mandla district.
 * 1) Mandla - M
 * 2) Nainpur - M
 * 3) Niwas - N.P.
 * 4) Bichhiya - N.P.
 * 5) Bamhani - N.P.

And the three Assembly in the District are and one Loksabha is Mandla.
 * 1) Mandla
 * 2) Bichhiya
 * 3) Niwas

Ecology
Much of the district is forested, and it is home to Kanha National Park, a Project Tiger sanctuary. Kanha has the largest number of tigers in India. The park has won national awards for good management and infrastructure. The park is open year round except for July and August. The district is also home to Mandla Plant Fossils National Park. However, once upon a time Kanha and Satpura forest region, now famous as tiger reserves, were ruled by wild Indian elephants and lions.

Villages

 * Bineka

title: Mandla district


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Algebra i Logika

Algebra i Logika (English: Algebra and Logic) is a peer-reviewed Russian mathematical journal founded in 1962 by Anatoly Ivanovich Malcev, published by the Siberian Fund for Algebra and Logic at Novosibirsk State University. An English translation of the journal is published by Springer-Verlag as Algebra and Logic since 1968. It published papers presented at the meetings of the "Algebra and Logic" seminar at the Novosibirsk State University. The journal is edited by academician Yury Yershov.

The journal is reviewed cover-to-cover in Mathematical Reviews and Zentralblatt MATH.

Abstracting and Indexing
Algebra i Logika is indexed and abstracted in the following databases: • Academic OneFile

• Academic Search

• EBSCO

• Inspec

• International Bibliography of Book Reviews

• International Bibliography of Periodical Literature

• Journal Citation Reports/Science Edition

• Mathematical Reviews

• Science Citation Index

• SCImago

• Scopus

• STMA-Z

• Summon by Serial Solutions

• Zentralblatt Math

According to the Journal Citation Reports, the journal had a 2020 impact factor of 0.753.

title: Algebra i Logika


text:
Gunnar Gunnarsson

Gunnar Gunnarsson (18 May 1889 – 21 November 1975) was an Icelandic author who wrote mainly in Danish. He grew up, in considerable poverty, on Valþjófsstaður in Fljótsdalur valley and on Ljótsstaðir in Vopnafjörður. During the first half of 20th century he became one of the most popular novelists in Denmark and Germany. One time he went to Germany and had a meeting with Hitler and is considered to be the only Icelander to have met him.

Often considered one of the most important Icelandic writers, he wrote the novel Af Borgslægtens Historie (translated into English as Guest the One-Eyed), the first Icelandic writing ever made into a movie. He also wrote the autobiographical novel The Church on the Mountain (1923–28).

Background
Gunnar lost his mother at an early age. Until the age of 18, he worked at the family farm and received his education attending small rural schools.

He started early writing poetry and short stories, and published his first books of poems at the age of 17. His family was too poor to provide him with traditional school education, but in 1907 he was finally able to enroll in the Askov Højskole, a Folk High School in Denmark. During the two years he spent there, he became determined to work as a writer. He also decided to write in Danish in order to reach a wider audience.

After several difficult years, Gunnar published his first novel in 1912, the first volume of Af Borgslægtens Historie (translated into English as Guest the One-Eyed). The second and third volumes were published the following year, the third one becoming a huge success in Denmark, and making his name as a writer. Four volumes appeared in this melodramatic epic relating the story of three generations of Icelandic farmers. Using the Cain and Abel theme, this is the story of two brothers, one of whom is a dreamer forced to choose between his creative longings and duty, while the other is evil incarnated in the first two volumes, but returns as the saint-like Guest the One-Eyed in the third, having atoned for his sins through service to others.

World War I brought a streak of pessimism into Gunnar's writings. Between 1920 and 1940 he published a number of essays on political and social issues, as well as on Nordic co-operation. He also gave numerous lectures in the Nordic countries and in Germany.

In 1939, Gunnar moved back to Iceland and first settled on Skriðuklaustur, a farm in East Iceland, where he built a house designed by German architect Fritz Höger. The house was later donated to the Icelandic state and turned into a museum in the memory of the writer. In 1940 Gunnar travelled war-time Germany in an extensive lecture tour, also meeting with Adolf Hitler. In 1948 Gunnar moved to Reykjavík, where he started translating his own works into Icelandic. This task was almost completed before his death in 1975.

Gunnar's books have been translated into many languages. His best-known works, after Guest the One-Eyed, include The Good Shepherd, and The Black Cliffs. He was an admirer of the Icelandic sagas and translated Grettis saga into Danish.

In 1911 Gunnar published Digte, a collection of poetry dedicated to his lifelong love and companion, Franzisca Antonia Josephine Jørgensen. They were married in 1912. Franzisca Gunnarsson died a year after her husband, and they were both buried in the island of Viðey near Reykjavík, which used to belong to a Catholic church. Gunnar was born and raised a Lutheran Protestant, but his wife was a Catholic.

