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Engesa

Engesa (Engenheiros Especializados S.A.) was a Brazilian company in the oil and later automotive and military sectors founded in 1958. In the 70s and 80s it established itself as one of the "big three" in Brazil's arms industry, alongside Avibras and Embraer. It manufactured 6,818 land military vehicles such as the EE-25 truck and the EE-9 Cascavel and EE-11 Urutu armored vehicles, which it sold to Brazil and 18 other countries, and are still used in conflicts today. Its technological peak was the prototypes of the EE-T1 Osório main battle tank. Its founder, José Luiz Whitaker Ribeiro, was called the "civil armaments czar". In the civilian market, it became known with its Engesa 4 jeep. It went into decline at the end of the 80s as a result of mismanagement and a hostile internal and international environment, going bankrupt in 1993.

Entry into the market
Engesa emerged as a micro-enterprise, founded by José Luiz Whitaker Ribeiro, a graduate in mechanical engineering at USP's Polytechnic School, and other engineers from USP in 1958. The company had eight employees, including its shareholders. In 1963 it was incorporated as a company with capital from São Paulo. Its initial activities were the maintenance and production of parts for oil industry equipment. Its customers were the União Refinery, in Capuava, followed by those in Cubatão, Duque de Caxias and Mataripe, the latter in Bahia. Demand grew with the oil development of Bahia, resulting in the expansion to two hundred employees four years after its foundation, the purchase of machining equipment and the development of its own products. The main ones were oil pumping rods. New customers arrived: Petrobras' maritime terminals in Madre de Deus (Bahia) and Ilha d'Água (Rio de Janeiro).

Trucks and utility vehicles frequently broke down on the harsh roads to their destinations in Brazil's northeast, leading to Engesa's "homemade solution" of a suspension and traction system. It impressed the people at Petrobras, who started requisitioning the vehicles for rough and slippery terrain during the rainy seasons. In 1966 the company patented its 4x4, then 6x4 and 6x6 traction system, as "Total Traction", giving great off-road performance to trucks and pickups from Chevrolet, Ford and later Dodge. In 1969, the "Boomerang" double rear wheel drive was launched, capable of keeping the rear wheels in permanent contact with the ground. It was an off-road technological asset and was used in future projects, giving a competitive advantage, although it was expensive, heavy and could not support high loads.

Its artisanal advances outside the sector would expand its customers to the automotive sector, such as General Motors, Ford and the Brazilian Army itself: an officer would have seen a vehicle modified by the company, its vehicles were subjected to tests and as a result it received 100 army GMC trucks for repowering in 1968. Then, contacts with Brazilian Navy officers who had studied motor mechanics in the army made it possible to adapt the suspension and traction of Marine Corps trucks as well. At first they broke down, but after successive repairs in São Paulo they were in good condition, leading to more contracts. Repowering was a necessity, as all 4x4 and 6x6 vehicles were imported.

Engesa adapted 960 vehicles in 1968 and 1,371 two years later. The Ford F-600, Chevrolet C-60 gasoline and diesel D-60 received all-axle drive, reinforced bumpers and military lights. In addition to repowering trucks, the company entered the armored vehicle segment at the turn of the 1960s, producing the transfer and traction box for the Brazilian Viatura Blindada Brasileira or VBB I, a 4x4 reconnaissance vehicle to succeed the M8 Greyhound. In 1972 the number of employees reached four hundred.

When Engesa entered the defense sector, a modernization program was taking place driven by the alliance of the Brazilian Armed Forces with industrialists, state-owned companies and multinationals. It formed a military-industrial complex, which became one of the largest in the Third World during Brazil's military dictatorship, with a strong presence in this international market. Defense companies received demand from the country's Armed Forces, intellectual products from universities and research centers (such as the Army Technological Center) and subsidies and credit from government institutions. The army was undergoing a reorganization of its order of battle, creating a mechanized cavalry that would be furnished with Engesa's armored vehicles.

The collaboration of the Brazilian Army and the State in the development of Engesa occurred in the financial and research and development fields. The latter was especially relevant in the initial stage, marked by improvisation, decreasing later with the accumulation of experience and the shift to the foreign market. One example was the labor of officers from the Military Institute of Engineering (IME), who were rewarded with unaccounted "gifts", such as food baskets and money. Such exchange of favors is common in the arms industry due to its dependence on government institutions. Official support was assured by skill in the field of politics, in which Whitaker personally participated. In 1982 he was appointed president of IMBEL; it was a way of energizing the state-owned company, which had "a certain character of a public department". IMBEL began to live in "symbiosis" with Engesa.

Products

In June 1971, the VBB, now called "Wheeled Reconnaissance Car" (CRR), had its studies, project and industrial designs transferred to Engesa so that it could begin production. The transfer is common in developed countries, but in Brazil it was a milestone. The choice of Engesa and not Bernardini to take over the armored vehicle was due Whitaker's openly nationalist and sympathetic views to Brazil's dictatorship, as well as being a friend of lieutenant colonel Pedro de Mello, the commander of the Working Group of Automobile Engineers. The inherited technology became the 6x6 EE-9 Cascavel reconnaissance vehicle, initially with a 37mm cannon and later with a 90mm cannon.

Another transfer of technology, initiated at the Regional Motor Mechanization Park of the 2nd Military Region (PqRMM/2), was the Amphibious Troop Transport Car (CTTA), also 6x6, armed with a machine gun turret. It became the EE-11 Urutu in the hands of Engesa, which equipped both with its "Boomerang" suspension. Combined production reached thousands of vehicles, being the company's most numerous armored vehicles. They have seen combat in current conflicts such as the Iraqi Civil War (2011–2017) and the Libyan Civil War (2014–present).

Sales of adaptation kits for trucks declined in the late 1970s, with the latest successes being transport platforms for Scania models and trailers for Mercedes. The experience gained allowed the development of Engesa's own version of the GMC truck, the EE-25, designed hastily together with the EE-15 to accompany the sale of the Cascavel and Urutu, thus offering "complete packages". They were launched in 1974 and were capable of 1.5 or 2.5 tons off-road or double that on regular roads. The EE-25 was the best-selling vehicle, exceeding the production of the Cascavel or Urutu. The line of military "utilities" was completed by the EE-50, a 6x6 with a capacity of five tons (ten on a regular basis) from the late 1970s; the EE-34, a pickup truck using technology from Envemo, purchased in 1983; and the EE-12 or Engesa 4, a jeep presented in 1984. Rustic and with good off-road performance, it became the company's most successful product in the civilian market.

The EE-15 also had a civilian version, but its price was not competitive. Exclusive to this market, the EE-510 was announced in 1976, an articulated forestry tractor with a capacity of ten tons and seven meter logs. It did not sell much because it was a niche product in the reforestation of paper and cellulose industries, such as Aracruz Celulose and Klabin S.A. In 1981, the EE-1124, a 14.5 ton 4x4 agricultural tractor, was launched, with the EE-1128 version, with a turbo engine, and its equivalent without a cabin, the EE-1428, in the following years. The agricultural ones were the largest on the market, expensive and of high quality. Both forestry and agricultural production were highly nationalized. The fall in military exports, culminating in the 1981 crisis, resulted in an effort to diversify. The production of tractors designed years earlier, with financing from Finep and utilities, expanded, from 1983 onwards, the domestic market's share of sales. However, civil lines received less attention from senior management, being, in the words of a company interviewee, the "ugly ducklings".

The line of wheeled armored vehicles continued with the EE-17 Sucuri tank destroyer, mounting a 105 mm cannon on the Cascavel chassis. Presented in 1977, it was a technical failure. When the Sucuri II, an improved version, appeared a decade later, the market was already taken over by the Austrian SK-105 Kürassier and there was no series production. The other wheeled vehicle, the small EE-3 Jararaca reconnaissance vehicle, also had technical limitations, but a small quantity was produced.

Bernardini, Biselli, Novatraction, Gurgel and Moto Peças were competitors in the Brazilian market, although smaller. Among them, Bernardini worked in the tracked vehicle sector, designing a combat vehicle for the Brazilian Army, the Tamoyo, since 1979. Aiming to conquer the tracked market, in 1982 Engesa decided to develop its own combat vehicle, the Osório. However, its main target was Saudi Arabia, which had opened an international competition for a new main battle tank. Advanced, Osório performed on par with its major power competitors in tests, but the Saudis ended up choosing the M1 Abrams in 1991 — possibly just feigning interest in the Osório to lower the price of the Abrams. The other tracked vehicle, the EE-T4 Ogum, a light air transportable vehicle, did not generate enough interest to go beyond the prototype phase.

Successes such as Cascavel and Urutu were characterized by "simple and flexible design concepts, low cost, good performance and reliability, easy handling and simple maintenance", results of Brazilian industry conditions; the low price was a result of the use of civilian components, especially trucks. Their demonstrated performance from the Egyptian–Libyan War (1977) and especially the Iran-Iraq War (1980-1988) then provided "real marketing". The presence of armored vehicles since before the start of the Iran-Iraq War guaranteed the following batches. With products suited to the needs of Third World buyers and battle proven, Engesa was able to capture value. In the 1980s, however, its civilian lines conquered limited markets. In the military sector, it reached a higher technological level (Osório), but was unable to achieve sales.

The eight military vehicles that Engesa produced in series — armored vehicles EE-3, EE-9 and EE-11 and utility vehicles EE-12, EE-15, EE-25, EE-34 and EE-50 — together numbered a total of 6,818 units. It is a lower number than those published at the time, such as Whitaker Ribeiro's claims that, in 1979, he produced half of the equipment in operation in the world in his sector, having the "largest company producing armored cars on wheels of the free world" and selling 5,000 units by 1985 (Defence & Armament magazine then estimated less than 1,700 which was not denied).

