text:
User talk:LeeHunter/Archive01

'''DO NOT EDIT OR POST REPLIES TO THIS PAGE. THIS PAGE IS AN ARCHIVE.'''

This archive page covers approximately the dates between August 2004 and September 2005.

Post replies to the main talk page, copying the section you are replying to if necessary. (See How to archive a talk page.)

Please add new archivals to Talk:LeeHunter/Archive02. Thank you. Lee Hunter 13:34, 1 October 2005 (UTC)

Welcome to the Wikipedia
Here are some links I thought useful:

 * Tutorial
 * Help desk
 * Foundation issues
 * Policy Library
 * Utilities
 * Cite your sources
 * Verifiability
 * Wikiquette
 * Civility
 * Conflict resolution
 * Brilliant prose
 * Neutral point of view
 * Pages needing attention
 * Peer review
 * Bad jokes and other deleted nonsense
 * Village pump
 * Boilerplate text
 * IRC channel
 * Mailing lists
 * Current polls

Feel free to ask me anything the links and talk pages don't answer. You can sign your name by typing 4 tildes, like this: ~.

Be Bold!

Sam [Spade] 19:33, 4 Aug 2004 (UTC)

Terengganu, Malaysia on Opentask
User:LeeHunter,

Thanks for fixing up the link on Opentask to Terengganu, Malaysia. Good call. :)

-- PFHLai 22:37, 2004 Aug 21 (UTC)

Thank you for your attention to Swanscombe, but frankly I cant see what your problem is with the original content? - Perhaps you could explain your reasoning concerning edits to date, I certainly do not think you have added any useful contribution to the page, but will study your reasoning if you should like to clarify your problem on my talk page---? Faedra 12:46, 24 Aug 2004 (UTC) All the best.

Please note that articles not written in English do not merit a tag, but instead the  tag, which adds a notice explaining that the article has a two-week period for someone to translate it before it is listed for deletion. That is, of course, unless you can read it and discern that it is patent nonsense. Thanks. Livajo 21:25, 27 Aug 2004 (UTC)

Thanks for spotting and correcting my spelling error at embroidery stitch. Next time i'll use a dictionary bevore creating articles. I promise. Lady Tenar 14:51, 30 Aug 2004 (UTC)

Thanks for fixing Alejandro Finisterre Cheers!

When you list something for deletion, in addition to and making the discussion page, you also have to edit the vfd page to include it on the date section appropriately. See the procedure at the bottom of the vfd page. -Vina 08:18, 4 Sep 2004 (UTC)

Just wanted to thank you for cleaning up David Milgaard, I'm definitely a writer not an editor, and I can never understand those people who go through cleaning up articles others have written, though I greatly appreciate it. ta. --Sherurcij 15:45, Mar 13, 2005 (UTC)

Speedy
Although I agree the Crimson Crush-related articles you listed for speedy deletion are clearly not notable, that is not a criterion for deletion. You should probably list them on VfD instead, or hope that some other admin is willing to bend the rules... — David Remahl 16:08, 2 Oct 2004 (UTC)
 * In this case the student is posting articles about himself and all his schoolmates. Allowing these articles to go to VfD would simply clog an already overloaded process for no good reason other than to 'follow the rules'. Your welcome to revert them if you like. --LeeHunter 16:17, 2 Oct 2004 (UTC)
 * Ignoring the rules will only make the speedy deletion facility even more arbitrary. VfD is terribly overloaded, but that is not an excuse to misuse speedy deletions. Managed deletion is one proposal. At this point I'll just leave them be, I won't delete them but I don't care enough to list them on VfD either.. — David Remahl 16:30, 2 Oct 2004 (UTC)
 * Wikipedia is becoming extremely popular in schools - as a result we risk becoming overwhelmed by hundreds of thousands, perhaps millions, of non-encyclopedic pages. Leaving them up for weeks (for their friends to admire) while they work their way through a cumbersome VfD process makes no sense to me at all. They obviously don't belong, so I don't see that removing them quickly is at all arbitrary. The lesser(much lesser) of two evils, in my opinion. If the information was really so important it will find its way back. --LeeHunter 16:43, 2 Oct 2004 (UTC)
 * You should be making this point on Wikipedia talk:Candidates for speedy deletion or in the Managed deletion discussion.