Gunnar Gunnarsson Institute
The farm and houses at Skriðuklaustur were donated by the Gunnarssons to the Icelandic state in 1948. After a thorough renovation, the newly founded Gunnarsson Institute was installed in the buildings at Skriðuklaustur in 1997. Its role is to support literary endeavours, with an emphasis on the work of Gunnar Gunnarsson, and to run a residence for artists, writers and scholars. The institute also contributes more generally to the development of the economy in East Iceland.

During the late Middle Ages, Skriðuklaustur was the site of a monastery. This is now the subject of an archaeological excavation that started in 2002 and was scheduled to be completed in 2007.

Nobel Prize nomination
Gunnar Gunnarsson was considered for the Nobel Prize in Literature in 1918, 1921, 1922, 1955, 1960, and 1961 with 1955 the year he had the most nominations. In 1955, a shared Nobel Prize in Literature between Gunnarsson and the chosen winner Halldor Laxness was considered by the Swedish Academy's Nobel committee.

In Danish

 * Digte (1911)
 * Ormarr Ørlygsson. Af Borgslægtens Historie (1912)
 * Gæst den enøjede. Af Borgslægtens Historie (1913)
 * Den danske frue på Hof. Af Borgslægtens Historie (1913)
 * Den unge Ørn. Af Borgslægtens Historie (1914)
 * Livets Strand (1915)
 * Varg i Veum (1916)
 * Drengen (1917)
 * Små Skuespil (1917)
 * Små Historier (1918)
 * Edbrødre (1918)
 * Salige er de enfoldige (1920)
 * Ringen (1921)
 * Dyret med glorien (1922)
 * Små historier (1922)
 * Den glade gård (1923)
 * Leg med strå (1923)
 * Skibe på himlen (1925)
 * Natten og drømmen (1926)
 * Det nordiske rige (1927)
 * Den uerfarne rejsende (1927)
 * Hugleik den hårdtseljende (1928)
 * Svartfugl (1929)
 * Island (1929)
 * En dag tilovers (1929)
 * Jón Arason (1930)
 * Rævepelsene (1930)
 * Verdens Glæder (1931)
 * Vikivaki (1932)
 * De blindes Hus (1933)
 * Jord (1933)
 * Hvide-Krist (1934)
 * Sagaøen (1935)
 * Gråmand (1936)
 * Advent (1937)
 * Trylle og andet Smaakram (1939)
 * Brandur på Bjarg (1942)
 * Sjælemesse (1953)
 * Sonate ved havet (1955)

In English

 * Advent (1939)
 * The Black Cliffs (1967)
 * Guest the One-Eyed (1920)
 * The Good Shepherd (1940)
 * The Night and the Dream (1938)
 * Seven Days' Darkness (1930)
 * Ships of the Sky (1938)
 * The Sworn Brothers (1921)
 * Trylle and Other Small Fry (1947)

title: Gunnar Gunnarsson


text:
Narsinghpur district

Narsinghpur district (also referred to Narsimhapur district) is a district of Madhya Pradesh state in central India. Vindhyachal is on its northern border and the Satpura range extends along its entire length on the southern border. In the northern part, the Narmada river flows from east to west. Latitude 22º.45N 23º.15N, Longitude 78º.38E 79º.38E, Area 5125.55 Square Kilometers, 359.8 meters above sea level. The city of Narsinghpur is administrative headquarters of the district. As of 2001 Narsinghpur is the most literate district of MP.

History
Narsinghpur district is located almost in the central part of the state of Madhya Pradesh. The position of state of Madhya Pradesh is also in the central part of the country, that is why it is named Madhya Pradesh, that is, the state of the central part. The position of Narsinghpur district is considered unique according to the equation that it is located in the middle of both the country and the state. Narsinghpur district also attracts attention due to its special natural condition. Vindhyachal is on its northern border and the Satpura range extends along its entire length on the southern border. In the northern part, the Narmada River flows from east to west. Which is considered sacred like the river Ganga. Narsinghpur district has got many natural gifts in the form of the alluvium of Narmada. In the past, this area has been under the rule of historical heroine Durgavati after being under many dynasties. In that period it is mentioned by other names. In the 18th century, the Jat Sardars built a grand temple here and installed the idol of Lord Narasimha. Since then it became the headquarters of the district and this village named Gadariya Kheda became famous as "Narsinghpur".

historical background
Narsinghpur district area has hidden the oldest proofs of its existence within itself. Which have been exposed from time to time by various archaeological discoveries. According to the archaeological evidence mentioned in the District Gazetteer, stone age fossil animals and tools made of sandstone have been found in 1872 in a village named Bhatra, away from Gadarwara in the district. In other search campaigns, prehistoric remains have been found in places like Devakchhar, Dhuvghat, Kumhari, Ratikarar, and Brahman Ghat. Marked rocky and carved rock caves near Bijauri village also link the existence of the district to ancient times. The remains of mammalian fossils and archaeological tools found in the exploration campaigns on the banks of Narmada between Bramhan Ghat to Jhansi Ghat connect the district with prehistoric history.