Customers

In the 1970s and 1980s the global arms market, characteristically concentrated in the hands of great powers with high technological capacity, underwent relative diversification: other powers and even some Third World countries began winning export contracts. The 1973 oil crisis boosted demand from buyers in the Middle East. Among its suppliers was the Brazilian industry. It had an export character, as demand from the Brazilian Armed Forces was limited. Brazil reached tenth place among armaments suppliers, representing less than 1% of total exports.

The "super sophistication" of the great powers' armaments created a niche: there was not much need for technological sophistication in the armored sector. Underdeveloped countries were limited not only in budget but also in educational level and time to train technical staff, so that the already described "rusticity" of Brazilian products made them attractive to this category of buyers. Little attention was paid to this market, leaving space for Brazilians.

Engesa realized the insufficiency of internal demand in the early 1970s, when it already had Cascavel and Urutu. At the same time, it had long had an eye on the foreign market, concluding from analysis of the 1967 Six-Day War that it would be able to compete with Soviet vehicles. The first contracts were signed with Iraq and Libya, and the Brazilian Army was crucial in covering the bureaucratic work and bringing Whitaker closer to Muammar al-Gaddafi, the Libyan dictator. For the remainder of its existence, there would be 18 countries in addition to Brazil. Its insertion into the foreign market was marked by versatility. At first, contracts were signed with the technology still incomplete, to the point where the first Libyan Cascavels arrived without armor; it was a risk made possible by the support of the Brazilian Army. Negotiations had a level of "informality" and were followed by after-sales support.

In Iraq, the modus operandi was to speed up negotiations through informal channels, despite the risks involved in directly exposing officials to ambassadors, ministers and generals. The willingness to modify the product to customer requirements was greater than that existing among European suppliers, and parts for weapons of other origins were also sold, such as Soviet T tanks and MiG fighters. The ideological distance between Brazilians and Iraqis was smaller: when customers made mistakes, the "Brazilians, instead of criticizing the Iraqis, remembered that they had made the same mistakes about five years ago and said: let's get it right, let's correct this situation", according to an interviewee from the company. Given the illiteracy of the Iraqi soldiers operating the Cascavel, the projectile cases were given different colors to facilitate identification and the training was recorded and delivered on video. Whitaker and Delfim Neto even visited the country, with the president of Engesa checking out the front line.

Several Third World countries, such as Libya, Iraq and Iran, had difficulty buying from first world nations because of their "own dubious activities", such as the transfer of arms from Libya to the Provisional IRA in the 1970s. Engesa was successful by not caring about who their buyers were, including countries under international sanctions. The United States took a dim view of the sales because they took place without conditions of use — part of what was sold to Libya went to rebels in Western Sahara and Chad — and created a risk of disseminating technology to hostile countries in the Third World or even to the Soviet Union. The CIA monitored Engesa's production via satellite. Libya also passed it on to Iran. Regarding its policy of not restricting the use of products, not imposing end-user certificates, Whitaker declared that resale is a "sovereign act that cannot be controlled". The largest exporters themselves already violate the principle. In response to U.S. criticism of the Libyan sales, Whitaker also reportedly called Gaddafi a "highly intelligent and balanced person".

Organizational culture
Human resources were aggressively captured: the company looked for the most qualified professionals on the market and offered salaries up to two or three times higher than what they received. The preference was for an undergraduate degree at USP's Polytechnic School and a postgraduate degree at Getúlio Vargas Foundation (FGV); José Guilherme, the president's younger brother, graduated from the Polytechnic School, joined the company in 1969 and invited colleagues to work in the following years. Some researchers studied for a doctorate abroad. Training was offered according to the needs of the moment. The number of technicians, designers and engineers reached 600. Engineering was divided into experimental, for prototypes, and production, for "drawings, lists of materials, standards and specifications". In order not to lose engineers in managerial positions, the "Y-shaped career" was adopted: technical positions could reach the same salaries as managerial ones. Likewise, managers were not afraid to hire very competent technicians who could take their place. Throughout the 1970s, management, especially finance, fell behind, unable to keep up with the development of engineering.

Employees abroad, such as in Iraq, received bonuses for unhealthy and/or hazardous conditions of up to 300%. There they operated as cross functional teams. Benefits such as health insurance and a car were generous, especially for management level and above, and even existed in the form of status symbols, such as "better restaurant to eat in, room — with or without a door, with glass or without glass." In exchange for what they had, employees were committed to the goals, even participating in collective efforts. Information about union activities was shared with the military through the Paraíba Valley Community Security Center, which existed from at least 1983 to 1985.

Planning, execution and control were not systematic; management was ad hoc, "low training for problem solving, using quick analysis and no learning". At its center was Whitaker's "entrepreneurial, political, and sales skills." He had a great influence on employees with his charisma and ambition, imprinting his personal characteristics on the company's culture. In the mid-80s he imposed his decisions, contradicting vice-presidents and directors. Ad hoc management was successful at first, when the company was simple and the environment was favorable, but in the 1980s it could not handle the increasing complexity and Whitaker was unable to maintain control, having in the final stages lost practical administrative control. Wrong assessments were made.

Divisions
Production activities were carried out at the company's headquarters in São Paulo until its transfer in September 1974 to the new factory built on land negotiated with the city of São José dos Campos, later called Engesa Viaturas. Shortly before, the company had purchased another plant in Salvador. Acquisitions, number of employees and facilities increased in the 1980s. Engesa became the holding company for a group of many other companies or sub-companies, classified as industrial production divisions (IPD) and service divisions (SD). After 1985 the child companies gained more decision-making autonomy. The parent company had 3,748 employees in 1987. The performance of the divisions was hampered by managerial inexperience and disregard for cultural and production incompatibilities between them, which did not necessarily increase Engesa's competitive advantage. Diversification thus resulted in organizational fragmentation.

IPD's

 * Engesa Viaturas (1979, São José dos Campos): Location of conversion and production of military and civil vehicles.
 * Engex S.A Equipamentos Especializados (1973, Salvador): In 1972 the Allis Chalmers factory in Salvador, capable of producing certain gears and transmissions, was purchased. The plant was responsible for machining activities and the production of truck adaptation kits and transfer boxes, the latter of which had quality problems due to the company's focus on large military contracts. Salvador was the major oil hub in Brazil at the time and at the end of the 70s, Petrobras needed to reduce imports due to the valued dollar. Thus, Engex produced sucker rods, downhole pumps and small and medium-sized pumping units. The first ones were exported. It later manufactured 90mm cannons for the Cascavel. It reached 1,111 employees in 1985–6.
 * Engesa Química S.A. (Engequímica) (1979, Juiz de Fora): Manufactured 90mm ammunition for the Cascavel with Belgian and Engesa technology and an IMBEL plant. It increased production to 20-30 thousand rounds per month and expanded to other types of ammunition, such as mortar and 105mm, and managed to export to Cyprus, Venezuela and Zambia. It had 754 employees in 1984.
 * Engesa FNV (1983, Cruzeiro): The FNV (Fábrica Nacional de Vagões) Veículos e Equipamentos S.A., a traditional company in the railway sector, also worked with trucks and buses and controlled Fruehauf, a manufacturer of trailers, semi-trailers and implements for trucks and containers. It had been in deficit since 1981. It was purchased for US$20 million. Under Engesa it reached 3,866 employees in 1986.
 * Engesa Eletrônica S.A. (Engetrônica) (1982 or 1983, São Paulo): Created with 70% participation from Engesa and the remainder from Philips do Brasil to produce embedded systems for the Osório and aircraft such as the AMX and Tucano. It had 212 employees in 1985. Its products were both civilian and military and included tactical radios and navigation systems.
 * Engesa Equipamentos Elétricos S.A. (Engelétrica) (1982, Jandira): At the beginning of the year, Engesa acquired controlling interest in Bardella Borriello Eletromecânica S.A, existing since 1911 and responsible for overhead cranes and wire drawing, sectors in which Engesa had no experience. In 1984 it was subordinated to the FNV. It manufactured electric motors and had 692 employees in 1986.

SD's

 * Engeagro (1977): Sold agricultural equipment.
 * Transgesa Transportes Engesa Ltda. (1983 or 1984): Redesignation of Transportadora Comercial FNV Ltda. in November 1984. It transported cargo by road.
 * Engevideo (1977): Created to serve Iraqi soldiers, it produced videotapes and training programs.
 * Aero Brasil (1983): Formed in association with Transbrasil, whose founder, Omar Fontana, was a long-time advisor to Engesa, for air cargo transport. One of their 707s, converted into VIP transport, was called a "flying carpet" and gained a reputation for money waste.
 * Axial (1980): Responsible for insurance brokerage and administration.
 * Engexco Exportadora S.A. (1976 or 1977): Created to gain independence and expand into markets not covered by Petrobras' trading company, until then used to intermediate exports. Exports were then mixed, Engesa and Engexco, until 1981. From that year onwards they went exclusively through the new trading company. It reached 91 employees in 1985–6. It was also used by other Brazilian exporters, mainly military ones. It brokered deals for Casa da Moeda, Embraer, IMBEL, Companhia Brasileira de Cartuchos, Arco-flex and Villares. Third parties even tried to sell poultry in Baghdad, which was not successful. Such contracts did not fit well with large arms sales.

Engepeq
After the shipment of the first Cascavels to Libya, in 1975, experimental engineering was segregated, with its personnel returning from São José dos Campos to São Paulo (later to Barueri, remaining together with the company's headquarters). There it took advantage of the tax exemption granted to research companies and sought funding from Finep for its research. It handled CAD/CAM used in 1980s projects. There were 220 technical employees and a product engineering division in each IPD.

Other
Apart from Engesa but with relocated employees, Whitaker Ribeiro created Ensec Engenharia em Sistemas de Segurança in the mid-80s. Designed to provide a security system for the new headquarters of the Casa da Moeda, it also served Vale do Rio Doce and Correios.

In view of Avibras' success with its ASTROS II missile system, Engemíssil was created in April 1986 to operate in this segment. In partnership with the Italian Oto Melara it began the development of the MSS-1.2 anti-tank missile. The ambition continued for a state-owned company to compete with Avibras. Thus, Órbita Sistemas Aerospaciais S.A. was created in January 1987, with a shareholding of 40% from Engesa, 40% from Embraer and 20% divided between IMBEL, Esca (which integrated CINDACTA) and Parcom (civil association of engineers that worked with brigadier Hugo Piva, vice-president of Órbita). In addition to the MSS-1.2, it would take on projects for the Piranha air-to-air missile and the Thunderbolt portable anti-aircraft missile, developed in conjunction with British Aerospace. However, after thirty months "it was nothing more than a modest set of warehouses and workshops", due to the crisis at both Engesa and Embraer. It ended up being extinguished in October 1991.

Finances

Engesa's factory in Salvador was acquired with support from SUDENE in 1972 and modernized with financial support from BNDE. The first exports to Libya made it possible to raise financing for the transfer of production to São José dos Campos in 1974. Injections of state financing were important, as in 1975, when BNDE purchased 80 million cruzeiros (22 million dollars in 2006) in shares, a capital contribution of almost 400%. BNDE, in turn, borrowed from the First World, acting as an intermediary.

As France, supplier of the Cascavel's 90mm cannons, began to see Engesa as competition and raised the price to make the product unviable, from 1975 Engesa acquired licenses to produce cannons (for US$3 million) and ammunition, to be produced respectively by Engex and Engequímica. This verticalization meant investing more to sell the same products, but it increased the profit margin and simplified logistics. Exports increased in volume and customers and the BNDE, Brazil's Ministry of Finance and Banco do Brasil were favorable.

In June 1981, employees and suppliers were left without pay. In São José dos Campos, 1,500 workers went on strike, which was resolved two days later with the settlement of their salaries. The company blamed the government: it had not paid off its own debts and suspended IPI credits in November 1979, preferring to promote exports by manipulating the exchange rate. However, the real cause was a 51.7% drop in sales. Libyan orders were almost complete, Iraq was paying slowly, Third World buyers were in debt and BNDE was unwilling to lend money. Bankruptcy was not far away.

As a reaction to the crisis, credit was obtained from Banco do Brasil's Foreign Trade Chamber (CACEX) and the BNDE's shares, equivalent to 12.7% of the share capital and controlled by Mecânica Pesada S.A. — Embramec, were sold to the Odebrecht group, which was interested in operating abroad through Engexco. For Engesa, it was formal independence from public capital. A consortium of European banks also made a loan of US$35 million guaranteed by BNDE. The latter was achieved when in December 1981 Whitaker's allies interceded with BNDE's president: businessman Francisco Catão and Morgan banker Keith McDermott. In the following months, Whitaker made successive bank transfers to Catão and hired McDermott as a consultant.

In October 1982, as financial problems and dependence in Iraq continued, Anthony Gebauer, also from Morgan, signed a letter valuing Engesa at $130 million, which, according to an Engesa director, allowed him to convince BNDES to grant another loan. Whitaker later said the letter "cost me $5 million." Engesa also allegedly had corrupt relations with Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet through his daughter's UBS account, Rajiv Gandhi, Prime Minister of India from 1984 to 1989, a Bolivian president and Delfim Neto.

The direction of investments, in the previous decade focused on expanding markets and competitive advantages, was in the 1980s the "creation of productive empires" through market domination and diversification into more profitable activities. Diversification was insisted upon by BNDE and would be the response to the painfully perceived seasonality in 1981. It occurred both in the acquisitions of subsidiaries and in products, such as tractors for the civilian market. The technological level reached its peak with Osório, and for three years in a row R&D expenses reached 7% of revenue. US$50–150 million was spent on the tank. Efforts were divided between new technologies, such as the missile sector, apparently profitable, but outside the area of expertise of the technical staff. There was great expansion, with the number of employees in the group rising, according to one source, from 4,000 in 1983 to 10,000 the following year, or according to another, it more than doubled in 1983–1986, exceeding 9,000.

Investments were financed by short-term loans and debt increased, reaching US$400 million in 1988. That year, the pre-bankruptcy financial condition was already reported in the press. The result of the investments was a large amount of fixed capital, and the company began to depend on sales. However, high investment was met with low exports, which would be fatal.

Bankruptcy

The arms market was different. The volume of international trade began to decline in the mid-1980s and continued into the following decade with the end of the Cold War. The Middle East maintained its imports but only until the end of the Iran-Iraq War in 1988, and its purchasing power was harmed by the fall in oil prices. Iraq developed its own defense industry, reducing imports after 1985. The decline in demand coincided with the growth in supply. Competitors from Cascavel and Urutu invaded their markets. Within Brazil, inflation led to an increase in interest rates and government plans against it lagged the exchange rate in a way that was unfavorable to exports. Avibras and Embraer also went into crisis.

The situation required a downsizing, but senior management took a long time to do so, waiting for the sale of Osório to be completed or for new orders from the government, in which they placed their trust; the high investments were based on the assumption that redemocratization in Brazil would not happen anytime soon and the support of the military would remain firm. However, the sale of Osório failed in 1990 and the new civilian governments were not so interested in being the "stabilizing mechanism", that is, an internal source of demand when it was scarce abroad. However, even some contracts that Engesa managed to negotiate were not fulfilled. In October 1987, Bolivia's Undersecretary of Defense revealed that Engesa's failure to provide spare parts for 700 trucks led to their destruction within three years. In June 1989 the company owed 1,134 trucks to the army, ordered to help it and already paid. A sale of Urutus to Venezuela was not completed due to the inability to produce them. Credibility was damaged.

The factory in São José dos Campos, then with approximately 2,600 employees, laid off 600–800 in July 1988. From 1987 to 1989 the number of employees at the parent company fell from 3,784 to 1,958; working capacity was reduced by half. The downsizing of subsidiaries began this year, late, and there was no more money to establish other production lines. Engetrônica, with 450 employees and US$30 million in debt, was sold in August to Moddata S.A. for US$20 million. In November, the stake in FNV went to the Arab group ASAIC for US$ 12 million, a third of the real value; 40% had already been sold in 1986.

The company's failures include the inability of ad hoc management to manage growing complexity, the failure to perceive changes in the market and the competition and retaliation it faced, the fragmentation caused by diversification, excessive bureaucracy and neglect of the budget deficit caused by confidence in the army. In the analyses, the decision to develop the Osório is interpreted as a response to the correctly anticipated exhaustion of the Cascavel and Urutu, whose buyers in fact had no need for new acquisitions, or a deviation from the correct focus on the wheeled sector, which attracted more international interest from the 1980s onwards. The company also failed to realize the political nature of the competition it entered, thus losing to the lobby of its American competitor.

At the turn of the 90s, the volume of debts was such that only the large profit from a contract like the sale of Osório would be enough relief. An Iraqi default of 200 million, Osório's commercial failure, the general industry crisis, inefficiency, high costs, mismanagement and lack of government support decided the company's fate. The government was the main creditor, but the possibility of a government bailout was less likely considering the focus on fiscal balance and the waning interest in the arms industry, whose decline was considered acceptable in exchange for immediate economic advantages with the Americans.

Already failing its employees, Engesa filed for bankruptcy on 21 March 1990, after president Fernando Collor took office, failing to pay salaries and exempting employees from attendance. The Iraqi invasion of Kuwait in August and the subsequent American and Saudi participation in the Gulf War interrupted the Osório negotiations. In São José dos Campos, 220 employees operated the workshops in a cooperative to survive. In 1993, a consortium of the Brasilinterpart bank and the Overseas Finance Management Corporation group gave up on buying the company after discovering that it had US$600 million in debt. The judge of the 1st Civilian Court of Barueri declared the group bankrupt on 18 October.

Vehicle carcasses became scrap, the company's library was sold as shredded paper and the workforce was dispersed to other sectors and abroad. In 2000, the building in Barueri was auctioned for R$13 million, while Embraer purchased the plant in São José dos Campos for R$10.4 million. The money was spent on labor debts. In 2019, Engesa remained the 40th largest debtor to the federal government of Brazil.

Production vehicles

 * Reconnaissance vehicle: EE-3 Jararaca;
 * Armored car: EE-9 Cascavel, It was well used in Iraqi Armed forces during the Iraq-Iran war from 1980–1988 and was used heavily in the Gulf War, it is still in service with Iraq, Zimbabwe, and a number of South American armies,
 * Armored personnel carrier: EE-11 Urutu, It was well used in Iraqi Armed forces during the Iraq-Iran war from 1980–1988 and the subsequent Gulf conflict,
 * Trucks: EE-15, EE-25, and EE-50,
 * Light Vehicles: EE-4, EE-12 and EE-34,
 * Air-portable Armored Vehicle: EE-T4 Ogum,
 * Tank destroyers: EE-17 Sucuri I and EE-18 Sucuri II,
 * Main battle tank: EE-T1 Osório.

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Talk:Vathek

Vathek with or without it's Episodes ???
I am a little bit surprised to find no mention of the episodes which are part of the narration of the book. In fact, Beckford wanted them to be published alongside the first tale (which only constitutes one portion of the story of Vathek itself). Vathek and it's episodes is an outstanding many-voiced book (a feature typical of the gothic genre) showing, notwithstanding, real coherence, while Vathek alone is a much lesser achievement. It definitely ought to be mentionned here.