According to legends, this area has been related to the events of the Ramayana and Mahabharata period. According to mythological references, Brahman Ghat is the place where Brahma, the creator of the universe, performed a yajna on the banks of the holy Narmada. The ancient name of Bilthari village of Chanwarpatha development block is called “Bali Sthali”. It is considered to be the abode of King Bali.

In the Puranas, the attempt of the Pandavas to tie the river Narmada in a single night on the Satdhara of Barman Ghat in the Mahabharata period has been mentioned. Bhim Kund, Arjun Kund, etc. near Satdhara indicate this. It is said that the Pandavas spent some period of their exile here. The cave of Sankal Ghat is associated with the study and meditation of Gurudev of Adi Guru Shankaracharya.

Barhata village of the district is considered to be the remains of Virat Nagar of the Mahabharata period. This legend is strengthened by the stone sculptures and artistic remains found here at every step. The human-shaped rock lying near Bachai is associated with “Kichak”. The Bohani region of the district is considered to be the stronghold of Prithviraj's heroic heroes Alha-Udal's father Jasraj and uncle Bachraj. There is an abundance of facts and imitations connecting the reference of the district to ancient times from the ancient objects and mentions found in the excavation of many historical evidences. But through history books and historical records, the series of authentic history of the district meets the history of the second century.

Satavahana period
In the 2nd century, this area was dominated by the Satavahana rulers. It remained under the Gupta Empire in the 4th century when Samudra Gupta succeeded in establishing the boundaries of his empire in the Central India region and up to the south. There are some indications of Pedirajya in the sixth century. But the period of about 300 years is again lost in darkness. There is mention of the establishment of the Kshetra Kalchuri rule (Haihay) in the ninth century. The capital of the Kalchuri dynasty was Mahishmati city on the banks of Narmada, which later became established in Tripuri. The details of the spread of Kalchuri state from Gomti to Narmada Ghat are preserved in the history books. After the decline of the Kalchuri power, there is mention of the patronage of Alha-Udal's father and uncle in this area. After those who made Bohani their royal center, this area remained a part of the Rajgaud dynasty's empire for four centuries.

Rajgaud dynasty
With the establishment of this administration, a new orderly, peaceful, and prosperous period begins in the district. The credit for the rise of this dynasty is given to Yadav Rao (Yadurao). Who established Garha in Katanga in the last years of the fourteenth century and laid the foundation of an important governance order. Sangram Shah (1400-1541), the famous ruler of this dynasty, strengthened his empire by establishing 52 forts. He also built the Chauragarh (Chaugan) fort in Narsinghpur district, which is a silent witness to the valor of Veeranarayan, the son of Queen Durgavati. Among the successors of Sangram Shah, Dalpati Shah ruled peacefully for seven years. After that, his heroic queen Durgavati took over the kingdom and ruled for 16 years (1540-1564) with indomitable courage and bravery. In 1564, while fighting Akbar's warlord Ataf Khan, the queen died; Chauragarh situated in Narsinghpur district was in the form of a strong hill fort where Ataf Khan surrounded Prince Virnarayan and finally killed him by devious moves. Gadha Katanga state was captured by the Mughals in 1564. Gonds, Mughals, and after them, this area remained divided between administrative and military officers and hereditary chieftains during the rule of Marathas. According to whose influence and power the boundaries of the areas used to change from time to time. Chanwarpatha, Barha, Santhdyarkheda, Shahpur, Singhpur, Srinagar, and Tendukheda of the district were famous as the headquarters of the Parganas throughout this period.

Bhonsle Ruler
In 1785, Madhoji Bhosle acquired Mandla and Narmada Valley for 27 lakh rupees, which kept sinking under the tussle of Radhoji Bhosle/Bhopal Nawab/Pindori chieftains, etc., and the brutal pressure of military rule. It can be called a cauldron of crisis and instability. In which there was tremendous exploitation of the people of the area along with looting. Finally came under British rule in 1817.

Independence movement
Despite being under the harsh clutches of British rule, the yearning for freedom always kept burning in the minds of the people in the district. In 1857, the rebel fighters captured the Chanwarpatha and Tendukheda police stations. Under the leadership of Gaur chief Delon Shah of Madanpur, there was a conch shell for independence. In 1858, Delan Shah was captured and hanged. By crushing the first freedom struggle of 1857, the British emperor continued to establish its roots.

Congress movement
After the establishment of the Indian National Congress in 1885, the spark of the movement for independence in the district has always been lit – Lokmanya Tilak, Mahatma Gandhi, Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru, Subhash Chandra Vose Prabhuti led the movement for independence in the district under the inspiration and leadership The atmosphere was full of enthusiasm. A large number of agitators from the district remained active under the leadership of Gayadat, Manikchand Kochar, Chaudhary Shankar Lal, Thakur Niranjan Singh, Shyam Sunder Narayan Mushran, etc. among the leaders of the district. In order to destroy this unity and enthusiasm, the British government again divided the district in 1932 and merged it with the Hoshangabad district. But this did not bring any relaxation in the enthusiasm of the movement and Satyagraha. In 1942, Mansharam and Gauradevi were martyred in the firing on the Satyagrahi procession in Chichi. Hundreds of agitators tolerated the cycle of repression with a smile and established a unique tradition of sacrifice and sacrifice against British rule.