Fair use rationale for Image:Vathek.jpg
Image:Vathek.jpg is being used on this article. I notice the image page specifies that the image is being used under fair use but there is no explanation or rationale as to why its use in this Wikipedia article constitutes fair use. In addition to the boilerplate fair use template, you must also write out on the image description page a specific explanation or rationale for why using this image in each article is consistent with fair use.

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BetacommandBot 04:55, 20 July 2007 (UTC)

Arabic Manuscript
Anyone know if the original Arabic manuscript has been lost or is it still available in some form?--Aa2-2004 (talk) 12:56, 11 January 2011 (UTC)

Addition of ISBN from Wikidata
Please note that this article's infobox is retrieving an ISBN from Wikidata currently. This is the result of a change made to Infobox book as a result of this RfC. It would be appreciated if an editor took some time to review this ISBN to ensure it is appropriate for the infobox. If it is not, you could consider either correcting the ISBN on Wikidata (preferred) or introducing a blank ISBN parameter in the infobox to block the retrieval from Wikidata. If you do review the ISBN, please respond here so other editors don't duplicate your work. This is an automated message to address concerns that this change did not show up on watchlists. ~ RobTalk 01:26, 15 May 2016 (UTC)

Better Image Needed
The image used in this article is lop sighted and either needs a new image or the image straightened out.--Paleface Jack (talk) 04:18, 13 December 2016 (UTC)

Revert discussion
Hi @VenusFeuerFalle thanks for the feedback on Gulen. By the way, was there a reason the entire edit was reverted? As I don't understand why the div edit was removed? Danial Bass (talk) 11:38, 20 June 2022 (UTC)

title: Talk:Vathek


text:
Template talk:Air Forces of Russia and the Soviet Union

There are three templates in this series:

Please use them appropriately. Joseph/N328KF (Talk) 19:32, 13 October 2005 (UTC)


text: Talk:Greely Elementary School

title: Talk:Greely Elementary School


text:
Piffaro, The Renaissance Band

Piffaro, The Renaissance Band, originally called "The Philadelphia Renaissance Wind Band", is a Philadelphia-based early music ensemble.

History
The group was founded in 1980, and performs music of the late Medieval and Renaissance periods. Piffaro's instrumentarium includes shawms, dulcians, sackbuts, recorders, krumhorns, bagpipes, lutes, guitars, and a variety of percussion.

Piffaro generally performs a concert series of four to five concerts a year in Philadelphia, in addition to touring throughout the United States, Canada, Europe and elsewhere. They regularly perform onstage with the Washington Christmas Revels. The ensemble also has extensive recordings with Deutsche Grammophon, Dorian Recordings, Newport Classic, Navona Records, and under their own label. The group's founding Artistic Directors were Joan Kimball and Robert Wiemken. Priscilla Herreid became Artistic Director beginning with the 2022-2023 concert season.

Regular members are Priscilla Herreid, Grant Herreid, Greg Ingles, and Erik Schmalz. Tom Zajac was a regular member until his death in August 2015. Joan Kimball and Robert Wiemkem retired in 2022.

Early Music America has awarded Piffaro's founders and co-artistic directors, Joan Kimball and Robert Wiemken, their 2021 Howard Mayer Brown Award for lifetime achievement in the field of early music.

Selected recordings

 * Obrecht: Chansons-Songs-Motets, Capilla Flamenca, Piffaro (Eufoda EUF1361)
 * Music from the Odhecaton, Piffaro (Dorian XCD 90301)
 * Stadtpfeiffer: Music of Renaissance Germany, Piffaro (Dorian XCD-90292)
 * Chansons et Danceries - French Renaissance Winds, Piffaro (Deutsche Grammophon DGG 4471072)
 * Los Ministriles: Wind Music of the Spanish Renaissance, Piffaro (Archiv 4543441-2)

title: Piffaro, The Renaissance Band


text:
Jean-Baptiste Janssens

Jean-Baptiste Janssens (22 December 1889 – 5 October 1964) was a Belgian Jesuit priest who was the 27th Superior General of the Society of Jesus. He was born in Mechelen, Belgium.

Early life and schooling
Janssens' first schooling was in the Diocesan Secondary School in Hasselt, and his university years, where he excelled in philosophy and classical philology, were spent at St. Aloysius University Faculty in Brussels. He entered the Jesuit novitiate in Drongen on 23 September 1907, and took his first vows in September 1909.

After the usual two years of philosophy spent at the Jesuit theological college in Leuven he earned his doctorate in civil law at the Catholic University of Louvain. From 1921 to 1923 he attended the Gregorian University in Rome where he added a doctorate in Canon law to the one he had earned at Louvain.

He taught canon law at the Jesuit theologate in Leuven from 1923 until 1929 and became its rector on 17 August 1929. On 15 August 1935 he was appointed Tertian Master and in 1938 became Provincial of the Northern Belgian Province of the Jesuits.

In 1939, Janssens made an official visit to the Jesuit missions in the Belgian Congo. With the exception of this visitation and his two years studying in Rome, he had spent most of his life in his own province: in Leuven, Drongen (Ghent), Antwerp, and Brussels. In 1945 he kept in hiding a large group of Jewish children in the Provincial's residence of Brussels, which earned him the title of Righteous among the nations.

Elected Superior General
When Jesuit Superior General Wlodimir Ledóchowski died in 1942, World War II was in full fury in Europe and Janssens was the Jesuit Provincial trying to keep his province intact. The Vicar General, Norbert de Boynes, was unable to call a General Congregation because of the war. Thus, in effect, de Boynes was in charge of the governance of the Society for three years.

The war ended in August 1945 and de Boynes was finally able to convene a General Congregation – the 29th – between 6 September and 23 October 1946. Janssens, as Provincial of his province, went to Rome as a delegate. The Congregation was held under Spartan conditions and many of the necessities were provided by the delegates from countries less affected by the war than the countries of Europe. On 15 September, the 57-year-old Belgian Jean-Baptiste Janssens was elected Superior General of the Society of Jesus.

Generalate
Because of his delicate health and the oppressiveness of the Roman air, a sizeable piece of property in the Alban Hills – southeast of Rome – was purchased as a retreat for the general and his curia. This property, well known in the area as Villa Cavalletti, became a place of retreat not only for the general and the curia but also for the other Jesuits of Rome. It was also used by professors and students of the Gregorian University who could manage to get away for a few days of peace.

In his famous Instruction on the Social Apostolate (1949), considered a milestone in the Society's road to commitment to the so-called "social question", Janssens challenged the Jesuit educational institutions. In bold language for those days, the general speaks of completely uprooting the spirit of "caste" among Jesuits and their students. They should not appear "to be allied with the rich and the capitalists". Those especially who labor in the educational ministry should manifest "an interest and concern for the proletariat that is equal to, or even greater than, that shown to the rich". One can imagine the impact of these words on the schools. Nevertheless, disaffection toward the colleges remained strong, especially among young Jesuits.

In 1957, after eleven years in office, he summoned the 30th General Congregation to provide him with a vicar general. During the 6 September to 11 November session, the delegates elected Canadian John Swain to the position.

In 1960, in a letter to those engaged in education, the general had to confront those who doubted whether the colleges were a ministry proper to the Society or who asserted that they were not in conformity with the spirit of St. Ignatius.

Janssens took important steps for the restructuring of the educational apostolate. Both on the provincial and national levels he set up offices of general Prefects of Studies. In this way there was more coordination among the colleges, both province and nationwide, as well as closer international collaboration. He appointed visitors of the colleges in various countries and regions, for example, Spain and Latin America. National and regional educational associations were encouraged within the Society. Statutes were elaborated to guide the work of the Prefects of Studies. In 1960, the first international meeting of experts in the college apostolate was held in Rome for the purpose of formulating common criteria of inspiration and action. The work of education in the Society was taking on a corporate character.

Pope John XXIII had convened the Second Vatican Council to begin in 1962 to deal with many of the same problems that plagued Janssens during his generalate, Janssens had called for a diversification of Jesuit ministries to include more direct service to the poor.

Final years
After 18 years and one month as Superior General, Janssens died at the age of 74 on 5 October 1964. His body was taken to the Jesuit vault at Campo Verano where most of the Jesuits who die in Rome are interred.

title: Jean-Baptiste Janssens


text:
Talk:Opish

Opish pronunciation
Can anyone tell me how Opish is pronounced? For example, is -op- like the "op" in "hop", or the "ope" in "hope"? I don't speak Opish, so I don't know. Please tell me if you know! Thopanks opa lopot. –Benjamin 19:33, 13 October 2005 (UTC)
 * My friends and I always said it to rhyme with "hop."Patraus 05:21, 18 November 2005 (UTC)

Pìbo châ sìmî lû…
Dopish ? Nàtâmba lû swaKîsì chânga pômbo! Kìsi twe shàfântolê! SwaLâlâ do tûmpwa lû shònîsha! Chômbo dwi sâsâ chi? Tìsi kwe lû châlàwe! À-hà-hà! (Ogû sêm-wa ko dùdù! Pàpà lùmbwâse wû kìsâmba!)—Strabismus 01:43, 23 May 2006 (UTC)

 * Excuse me? I'm not sure what language you're using here; apparently it's not one I'm familiar with.  –Benjamin  [[Image:Flag_of_Texas.svg|20px|Texas]]

I learned op as in hop too
I'm pretty sure it's always op as in hop.