Geography
The district has an area 5,125.55 km2. The district is part of the Jabalpur Division. It is bounded on the north by Sagar and Damoh districts, on the east by Jabalpur District, on the southeast by Seoni District, on the south by Chhindwara District, on the west by Hoshangabad District, and on the northwest by Raisen District. The administrative seat is Narsinghpur.

The district sits in the basin of the Narmada River. The Vindhya Range skirts the northern end of the district. The Satpura Range forms the district's southern boundary. It is located between 22°55' and 23°15' north latitude, and 78°38' and 79°38' east longitudes. It has an average elevation of 359.8 m above mean sea level. Narmada is the Main river in Narsinghpur district. Shakkar River, Dudhi River and Sher River are other river flows in district.

Tehsil

 * 1) kareli
 * 2) Gadarwara
 * 3) Sainkheda
 * 4) Chichli
 * 5) Salichauka babai
 * 6) gotegaon
 * 7) Narsinghpur
 * 8) Tendukheda

Demographics
According to the 2011 census Narsinghpur District has a population of 1,091,854, roughly equal to the nation of Cyprus or the US state of Rhode Island. This gives it a ranking of 418th in India (out of a total of 640). The district has a population density of 213 PD/sqkm. Its population growth rate over the decade 2001-2011 was 14.04%. Narsimhapur has a sex ratio of 917 females for every 1000 males, and a literacy rate of 76.79%. 18.64% of the population lives in urban areas. Scheduled Castes and Tribes make up 16.87% and 13.36% of the population respectively.

Hindi is the predominant language, spoken by 99.06% of the population.

Education
Laurels English Medium High school
 * Government Multipurpose Higher Secondary School
 * Government Post Graduate College
 * Government School of Excellence
 * Chavara Vidya Peeth Schl
 * Narsingh Public School
 * Kendriya Vidhyalaya
 * Saraswati School
 * siyal international school

Transport
The main rail line from Mumbai to Kolkata, which follows the Narmada River valley, runs through the district from west to east.

There is a bus stand located near the station. Previously it was at the city center. The town is around the National Highway - 26.

Notable personalities

 * Maharshi Mahesh Yogi
 * Ashutosh Rana
 * Bhawani Prasad Mishra
 * S H Raza
 * Mohit Daga
 * Late Shyam Sundar Rawat
 * Chandra Mohan (Hindi actor)

title: Narsinghpur district


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Chinese State Circus

The Chinese State Circus is a touring circus that presents Chinese circus arts to European audiences. The show is based on Chinese acrobatic acts. All the performers come from China and are trained in the Chinese tradition of Ma Xi, or hippodrama (horse theater). But no live animals are used in the Chinese State Circus shows.

The show combines kung fu martial arts from the Shaolin Temple, artists from the Peking Opera, and other Chinese specialty acts. Continuity is provided by the figure of the Monkey King who appears between acts. The show also includes a lion dance, plate spinners, diabolos, aerial silks and an excerpt from the Chinese opera.

Acrobatics is a common art in China. It has a long history with a distinct national style, evolving from the Chinese people's everyday life and work.

Historical records, ancient carvings, and decorative patterns on utensils show the origin of Chinese acrobatics more than two thousand years ago in the period of the Warring States. During the Qin and Han dynasties (221 BC – 220 AD) acrobatic artists developed a wide repertoire, and acrobatics was thus called "the show of a hundred tricks". It reached a high level as a performing art by the Han dynasty.

Acrobatics has played an important role in cultural exchanges between China and other nations. In the past 35 years, Chinese acrobatic troupes have toured more than 100 countries and regions throughout the world. Their excellent performances were warmly welcomed and highly appreciated by the people of various countries.

The Chinese State Circus was started back in the 1990s after director Phillip Gandey witnessed a group of Chinese acrobats performing to great acclaim at the Monte Carlo Circus Festival. He was astounded at the quality, depth, and diversity of Chinese acrobatic troupes.

Tours
The circus has toured in the United Kingdom since 1992.

The circus is owned by Gandey World Class Productions.

The Chinese State Circus made history by being the first international entertainment Angola has hosted in over 40 years in December 2012 with their show Mulan.

In 2013 they toured their production Yin Yang extensively throughout the UK.

In 2015, the Chinese State Circus was included in the program for the first ever Biennale Internationale des Arts du Cirque which is held in the south of France.

The year 2016 saw the return of the Chinese State Circus with their newly devised production Dynasty. The first leg of the tour premiered at the Nottingham Concert Hall followed by over 50 dates in various theaters across the UK. The theater tour was punctuated with some longer big top stands.