Discussion of merge
If this article is merged with Gibberish, then Ubbi dubbi should be merged with Gibberish as well. Ubbi dubbi is much more complete. Perhaps both this page and Gibberish should be merged into Ubbi dubbi instead. —The preceding unsigned comment was added by WebManWalking (talk • contribs) 18:07, 1 April 2007 (UTC).

title: Talk:Opish


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Chullachaki

The Chullachaki (Quechua, "one-footed", from chulla or ch'ulla = single, odd, unpaired, asymmetric, chaki = foot;  spelling sometimes also used in Spanish) or Chullachaqui (Hispanicized spelling), also known as the Shapishico, is a mythical forest creature of the Peruvian and Brazilian Amazonian jungle.

Description
He is generally described as short and ugly, with one leg shorter than the other and one foot either larger than the other, pointed backward or in the form of a hoof.

He is said to persuade his victims to follow him deep into the jungle where even experienced trackers cannot find their way back. He does this by taking the form of a family member or a loved one long not seen, or disguising himself as a prey animal. His uncanny ability to replicate others makes him impossible to tell apart, except for his mismatched feet.

Others say that he appears in the shape of a very short man dressed in rags, waving his closed fists in the air looking for a fight. In this case, the indigenous people believe a man must accept his challenge and beat him until he uncovers all the richness he has hidden in the jungle. He who declines this challenge is cursed with the inability to hunt and with foul luck: family and friends turn into enemies, wives leave with other men, etc.

Chullachaqui is said to have the ability to turn into any animal of the rainforest. He is a kind of forest spirit who guards the lands and the animals and punishes a man if he breaks a taboo or otherwise acts unwisely in the forest. According to a local legend, Chullachaqui is a member of an older species, one that lived there long before humans. Most of the time they remain quite uninterested in humans. They inhabit forest spots far from human habitation, where they supposedly have their own gardens and fields to tend. If a human being dwells too close to those gardens, they might attack and put a spell on the unlucky human. Sometimes a Chullachaqui might also steal a human child and raise it as its own, or lure humans into a trap for mating purposes. A human thus stolen by the Chullachaqui becomes one of them.

title: Chullachaki


text:
Invention Secrecy Act

The Invention Secrecy Act of 1951 (, codified at ) is a body of United States federal law designed to prevent disclosure of new inventions and technologies that, in the opinion of selected federal agencies, present an alleged threat to the economic stability or national security of the United States.

The Invention Secret Act allows the United States government to classify ideas and patents under "Secrecy Orders", which indefinitely restrict public knowledge of them. The law applies to all inventions in the United States regardless of what the idea or invention is, if a patent is applied for or granted. All patents filed within the United States are required to be reviewed, and thousands of ideas and inventions are manually reviewed every year. Any Federal government agency with "classifying powers" may request any patent be restricted under the Invention Secrecy Act.

Ideas restricted by the Invention Secrecy Act's Secrecy Orders can be prohibited from any public disclosure; sales to any party except the United States military industry or exports to other nations can be prohibited; and can even be sealed from the public as classified. Any appeals are limited to the United States Federal agency that itself restricted the ideas. The United States Patent and Trademark Office has investigated the possibility of restricting new technologies if those new ideas may be disruptive to existing industries. The Invention Secrecy Act has been criticized for lack of oversight and impacts on future scientific research by inventors, industry, attorneys and academics.

World War I and II background
The United States government has long sought to control the release of new technologies that might threaten the national defense and economic stability of the country. During World War I, Congress authorized the United States Patent and Trademark Office (PTO) to classify certain defense-related patents. This initial effort lasted only for the duration of that war but was reimposed in October 1941 in anticipation of the entry of the United States into World War II. Secrecy Orders were initially intended to remain effective for two years, beginning on July 1, 1940, but were later extended for the duration of the second World War.

Through World War II alone, at least 11,000 inventions were reported for classification review by the United States Government, and other analysis found that in the WWII era at least 8,475 inventions were forcibly classified, accounting for 75% of all new inventions in that time period, where over 20,000 total patents were reviewed for possible restrictions.

The final version of the 1917 WW1-era law ordered ideas should be restricted if:

"...detrimental to the public safety or defense, or may assist the enemy or endanger the successful prosecution of the war, [the Commissioner of Patents] may order that the invention be kept secret and withhold the grant of a patent until the end of the war. (Pub. L. 65-80, 1917)"

Invention Secrecy Act of 1951
The Invention Secrecy Act of 1951 made such patent secrecy permanent, though the order to suppress any invention must be renewed each year, except during periods of declared war or national emergency. Under this Act, defense agencies provide the patent office with a classified list of sensitive technologies in the form of the "Patent Security Category Review List" (PSCRL). The decision to classify new inventions under this act is made by "defense agencies" as defined by the President, These agencies include the Army, Navy, Air Force, National Security Agency, Department of Energy, Department of Homeland Security, NASA, but even the Justice Department has played this role. If government officials determine the idea and invention can pose a threat, it can be restricted from the public with a Secrecy Order. Any Federal government agency, not just those associated with the military and intelligence community, may request any patent be restricted under the Invention Secrecy Act if that agency itself has the power to classify data as restricted.

A Secrecy Order bars the award of a patent, orders that the invention be kept secret, restricts the filing of foreign patents, and specifies procedures to prevent disclosure of ideas contained in the application. By law, the government is only required to compensate the inventor of a restricted idea for 75% of its value as deemed by the agency restricting it, and the inventor must demonstrate they suffered damages. However, inventors find it difficult if not impossible to prove suffered harm under the Invention Secrecy Act due to their inability to disclose the invention. Disclosure of inventions or ideas restricted by a Secrecy Order can lead to arrest and imprisonment for up to two years in Federal prison. If an inventor attempts to release the ideas in a foreign country without authorization, the invention and idea can be held as legally "abandoned." In the 1958 court case Robinson vs United States, the United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit ruled inventors could not sue the government to appeal Secrecy Orders until the secrecy itself was rescinded, citing national security concerns; this standing held through at least 1963.

Each year, tens of thousands of inventions and patent applications are reviewed by hand to decide if they should be allowed to be published or should be hidden from the public. In the four-year window of 2013 to 2017, an average of 117 new inventions per year were restricted with Secrecy Orders. In the same 2013-2017 period of time, an average of 25 Secrecy Orders were reportedly rescinded per year. 5,792 unique patents were placed under Secrecy Orders in 2018.

Through 2012-2020, the United States Patent Office began investigations into expanding application of the Invention Secret Act to have more consideration of economic impacts on American markets from new inventions, if those new ideas may be disruptive to existing industries. Attempts through 2020 to expand the scope of the Invention Secrecy Act in Congress were unsuccessful, attributed to lobbying from groups such as the American Bar Association.

Invention Secrecy Act screening process
The law applies to all inventions created in the United States, regardless of their nature or nationality of the creators, despite that the "vast majority" of inventions have no legal or financial stake from the government. All patents filed within the United States are required to be screened for the Invention Secrecy Act. Each year, tens of thousands of new inventions and patent applications are manually reviewed to decide if they should be hidden from the public.

Inventions which received any government funding toward their research and development will be reviewed, beyond any military departments or intelligence agencies, by the segment of the United States government that had a funding and research stake in them. The vast majority of patent applications, ideas and inventions have no government affiliation. For those ideas and inventions from the general public, the Commissioner for Patents of the United States Patent and Trademark Office makes any initial decision whether or not the idea will endanger national security.

Once the application and screening process begins, there are three possible outcomes. The first outcome is that the patent and an associated foreign patent filing license may simply be granted, and the Invention Secrecy Act would not bind or restrict that given idea. The second option is that the government may simply do nothing, which allows the creators of the idea and invention to pursue it fully in United States and foreign markets. In either of these first two scenarios, the government has a six-month window from the patent filing to take any or no action.

The third and last option is that a Secrecy Order is compelled on the idea and invention. The creators are then forbidden from sharing, disclosing, discussing, developing, selling or marketing the ideas within the United States or in foreign nations.

Known public examples of restricted technologies
James Constant of California was restricted by Secrecy Order from 1969 to 1971 for his advancements in radar systems to track objects ranging from shipping containers to parts on an industrial assembly line, and later in 1982 was denied any damages by courts. James Greer of Alabama was bound by a Secrecy Order from 2000 to 2008, for an invention that could have allowed development of "anti-stealth" tracking systems. In 2002, inventor Robert Gold saw his idea for improvements in wireless communications restricted by a Secrecy Order. Some inventors have resisted in public their Secrecy Orders: in 1978, the National Security Agency restricted an invention called the "Phasorphone", which allowed people to digitally alter and obfuscate their voices on telephone calls for privacy from government surveillance. The Phasorphone inventors took their opposition to the media, and months later the NSA ultimately rescinded the order.

Types of Secrecy Orders

There are three known types of Secrecy Orders which can be enforced, referred to as Types I, II and III. Violation of United States government Secrecy Orders to reveal your ideas may lead to arrest and imprisonment.

The Secrecy Order notices will command inventors that:

"'the subject matter or any material information relevant to this application, including unpublished details of the invention, shall not be published or disclosed to any person not aware of the invention prior to the date of this order, including any employee of the principals.'"

The three known types of Secrecy Orders are:

 * 1) Type I Secrecy Orders, referred to as "Secrecy Order and Permit for Foreign Filing in Certain Countries", typically are used to restrict ideas or materials derived from government funding which may not be themselves secret or classified prior to receiving a Secrecy Order under the Invention Secrecy Act, but may be already under some manner of restrictions from either or both of Export Administration Regulations and International Traffic in Arms Regulations.
 * 2) Type II Secrecy Orders, also known as "Secrecy Order and Permit for Disclosing Classified Information", apply to ideas and inventions that may already be in part composed of classified concepts and technologies, or that can be, and that were submitted for patent review by Americans who already hold some manner of United States Department of Defense security agreements. Types I and II, therefore, typically apply to ideas and concepts already within the United States government domain.
 * 3) Type III Secrecy Orders, called a "General Secrecy Order", are used as a "catch-all" to restrict any ideas, technologies or inventions that would not be covered by the government affiliation involved with Type I and Type II Secrecy Orders. Type III Secrecy Orders would be used toward inventions by the general public.

All "security review" files related to "the security review of patent applications, placing of applications under secrecy, modification of secrecy orders, and withdrawing of applications from secrecy" are required to be destroyed ten years after a Secrecy Order is rescinded.

Handling and evaluation of ideas and patents
The Invention Secrecy Act has been criticized for having no defined standards or regulatory framework of what sorts of ideas may be sealed under Secrecy Orders and the lack of any safeguards for privacy or intellectual property rights. The Federation of American Scientists stated that the restrictions at best “err on the side of caution and impose secrecy orders on patents that present even the slightest threats,” and at worst, "bureaucrats mindlessly impose secrecy orders and then forget about them, because that’s simpler than carefully considering the implications of new technologies becoming public."

Historian Alex Wellerstein has criticized the Invention Secrecy Act, saying, "The government’s legal basis for keeping private information secret is very vulnerable," and that the government carefully manages Secrecy Orders to avoid the possibility of Federal courts "creating precedent around the core constitutional issue".

Impacts on economics and creation of inventions
There is no known data on the economic impacts of "compulsory secrecy" for new ideas under the Invention Secrecy Act.

Studies have concluded that the Invention Secrecy Act leads to an overall reduction in the number of new inventions being presented, due to the nature of how inventions and sciences build upon prior discoveries. Other studies have shown that being forced secret for a scale of months can cause an invention or idea to be 15% less likely to be cited by later research and development, demonstrating that even a limited restriction has negative impacts for inventors and the sciences. Inventions forced into Secrecy Orders even up to just five years will receive on average 45% less future citations. Once an invention has been made secret, it does not recover from this negative impact over time even when the Secrecy Orders are lifted.

Meanwhile, James W. Parrett Jr. of the William & Mary Law School has argued that the Invention Secrecy Act can have value for certain areas such as around biotechnology patents, due to their novel and often still unexplored nature.

1971 declassified Category Review List

A declassified document from January 1971, "PATENT SECURITY CATEGORY REVIEW LIST", lists the categories of all inventions that the United States Patent Office would refer to the Armed Services Patent Advisory Board for consideration of becoming classified under the Invention Secrecy Act.

The high-level categories of inventions from 1971 which can be forcibly classified are listed as the following, and each section includes an expansive spectrum of topics beneath each:

 * Amplifiers, Recorders, Sensors and Electronic Tubes
 * Computers
 * Concealment, Communications, Countermeasures & Counter-countermeasures
 * Contracts
 * Explosives & Inflammables
 * Explosive Actuating Methods & Means: Fuzes, igniton, Mine Sweeping & Torpedoes
 * Explosive Device Detection Methods & Means
 * Mapping, Charting & Geodesy
 * Materials
 * Meteorology
 * Military Photography
 * Missiles, Munitions and Explosive Devices
 * Navigation Equipment
 * Object Locating Methods & Means
 * Power Supply
 * Propulsion Systems, Propellants, & Fuels
 * Protective Measures
 * Radiology
 * Unique Materials, Devices, or Performance Data and Characteristics
 * Vehicles
 * Weapons, Counter-weapons & Fire control

title: Invention Secrecy Act


text:
Gordon Walker (businessman)

Gordon Wayne Walker, (born September 10, 1941) is a former politician in Ontario, Canada. He served in the Legislative Assembly of Ontario from 1971 to 1975, and again from 1977 to 1985. He was a member of the Progressive Conservative Party, and served as a cabinet minister in the governments of William Davis and Frank Miller.

Background
Walker was born in St. Thomas, Ontario and educated at the University of Western Ontario. He worked as a lawyer, and served as an alderman in the City of London from 1967 to 1971. He and his wife Harriet have two daughters, Melanie Jennifer and Wynsome Harriet. In 1983 he published a book entitled A Conservative Canada.

Politics
Walker's foray into politics began as a city councillor for London City Council when he was elected in 1966. He served for five years until he moved to the legislature in 1971.

He was elected to the Ontario legislature in the 1971 provincial election, defeating New Democratic Party candidate Charles Bigelow by 5,426 votes in London North. He served as a backbench supporter of Davis's government for the next four years, and lost to Liberal candidate Marvin Shore by 2,282 votes in the 1975 election.

Walker was returned to the legislature in the 1977 election for London South, defeating Liberal incumbent John Ferris by 2,211 votes. He was appointed to Davis's cabinet on October 18, 1978 as Minister of Correctional Services. He was named Provincial Secretary for Justice on August 30, 1979. He was re-elected without difficulty in the 1981 election.

On April 10, 1981, he was named as Minister of Consumer and Commercial Relations. After a cabinet shuffle on February 13, 1982, he left both of his former portfolios and was named Minister of Industry and Trade Development. The title Minister of Trade Development was shortened to Minister of Trade. On June 6, 1983 he changed cabinet positions becoming the Provincial Secretary of Justice, a position he held until February 1985 at which time he became the Minister of Consumer and Commercial Relations in the Cabinet of Premier Frank Miller, who had succeeded Premier Bill Davis as leader of Progressive Conservative Party. In the 1985 provincial election he was defeated losing to Liberal Joan Smith by 6,683 votes.

Walker was a prominent figure on the right-wing of the Progressive Conservative Party, and developed an organization for a future leadership bid in the early 1980s. These plans fell through, and many of his supporters later turned to Frank Miller. Many believe that Davis distrusted Walker's ambitions, and demoted him to prevent his leadership campaign from developing. Walker would retain the cabinet position of Provincial Secretary for Justice. Walker supported Miller for the party leadership in January 1985, and when Miller succeeded Davis as Premier of Ontario on February 8, he appointed Walker to cabinet as Minister of Consumer and Commercial Relations.

The party was subsequently defeated in the legislature, and Miller resigned as party leader. Walker became Alan Pope's campaign manager for the November 1985 Progressive Conservative leadership convention. After Pope's elimination on the first ballot, he unsuccessfully attempted to negotiate an alliance between his candidate and Dennis Timbrell.

Later life
Walker returned to his legal practice in London after his defeat. Many of his policy views were adopted by the Progressive Conservative Party under Mike Harris in the 1990s. Walker was a fundraiser for the Federal Progressive Conservatives and was Vice Chairman of P.C. Canada Fund during the Prime Minister Brian Mulroney period. Walker was a chief fundraiser for Tom Long's bid to lead the Canadian Alliance in 2000. In the period 1993 until 2003, Walker was chief fundraiser for Mike Harris, Leader of the PC Party in Ontario, and Premier from 1995 until 2003. He was Campaign Manager - Finance for both the 1995 and 1999 successful elections for Harris.

Walker's legal practise took him to Toronto where from 1985 until 1998 he was Counsel to Toronto law firms of Holden, Murdoch and Finlay (later Holden Day Wilson), and latterly Miller Thompson; as well as being Honorary Counsel to Walker and Wood, a firm he started in London, Ontario. In 1986 Walker took a financial interest in First Canadian Property Investments Limited, a firm in which he continues as a principal. It is based in Toronto.

From 1992 until 1995 Walker was Canadian commissioner on the International Joint Commission, a treaty organization between Canada and the United States affecting issues of water quality and water quantity on the 330 lakes, rivers and streams across the common border, including the Great Lakes. He returned to the commission in 2013 and in 2014 was appointed acting chair of the Canadian section. In December 2014 he was reappointed a commissioner for a four-year term and became chair of the Canadian Section. After completing his term at the IJC he revived Walker Consulting Inc.

Walker joined the board of directors of Conrad Black's troubled Hollinger Inc. firm in January 2004. He subsequently demanded that Black resign to protect the interests of shareholders, and replaced Black as chair in November 2004. He left the firm in July 2005, shortly after describing Black's ongoing legal difficulties as a "soap opera".

Walker was appointed a Member of the Order of Canada in December 2019, "For his civil service as a parliamentarian and for his commitment to protecting transboundary waters between Canada and the United States."

title: Gordon Walker (businessman)


text:
Calorimeter (particle physics)

In experimental particle physics, a calorimeter is a type of detector that measures the energy of particles. Particles enter the calorimeter and initiate a particle shower in which their energy is deposited in the calorimeter, collected, and measured. The energy may be measured in its entirety, requiring total containment of the particle shower, or it may be sampled. Typically, calorimeters are segmented transversely to provide information about the direction of the particle or particles, as well as the energy deposited, and longitudinal segmentation can provide information about the identity of the particle based on the shape of the shower as it develops. Calorimetry design is an active area of research in particle physics.

Electromagnetic versus hadronic
Electromagnetic calorimeter such as electrons, positrons and photons. A Hadronic calorimeter. (See types of particle showers for the differences between the two.) Calorimeters are characterized by the radiation length (for ECALs) and nuclear interaction length (for HCALs) of their active material. ECALs tend to be 15–30 radiation lengths deep while HCALs are 5–8 nuclear interaction lengths deep.

Homogeneous versus sampling
An ECAL or an HCAL can be either a sampling calorimeter or a homogeneous calorimeter.