2017 - After the success of the previous year's tour, The Chinese State Circus toured the UK in a major big top Tour. The tour started in late March at Sandown Racecourse, Esher, and continued until late autumn.

title: Chinese State Circus


text:
Talk:Narsinghpur district

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title: Talk:Narsinghpur district


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Capoeira toques

In the game of capoeira, toques are the rhythms played on the berimbau. Many toques are associated with a specific game (i.e. style and speed of play), although organizations differ on how to play each toque. Capoeira toques have their roots in African rhythmic music, which was modified and further developed among the slaves of Brazil.

Important toques
Some of the more important toques are described below, including; traditional toques, and those created or popularised by Mestre Bimba who was responsible for significant developments to modern capoeira.

Notation

 * [[File:Berimbau Quarter Note.JPG]] = Open berimbau tone. The arame is struck with the dobrão open and the cabaça away from the stomach for a low note, or dobrão pressing firmly for a high note. In this notation, notes that are unfilled are played unmuted rather than representing a half note.
 * [[File:Berimbau Muted Quarter Note.JPG]] = Muted berimbau note (cabaça is held against the body).
 * [[File:Berimbau Buzzed Quarter Note.JPG]] = A buzz (strike the arame with the dobrão resting lightly on the arame and the cabaça against the body)
 * [[File:Berimbau Eighth Notes.JPG]] [[File:Berimbau Single Eighth Note.svg]] Double and single eighth notes. An eight note is 1/2 a beat.
 * [[File:Berimbau Slur.JPG]] = A slur (press the dobrão against the arame without striking with the other hand)
 * [[File:Berimbau Quarter Note Rest.JPG]] = A quarter note rest (1 beat)
 * [[File:Berimbau Eighth Note Rest.JPG]] = An eighth note rest (1/2 a beat)
 * [[File:Berimbau Rhythm Meter.JPG]] = Shows the basic pulse underneath the bar for comparison. Four boxes = 1 beat

Angola
Considered the oldest and most traditional toque. Used for the Angola game, a slow performance where players demonstrate balance and corporal expression. Used with the São Bento Pequeno toque. Tempo can range from slow to moderately fast.

Images are given below to illustrate the structure of this common toque.

The basic:

Some common variations played by the viola:

São Bento Pequeno
Also known as São Bento Pequeno or Inverted Angola (because it replaces the high note of the Angola toque with the low and vice versa). A close, fast game. São Bento Pequeno is also sometimes played as a contra-toque (an inversion the gunga) by the medio berimbau.

Variations are the same as above, but with High and Low tones swapped.

São Bento Grande
Also known as São Bento Grande de Angola (to disambiguate from São Bento Grande da Regional created by Mestre Bimba), it is a rhythm played for a very fast game played with ample movements. Leg sweeps and take downs are common in this game. The toque is identical to São Bento Pequeno, except that the 1/4 note pause is replaced by an additional solto note (i.e. the open note struck below the level of the coin) and the tempo is faster.

Apanha a Laranja no Chão Tico Tico
A toque used for the not often seen 'money', game where the players try to pick up a coin purse placed in the center of the roda with their mouths, the melody imitates the corrido Santa Maria, Mãe de Deus. The corrido Apanha Laranja no Chão Tico Tico (não pega com a mão, só com pé ou com bico) gives general rule for the game: use your mouth and feet, not your hands.

Cavalaria
Originally used to alert players that the police were coming, the toque imitates the galloping of horses (and some say it sounds like a police siren)

Samba de Roda
This rhythm comes from the traditional Sambas de Roda of Bahia and is perhaps the oldest of the toques listed. It is used as a toque variation for the berimbau viola, as well as for a post-roda celebration.

São Bento grande de Bimba
This rhythm is often called "São Bento Grande de Regional" or simply "Regional". Mestre Bimba created this fast, explosive rhythm, and it is the “staple” toque of true Regional Rodas.

Iúna
Iúna is an old viola guitar rhythm used in the sambas of the Recôncavo, Bahia. Bimba, himself an accomplished master of the viola de samba, brought iuna into capoeira as a rhythm on the berimbau. He said that was an imitation of the Iúna bird's song - of the male calling and the female responding. A medium-paced and graceful game, it is played traditionally by "formados" (graduated students) at the end of the roda. Throws (baloes), in which partners throw each other and must land on their feet, are inserted within the game.

Banguela
Banguela is a slow rhythm created by Mestre Bimba. It is a "jogo de floreios", not in the sense of acrobatics like in Capoeira Contemporânea rodas, but in the sense that both players assist each other in creating a beautiful and flowing game that demonstrates their skills. It tends to be played close and low to the ground, since the rhythm is slow.

it has been nicknamed "the game of the toothless"

Idalina
A slow to moderate rhythm, Idalina was also created by Mestre Bimba, and is often heard in regional rodas. Players tend to play both "up" and "down". "Idalina Compassada" is slower-paced, while "Idalina" is slightly faster-paced.

Amazonas
Amazonas is a rhythm created by Mestre Bimba. It has no traditionally-associated game, but is sometimes played during graduation rodas.

Santa Maria
Mestre Bimba's Santa Maria is different from the Santa Maria in Capoeira Angola. It does not have a traditionally-associated game but is played at a medium-pace. According to Mestre Nenel, Mestre Bimba's son, it is unclear whether Mestre Bimba created this rhythm.

Cavalaria
Mestre Bimba strove to preserve the cavalaria rhythm in honour of the past when capoeiristas used it to warn each other of the approaching police or cavalry, but it is not played during classes and rodas.

Hino da Capoeira Regional: (Capoeira Regional Anthem)
The anthem of Capoeira Regional is a rhythm created by Mestre Bimba. Traditionally, it is played at the end of classes and rodas, as participants stand silently and respectfully in a circle as the toque is played

Capoeira Contemporânea versions of Mestre Bimba's toques*
These are modern versions of Mestre Bimba's toques and does not represent how he played them in his rodas.

Iuna
It usually switches between one of a set of variations and a repeated common measure.

Phrase 1:

Phrase 2:

Phrase 3:

Phrase 4:

Idalina

Amazonas
Three Versions Below:

Miudinho
Created by Mestre Suassuna. It is a fluid, low, fast game with many circular movements and without sweeps and hits. There is only sometimes clapping or singing.

Mestre Suassuna: "The game of miudinho is generating controversy because it is being misinterpreted. People are thinking it's a new capoeira, and it's nothing like that. I simply rescued an older capoeira, modernized the manner of playing it, changed the sequences... the name miudinho arose because I was observing that capoeiristas were playing very distant from each other and in our time we played very close; thus, I said to people, 'I want the game more minute, closer, play very tiny.' Then, I created a toque on the berimbau. Miudinho is not a new capoeira, it's a different manner to display capoeira. Just like the games of Iuna and São Bento Grande exist, the game of miudinho exists."

title: Capoeira toques


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Seoni district

Seoni District is a district of Madhya Pradesh state in central India. The town of Seoni is the district headquarters.

History
The district was created as a separate District in the newly created Chief Commissioner's Province in 1861, but was merged with the adjoining Chhindwada District in 1931. The District was, however, revived on the day the new state of Madhya Pradesh was created viz 1 November 1956. The name of the district originated from the word 'Seona' (Gudina arborea), a species of tree commonly found in the area.

An early copper inscription found in Seoni is a land grant from Vakataka king Pravarasena II in the 3rd century CE. Although the region where the land grant was given is not indicated, more copper plates found in Nagpur, Chhindwara and the Ajanta Caves also indicate the region would have been under Vakataka rule. Later it was speculated the Satpura range was briefly part of the Gaur kingdom. Afterwards the region most likely passed to the Kalachuris with capital at Tewar in Jabalpur district, who ruled from the 9th to 12th centuries. The Chandels of Mahoba then most likely ousted the Kalachuris, evidence being oral histories that cite Chandel generals as having captured Seoni region to take a Kalachuri princess.

The first recorded historical records begin with the Gond Garha-Mandla kingdom. The forts of Ghansor, Chauri and Dongartal and the territory around them, which make up the majority of modern-day Seoni district, were included in the territory of Sangaram Shah in 1530. The Gonds fought against the Mughals and retained their independence, but paid tribute to the Mughals regardless.

In the late 17th century, the Raja of Mandla Narendra Shah asked fellow Gond king Bakht Buland Shah of Deogarh to help suppress a rebellion of two Afghan captains, Azim Khan and Lunde Khan. At Pratappur near Seoni, the two kings defeated the adventurers and Narendra Shah ceded the territory now part of Seoni district to Bakht Buland Shah. Bakht Buland Shah gave the Dongartal region to Raj Khan, an Afghan adventurer, as governor. He also put his relative Raja Ram Singh in charge of Seoni region, who built a fort at Chhapara. Raj Khan took part of modern Bhandara district, preseumably at the instigation of Bakht Buland Shah. In 1743, Raghoji Bhosle of Nagpur took over Deogarh kingdom, including Seoni district. Raj Khan died the same year, but his son Muhammad continued to hold Seoni in the name of the Raja of Deogarh for three years. Raghoji offered Khan the entirety of Seoni to govern if he relinquished the part of Bhandara he conquered, which he accepted. Khan moved to Chhapara and administered the region as a diwan until his death in 1759. During one of his absences in Nagpur, the Raja of Mandla took over Chhapara but Khan quickly drove him out and established the Wainganga and Thanwar as borders of the two kingdoms. During the Bhosale period seoni came under Nagpur kingdom and many Jagirdari was given to Powar who mostly settled in Barghat, Seoni and Keolari regin of district. In 1774 his grandson Md. Amin Khan moved headquarters to Seoni. Chhapara was twice sacked by the Pindaris and greatly reduced in size. Gonds also regularly attacked the district, and due to his inability to control them Amin's son Md. Zamin was recalled as diwan and replaced by Bengaji Bhatoni. Although he tried to regain his hereditary land in Dongartal, Zamin died and his widow received a village near Seoni Modern Bori Kalan. A Kharak Bharti Gosain was then given the government of the region by Raghoji but proved to be so oppressive the revenue fell and many areas were depopulated. In 1818, after the Battle of Sitabuldi in the Third Anglo-Maratha War, Seoni was given to British control. At first the district was administered by officers reporting to Jabalpur, then to the British resident at Nagpur. The British raised a police force to counter Gond attacks and made landlords responsible for security of the roads.