Sampling calorimeter

Homogeneous calorimeter

Calorimeters in high-energy physics experiments
Most particle physics experiments use some form of calorimetry. Often it is the most practical way to detect and measure neutral particles from an interaction. In addition, calorimeters are necessary for calculating "missing energy" which can be attributed to particles that rarely interact with matter and escape the detector, such as neutrinos. In most experiments the calorimeter works in conjunction with other components like a central tracker and a muon detector. All the detector components work together to achieve the objective of reconstructing a physics event.

title: Calorimeter (particle physics)


text:
Cockta

Cockta is a soft drink from Slovenia. Its main ingredient comes from dog rose hip; the other ingredients come from 11 different herbs, lemon and orange. Its original variant contains neither caffeine nor orthophosphoric acid.

Origins
The origins of the Cockta drink begin in the early 1950s. In 1952, Ivan Deu, the Director of the state-owned corporation Slovenijavino, came up with the idea of producing an original, refreshing Slovenian beverage which would be able to compete against soft drinks from abroad (particularly Coca-Cola), which were not yet being sold in Yugoslavia. The chemical engineer, Emerik Zelinka, an employee of the Slovenijavino research labs, created the drink with a new, different taste, derived from a blend of eleven different herbs and spices; including the rose hip, a prominent flavour within Cockta's blend. The drink was introduced to the market for the first time on 8 March 1953 at a ski jumping competition at Planica.

Ownership
In 2000, the Cockta brand was bought by the Kolinska food company, known today as Droga Kolinska d.d. In mid 2010, Croatian holding company Atlantic Grupa d.d. acquired Droga Kolinska.

Sales
In the first year of production, four million Cockta bottles were sold in Slovenia alone, and ten years later, sales climbed to 71 million. From Slovenia, Cockta spread at the common market of other republics of Yugoslavia, but no dedicated bottling facilities were established.

Marketing
The initial Cockta launch and marketing campaign was carefully designed. The first bottle and label for Yugo Cockta was created by Sergej Pavlin, then a young architecture student. Pavlin also designed other aspects of the brand's visual image, including the design for Cockta delivery trucks and cardboard packaging for Cockta's bottles.

Many older Slovenes still remember the posters which swept the entire country as part of the original Cockta marketing campaign: they featured a suntanned young woman, with a hairstyle considered trendy at the time, in a ponytail, with blue eyes, holding in her hands a bottle of the new beverage. The sports event at Planica where Cockta was launched was the earliest form of sports sponsorship in Slovenia.

In 2006, Cockta sponsored the MaxCards World Championships, held in Ljubljana.

In 2013 a survey conducted by Valicon placed Cockta 6th in a list of the top 25 strongest brands in Slovenia. Brand strength was calculated based on brand awareness, experience and usage.

In 2019, "Cockta free" came onto the market, with this variant containing no added sugar. Cockta is available in 275ml glass bottles, 330ml cans, 0.5 liter and 1.5 liter plastic bottles. Cockta free is available in 275ml glass bottles, 330ml cans, 0.5 liter and 1.5 liter plastic bottles.

In 2023, Cockta's version of an orangeade launched, called "Cockta Blondie".

Slogans

 * 1980 - Pijača vaše in naše mladosti (The Drink Of Your Youth and Ours)
 * 1983 - Še vedno najboljša (Still the Best)
 * 2001 - Prve ne pozabiš nikoli (You Never Forget Your First one)
 * 2002 - Cockte pogrešam (I Miss Cockta; homophone: phonetically read as "How Much I Miss You" when translated)
 * 2005 - Ješ MaxCards, Spiš MaxCards, Piješ Cockto! (You Eat MaxCards, You Sleep MaxCards, You Drink Cockta!)
 * Brez kofeina - brez kisline - brez heca! (No Caffeine - No Sour Taste-No Kidding!)
 * 2012 - Osveži življenje (Freshen [your] life)
 * 2018 - Cockta za vedno (Cockta Forever)

title: Cockta


text: User talk:205.196.188.180

title: User talk:205.196.188.180


text:
Michael Gallagher (political advisor)

Michael D. Gallagher (born January 23, 1964) is an American businessman and political advisor. He held positions in the George W. Bush White House, including in the United States Department of Commerce. He was the president and CEO of the Entertainment Software Association, the trade association representing the computer and video game industry from 2007 until 2018. He is now the CEO of the Washington Policy Center.

Career
Gallagher received his B.A. from the University of California, Berkeley and his J.D. from the University of California, Los Angeles.

Gallagher served as administrative assistant to Washington Congressman Rick White and co-chaired the government relations practice group at the law firm of Perkins Coie.

He was managing director for government relations at AirTouch Communications, which was merged with Verizon Wireless. After the merger, he was vice president for state public policy at Verizon.

On November 2, 2001, Gallagher was appointed Deputy Assistant Secretary of Commerce for Communications & Information (NTIA) and on October 14, 2003, he was appointed Assistant Secretary for Commerce and Information via a recess appointment, bypassing Senate approval. He was later confirmed by the Senate on November 20, 2004 and left the Commerce Department in 2006.

On May 17, 2007, the Entertainment Software Association (ESA) named Gallagher as their 2nd president, replacing founder Doug Lowenstein. He stepped down in October 2018 following an internal investigation led by Robert Altman and Phil Spencer, then the chair and vice-chair of the ESA's board of directors, respectively. In 2019, Variety reported that Gallagher had lost the confidence of the board over a number of related issues in the preceding years. His office was characterized as a toxic work environment in which he pitted his subordinates against each other and sent them belittling messages. He also fired an experienced high-level employee in favor of a new employee he preferred. With the 2016 election of Donald Trump, Gallagher attempted to publicly align the ESA with Trump's policies, such as the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017, which was unpopular with members of the association. These issues eventually led to the investigation and his ouster.

Following his ouster, he founded a consulting firm for technology startups in 2019. In 2022, Gallagher took over as President & CEO of the Washington Policy Center, a conservative think tank in Washington state. He also serves as Chairman of the US Board of Advisors for NTT Docomo.

In March 2022, Gallagher took over as President & CEO of the Washington Policy Center, the leading free market think tank in Washington State.

Internet governance
Gallagher has opposed the proposals by the United Nations' Working Group on Internet Governance to remove the Internet and the Domain Name System (DNS) from the United States' control. The proposals were discussed at the World Summit on the Information Society in November 2005. Gallagher believes in private sector control of DNS.

title: Michael Gallagher (political advisor)


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Jan Trubecki

 * The following discussion is an archived debate of the proposed deletion of the article below. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page (such as the article's talk page or on a Votes for Undeletion nomination).  No further edits should be made to this page.

The result of the debate was Delete Ryan Norton T 20:05, 21 October 2005 (UTC)

Jan Trubecki
Delete Only assertion of notability is being a noble. However the person was born in 1938, and the titles of Polish nobility were officially abolished in 1921, so while he has noble ancestors he has never enjoyed any privledges from being a noble. Wikipedia is not a biographical dictionary and the present article is only a biographical dictionary entry. Caerwine 19:37, 13 October 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete as per nom, NN. Pete.Hurd 05:28, 18 October 2005 (UTC)

 * The above discussion is preserved as an archive of the debate. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page (such as the article's talk page or in an undeletion request). No further edits should be made to this page.


text: User talk:82.10.40.207

title: User talk:82.10.40.207


text:
Jeanne Arnould-Plessy

Jeanne Arnould-Plessy (born Jeanne-Sylvanie-Sophie Plessy; 4 September 1819 – 30 May 1897) was a French stage actress.

Life
Jeanne-Sylvanie-Sophie Plessy was born in Metz, France, the daughter of Philippe Plessy, a local actor. She became a pupil of Samson at the Conservatoire in 1829. Plessy made her stage debut as Emma at the Comédie-Française in 1834 in Alexandre Duval's La Fille d'honneur. She had an immense success, and Mlle Mars, to whom the public already compared her, took her up.

Until 1845, she had prominent parts in all the plays, new and old, at the Théâtre Français, when suddenly at the height of her success, she left Paris and went to London to marry the dramatic author Auguste Jean François Arnould (1803-1854), a man much older than herself. The Comédie-Française, after having tried in vain to bring her back, brought a suit against her and obtained damages.

In the meantime, Madame Arnould-Plessy accepted an engagement at the French theatre at St. Petersburg (Mikhaylovsky Theatre), where she played for nine years and was greatly appreciated by Nicholas I and the Russian aristocracy. In 1855, she returned to Paris and was re-admitted to the Comédie-Française, as pensionnaire in an engagement for eight years. This second part of her career was even more brilliant than the first. She revived some of her old roles, but her later triumphs were especially associated with new plays by Émile Augier, including Maître Guérin. Her last appearance was in Édouard Cadol's La Grand-maman; she retired in 1876, and died in 1897, aged 77.

title: Jeanne Arnould-Plessy


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Travis Watkins

 * The following discussion is an archived debate of the proposed deletion of the article below. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page (such as the article's talk page or on a Votes for Undeletion nomination).  No further edits should be made to this page.