During the 1857 rebellion, a Lodhi landlord in the north of the district rebelled. However the most part of the landlords, including the erstwhile Diwan family of Khans, supported the British.

Geography
Seoni is in southeastern Madhya Pradesh in the Mahakoshal region and is bordered by Jabalpur district on the north, Narsinghpur and Chhindwara districts to the west, Nagpur district of Maharashtra to the south and Balaghat and Mandla districts to the east. Seoni district forms part of the Satpura tableland. It is largely covered with forest. The district is remarkable for the beauty of its scenery and the fertility of its valleys.

The northern and western portions include the plateaus of Lakhnadon and Seoni; the eastern section consists of the watershed and elevated basin of the Wainganga; and in the south-west is a narrow strip of rocky land known as Dongartal. The plateaus of Seoni and Lakhnadon vary in height from 1,800 to 2,000 ft.; they are well cultivated and clear of jungle, and their temperature is always moderate and healthy.

Geologically the north part of Seoni consists of trap hills and the south of crystalline rock. The soil of the plateaus is the rich black cotton soil formed by disintegrated trap, of which about two-thirds of the district are said to consist; but towards the south, where cliffs of gneiss and other primitive formations occur, the soil is siliceous and contains a large proportion of clay.

The chief river is the Wainganga, with its affluents the Sagar, Theli, Bijna and Thanwar; other streams are the Timar and the Sher, tributaries of the Narmada. The annual rainfall averages 53 in. The main crops grown in Seoni are rice, wheat, maize, chickpea (gram), and soybean.

It extends over an area of 8,758 km2.

Pench Tiger Reserve
The River Bainganga's source is located beneath the village Mundara, where it includes for example the Pench Tiger Reserve within 10 km. The Pench Tiger Reserve is named after the Pench River, which flows from north to south through the reserve, and is located in the southern reaches of the Satpura hill ranges in the Seoni and Chhindwara districts. The terrain is undulating, with most of the area covered by small hill ranges, steeply sloping on the sides. The Pench National Park is named after the Pench River, which flows from north to south through the park. This river constitutes the district boundary of Seoni and Chhindwara districts of Madhya Pradesh in the upper region and State boundary with Maharashtra State in the lower region. This area became the 19th tiger reserve of India in 1992. The tourist traffic is experiencing fast growth in this park. The Pench National Park which constitutes the core of the tiger reserves was notified in the year 1983. The total area of the park is 292.85 km2. The total area of the Pench Tiger Reserve is 757.85 km2. The reserve is situated in an area that holds a significant place in the natural history of Central India. Descriptions of its flora and fauna have appeared in wildlife books dating back to the 17th century. Books written in the 19th and early 20th century by naturalists like Captain J. Forsyth and Rudyard Kipling's Jungle Book cover the panorama of nature's abundance in this tract. A forest belt extends in three directions: north, east and south, covering forest tracts of Seoni, Balaghat and Nagpur districts. The contiguous forest on the southern side in the Maharashtra state of India, initially named Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru National Park has been recently included in the Project Tiger network under the same name as this reserve. A dam was constructed on the Pench River on south-eastern boundary of the reserve.

The area is criss-crossed by numerous seasonal streams and "nalas". The Pench River flowing through the central line of the reserve is dry by the end of April but a number of water pools locally known locally as "dohs" are found, which serve as waterholes for wild animals. A few perennial springs also exist in this area. However, the water sources are not suitably distributed, hence large area remains unused by the wild animals. The Pench reservoir at the center of the reserve is the only major water source during pinch period.

As the prey concentration is high along the Pench River, tigers usually inhabit this belt. Leopards, though, generally operate in the peripheral areas but are occasionally seen in deep forests also. Jungle cats are commonly seen. Leopard cats, small Indian civet and palm civet are common but seen very rarely.

Wild dogs are commonly seen in packs of 12 to 15, near Chhedia, Jamtara, Bodanala and Pyorthadi areas of the reserve. Wild boars are ubiquitous. Sloth bears occupy the hilly, rocky outcrops and favour mahul bel-infested forest. Chinkara are present in very small numbers and are found in open areas around Turia, Telia, and Dudhgaon villages. Jackals are seen occasionally near Tekadi, Alikatta and Chhindimatta villages.

Administration
Seoni district is divided into eight tehsils: There are a total of 1579 villages in the district under 645 Gram Panchayats. There are also six revenue divisions: Seoni, Lakhnadon, Ghansor, Keolari, Barghat, Kurai.
 * Barghat
 * Chhapara
 * Dhanora
 * Ghansor
 * Keolari
 * Kurai
 * Lakhnadon
 * Seoni Rural
 * Seoni Nagar

Economy
In 2006 the Ministry of Panchayati Raj named Seoni one of the country's 250 most backward districts (out of a total of 640). It is one of the 24 districts in Madhya Pradesh currently receiving funds from the Backward Regions Grant Fund Programme (BRGF).

Railway connectivity to Seoni has increased the agricultural import export business from Seoni. Seoni railway station and its goods yard work as an important agricultural export hub.

Demographics
According to the 2011 census Seoni District has a population of 1,379,131, roughly equal to the nation of Eswatini or the US state of Hawaii. This gives it a ranking of 355th in India (out of a total of 640). The district has a population density of 157 PD/sqkm. Its population growth rate over the decade 2001-2011 was 18.2%. Seoni has a sex ratio of 984 females for every 1000 males, and a literacy rate of 73.01%. 11.88% of the population lives in urban areas.

The major hindu castes include Powar, Brahmin, Rajput, Lodhi, Kunbi, Teli etc.

Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes made up 9.48% and 37.69% of the population respectively. Gonds make up nearly 90% of the ST population and are 33.71% of the population.

Hindus make up 83.03% of the population, Muslims are 5.78%. Other religions (mainly various names for traditional Adivasi religion like Koya Punem) make up 9.81% of the population. Other significant populations are 7,300 Buddhists and 4,900 Jains.

At the time of the 2011 Census of India, 86.76% of the population in the district spoke Hindi, 6.91% Gondi, 1.83% Powari, 1.77% Marathi and 1.36% Urdu as their first language.

As per 2001 census, Seoni district had a total population of 1,165,893, out of which 588,135 were males and 577,758 were females. During the decade 1991-2001 population growth rate was 16.49 per cent. Sex ratio was 982. Density of population was 133 / km2.

Culture
Rudyard Kipling's Jungle Book is set in the Seoni district (spelled Seeonee in the books).

Tourist places

 * Richhariya Baba Dhanora
 * Pench Tiger Reserve

title: Seoni district


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Talk:Thank You for the Venom

redirecting this page
If someone wants to redirect this page, they should probably get a consensus first. FYI, this song did chart in the UK.--Rockfang (talk) 18:29, 11 March 2008 (UTC)

Genre Controversy
Because the controversy over the genre, I have changed it to "Alternative rock, disputed subgenres." Friginator (talk) 22:46, 3 February 2009 (UTC)

The song is not even punk rock. Punk rock is nothing but a power chord. There is way more musical direction than there is punk rock. This falls under the category of Post-Hardcore so I will switch it do that. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 98.65.192.141 (talk) 21:10, 14 January 2017 (UTC)

Shitty Album Art
The quality is shit. Somebody upload a better one.

title: Talk:Thank You for the Venom


text:
Talk:Seoni district

WP:INDIA Banner/Madhya Pradesh workgroup Addition
WP India with Madhya Pradesh workgroup parameters was added to this article talk page because the article falls under Category:Madhya Pradesh or one of its subcategories. Should you feel this addition is inappropriate, please undo my changes and update/remove the irrelavent categories to the article  --  TinuCherian  (Wanna Talk?) - 13:33, 21 June 2008 (UTC)

title: Talk:Seoni district


text:
User:Monkey child

I joined on September 30th, 2005, and have edited a couple of articles and created the page Gw productions, a page about a production company that I'm a fan of, and that is becoming more and more popular in Quebec and Ontario.

title: User:Monkey child


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Boris Trakhtenbrot

Boris (Boaz) Abramovich Trakhtenbrot (Борис Авраамович Трахтенброт, בועז טרכטנברוט; 19 February 1921 – 19 September 2016) was a Russian-Israeli mathematician in logic, algorithms, theory of computation, and cybernetics.

Biography
Trakhtenbrot was born into a Jewish family in Brichevo, northern Bessarabia (now Tîrnova, Moldova). He studied at the Moldovan State Pedagogical Institute in Kishinev, Chernivtsi University, and the Ukrainian Academy of Science's Mathematical Institute, completing a Ph.D. at the latter institution in 1950.

He worked at Akademgorodok, Novosibirsk during the 1960s and 1970s. In 1964 Trakhtenbrot discovered and proved a fundamental result in theoretical computer science called the gap theorem. He also discovered and proved the theorem in logic, model theory, and computability theory now known as Trakhtenbrot's theorem.

After immigrating to Israel in 1981, he became a professor in the Faculty of Exact Sciences at Tel Aviv University, and continued as professor emeritus until his death. He died on 19 September 2016, at the age of 95.

title: Boris Trakhtenbrot