The result of the debate was keep --Cel e stianpower hablamé 19:42, 20 October 2005 (UTC)

Travis Watkins
entry lacks relevancy, looks self-written --80.136.85.43 19:39, 13 October 2005 (UTC)
 * Keep Over 400 Googles . Probably self-written all right but reasonably notable.  Only other edit of this anon Afd creator is to that article back in July.   Dl yo ns 493   Ta lk  20:45, 13 October 2005 (UTC)
 * keep, gets pcworld.com hits etc. Kappa 23:52, 14 October 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete. Article does not provide sufficient encyclopedic notability. Gamaliel 18:11, 15 October 2005 (UTC)

 * The above discussion is preserved as an archive of the debate. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page (such as the article's talk page or in an undeletion request). No further edits should be made to this page.


text:
Talk:Lawburrows

Untitled
The author of this page is NOT a qualified lawyer. Edits are very welcome indeed. Lawburrows falls between, or, rather, spans Scots civil and criminal law. It is rarely used, probably because people usually run to the police with their problems and hence to the Procurator Fiscal and the criminal courts. Often the police are unable to pursue complaints because witnesses are unwilling to expose themselves to possible recrimination by the accused. Lawburrows gets round this for the reasons explained and should be more widely know and considered as a cheap and speedy alternative. There may be problems that have not been exposed here. fenton 19:38, 13 October 2005 (UTC)

 * For reference purpose, here's the old "conclusion" paragraph which I removed:
 * People in fear of violence from others known to them might well ask for legal advice on the value of lawburrows to deter such threats. The use of such an obscure act and the unusual nature of its penalties would ensure fairly wide publicity and lawburrows might again serve its purpose "...to prevent such delinquences and terrify evil doers..."
 * Several very important things missing from the article:
 * that conclusion ¶ above seems to suggest that Lawburrows is defunct or at least dormant today. If this is so, it should be stated explicitly along with an indication of the last time it was used.
 * Is there no expiry whatever? You can just put my money in perpetual limbo? Also, if you've brought one against me, can I bring a lawburrows action against you too?
 * Let's say a court grants me my lawburrows against you, and you put up the surety. Then I allege that you've broken the peace and let the procurator fiscal know. Is the ensuing action by the crown and me to claim the forfeit just like a regular suit for damages (except of course that the size of the penalty is predetermined)? Does the burden of proof remain with me (the plaintiff)?
 * Obviously, the article should not (as it does at present) assume good faith on the part of the persuer. Fairness and "due process" (to borrow a US term) objections on the part of the persued should be added to the article.
 * The direct quotations need to be explicitly sourced.
 * I hope all these points are helpful. Doops | talk 02:15, 17 October 2005 (UTC)

I have now made the changes and hope they ar OK. Meantime i await the account of a debate on this. Sorry I missed this valuable note until now. No - lawburrows is not defunct and you were correct to remove the paragraph that suggested that it might be. The Sheriff has absolute discretion to apply or not to apply, an expiry date. The defendant may appeal. The hypotheticals you instance - yes - each can bring an action and it's up to the Sheriff to make awards as he pleases, againt one or both. The whole action is a civil one and the Procurator is not involved. That applies to the claim to the bond too - this being argued in the civil court. If, in addition, damages are claimed or a criminal offence is alleged, these are separate actions and have nothing to do with lawburrows The 'due process' is as in any other civil action. I shall try to get exact refs to the quotes and find out how to quote Acts in wiki. Pressed for time at present. Thanks very much indeed for raising these important points - I hope I have answered them sufficiently? I have also removed 'advantages' as it might be seen as partial and unwiki or whatever. Once again thanks for your constructive crits. Fenton Robb 12:04, 20 October 2005 (UTC)

 * If the defender does any harm of the kind specified in the initial writ, the pursuer may (with the consent of the Procurator Fiscal) raise an action for "contravention of lawburrows" asking that the money, or bond, be forfeited and divided equally between the Crown and himself. It looks like the procuator is involved? Doops | talk 18:17, 20 October 2005 (UTC)

Not really - his consent is needed simply because he might like to initiate a criminal action before the the forfeit is executed. Its the pursuer who raises the (civil) action for contravention of lawburrows; the Procurator's remit is confined to criminal prosecutions and, having been alerted by the pursuer to the situation, might like to look at the possibility of bringing a criminal charge - perhaps for a breach of the peach etc. As I understand it, he may delay, but not stop, the lawburrows action. Of course I may well be wrong. I have come across another recent paper on the topc, but it has not come to hand yet. When it does, maybe this will be clarified. Please can we leave the text as it is until then? Thanks again. Fenton Robb 18:41, 20 October 2005 (UTC)

 * Sorry, I wasn't criticizing the text; I was just trying to explain why I had jumped to that conclusion. Now here's an important question: on average, how many persuits of lawburrows are made a year nowdays? Doops | talk 19:17, 20 October 2005 (UTC)

Good question - I asked Edinburgh Uni last week but they could not tell me. I am not in the legal loop but shall pursue this further next week. I was surprised to see lawburrows mentioned on a Communirty web site. Maybe people are thinking it a bit better than the awful ASBO The criminal courts are so underfunded that lawyers are talking of working to rule and slowing things down even further. Thank you for your interest and help. Fenton Robb 20:40, 20 October 2005 (UTC)

Thanks to Google I found the Sheriff Court statistics - In the four years 1999 - 2002 ther were 25 instances of actions for lawburrows. Curiously, seventeen were in 2001. I found these figures surprisingly large considering the narrow hurt, fear of violence, this remedy addresses. Of course we cannot compare these figures with any others because all the other remedies e.g. indictment etc. cover such a wide range of issues.

I note that several solicitors are now advertising that they offer advice on lawburrows.

When I have a moment I shall craft a line for the page. Changes now made - I hope to have more to contribute on this in a week or two Best wishes Fenton Robb 23:44, 20 October 2005 (UTC)

W J Stewart has been helpful in providing the paper now included in the references. Other minor changes have been made - deleting " ... " where specific references cannot be attributed with confidence. The assertions remain in order to retain the flavour of the account. Fenton Robb 22:27, 3 November 2005 (UTC)

Summary for clarity
One of the paragraphs specifically states how remarkable lawburrows is for its "simplicity", then follows up with a multi-paragraph, purple legal definition of the lawburrows procedure. I have tried several times to work out who pays what to whom and under what conditions but just end up in knots.

Can someone please do something?! I would write a summary myself but, as I say, I can't understand what the idea is supposed to be. How about a short numbered-list style explanation of a "typical" lawburrows procedure, omitting sub-clauses, exemptions and so on for the full explanation (that is, the condensed and full explanations should both be there). 88.107.116.205 08:15, 19 December 2005 (UTC)

I have tried to outline the idea as you requested. When I said 'simple' I meant that this is summsry and civil, with no jury and a low standard of proof, there is the certainty of a very early hearing, unlike most criminal actions, neither the police nor the Procurator Fical are involved, the public interest is no consideration and witnesses may not be required. No solicitors or advocates need be employed.

Please let me know if its not yet clear enough. Apologies for not responding to your note earlier.

Fenton Robb 22:21, 22 March 2006 (UTC)

title: Talk:Lawburrows


text:
User talk:Rodsdabest

Thanks for experimenting with Wikipedia. Your test worked, and has been reverted or removed. Please use the sandbox for any other tests you want to do. Take a look at the welcome page if you would like to learn more about contributing to our encyclopedia. Thanks. Flcelloguy | A note? | Desk | WS 19:38, 13 October 2005 (UTC)

title: User talk:Rodsdabest


text:
CEITEC

The Centro Nacional de Tecnologia Electrônica Avançada S.A (CEITEC - National Center for Advanced Electronic Technology) is a Brazilian technology center specialized in project development and fabrication in microelectronics, i.e. integrated circuits, or "chips". This center is one of the agents for the Brazilian Microelectronics Program (PNM - Programa Nacional de Microelectrônica).

The main objective of CEITEC is to provide an incentive to the production of semiconductor components and microelectronics education. This project is part of the technology and industrial development policy of the federal Brazilian government. The initiative is a result of a partnership between governmental entities, universities, research centers and companies it is operating in a facility in Porto Alegre, state of Rio Grande do Sul.

On 5 June 2021, president Jair Bolsonaro initiated the liquidation of Ceitec.

On 2 January 2023, presidente Lula da Silva suspended the process of liquidation. On January 2, 2023 Luciana Santos entered the office of Minister of Science, Technology and Innovations. Among other things, she promised to review the liquidation.

Research and Products

 * Chip for animal identification

Chip for animal identification is CEITEC S.A.’s first commercial product and is the first chip designed in Brazil by Brazilian engineers in a company that was home grown and home funded to reach volume production at a world-class semiconductor manufacturing facility. This IC device is used for cattle tracking – essentially an electronic cow ID. Embedded in an ear ring, the chip can be read within a distance of 50 cm. The chip was designed entirely in Brazil and is competitively priced. This device is being manufactured at X-Fab Silicon Foundries in Germany. This company has been chosen by CEITEC to produce the Chip for animal identification design at its facilities because X-Fab CMOS 0.6 micron technology is the same that will soon be available in CEITEC’s own factory that will be the first of its kind in Latin America to manufacture RF analog/digital products. It can produce up to 100 million chips per year using 6-inch wafers.

CEITEC’s Chip for animal identification is an advanced LF-RFID device designed for use in Brazil’s cattle industry as part of a leading-edge system to track livestock. Forecasted domestic demand for the chip is as high as 1.5 million units for 2012 with an expected minimum growth rate of 10 percent a year over the next decade.

 * Transportation Chip

The chip contains all vehicle data, including chassis and national registration numbers, taxes and fines not paid, etc.

 * Blood Bag Chip

The chip is embedded in an electronic tag. It ensures the traceability and safety of blood products.

Design House
The Design House worked on projects funded by FINEP.

General

 * To offer infrastructure in form of labs, equipment and human resources to companies, research and development (R&D) centers and universities in order to promote the microelectronic technology in Brazil.
 * Stimulate the local development in microelectronic projects and education, which implies new qualified jobs and income distribution.

Specific

 * Support human resources qualification in integrated circuit production processes;
 * Provide integrated circuit production services to industries and for scientific and technological research purposes;
 * Stimulate the construction of a national network of technological services, enabling the qualification of electronics products and processes;
 * Transfer technology on microelectronics to companies in the electronics sector for the competitive qualification of products, processes, and services.

title: CEITEC