 * I can't see the harm in having these pages up for a few weeks, really...Hopefully it will demonstrate to a whole high school that Wikipedia can be edited by anyone. That means potentially thousands of contributors and future Wikipedians. — David Remahl 17:53, 2 Oct 2004 (UTC)

 * I agree that those articles are not proper speedy deletion candidates. They do seem to be very viable VfD candidates, however, because of nonnotability.  Please relist them there.  Thanks!  Postdlf 18:07, 2 Oct 2004 (UTC)
 * OK, I give up. Democracy wins. I've gone through the astonishingly tedious and convoluted vfd process to list all five pages. Five down. 100,000 to go.--LeeHunter 21:10, 2 Oct 2004 (UTC)

Foreign language
Please, when you tag an article as, also leave a note on Pages needing translation into English. I found your tagging of Kartal anadolu imam hatip lisesi by way of categories, but it could have languished a long time if I didn't happen to look at a category page. And thanks for tagging it. - Jmabel 03:10, Oct 9, 2004 (UTC)

Catechin
Thanks for finding Flavonoid -- I couldn't for the life of me figure out why bioflavonoid wasn't there. Thanks for beating me to the redirect, too. (I prolly woulda found it after dinner. But still.) --jpgordon {gab} 23:36, 17 Oct 2004 (UTC)

Rishyasringa
Thanks for making that article understandable and meaningful! Imc 21:04, 24 Nov 2004 (UTC)

Article Licensing
Hi, I've started a drive to get users to multi-license all of their contributions that they've made to either (1) all U.S. state, county, and city articles or (2) all articles, using the Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike (CC-by-sa) v1.0 and v2.0 Licenses or into the public domain if they prefer. The CC-by-sa license is a true free documentation license that is similar to Wikipedia's license, the GFDL, but it allows other projects, such as WikiTravel, to use our articles. Since you are among the top 1000 Wikipedians by edits, I was wondering if you would be willing to multi-license all of your contributions or at minimum those on the geographic articles. Over 90% of people asked have agreed. For More Information:
 * Multi-Licensing FAQ - Lots of questions answered
 * Multi-Licensing Guide
 * Free the Rambot Articles Project

To allow us to track those users who muli-license their contributions, many users copy and paste the " " template into their user page, but there are other options at Template messages/User namespace. The following examples could also copied and pasted into your user page:

 * Option 1
 * I agree to multi-license all my contributions, with the exception of my user pages, as described below:

OR
 * Option 2
 * I agree to multi-license all my contributions to any U.S. state, county, or city article as described below:

Or if you wanted to place your work into the public domain, you could replace " " with "  ". If you only prefer using the GFDL, I would like to know that too. Please let me know what you think at my talk page. It's important to know either way so no one keeps asking. -- Ram-Man (comment| talk)

Gotem Article
Could you please state if you would like to have the article kept (by saying Keep) or deleted (by saying Delete). Thanks A lot bakuzjw (aka 578) 01:04, 28 Jan 2005 (UTC)

While your little note is touching, do note that the current count is 1 keep and 1 delete. I was not an author of the article, i merely deleted vandalism.

bakuzjw (aka 578) 01:19, 28 Jan 2005 (UTC)

Incomplete VFD
Ack, thank you for finishing up with the Boner Essay thing for me. I got sidetracked in the middle of it, and when I came back to that window I got an edit conflict. DS 21:58, 31 Jan 2005 (UTC)

Thank you.
I hope the article on Tobias Jones goes a long way thank you again.

--Relaxation 22:04, 31 Jan 2005 (UTC)

image problem
i have fixed the image on commons shows it right but here seems to keep showing the old one.. does it show it right on your computer now? Ashley's stopper knot

image problem
i have fixed the image on commons shows it right but here seems to keep showing the old one.. does it show it right on your computer now? Ashley's stopper knot--LadyofHats 20:20, 5 Feb 2005 (UTC)

Your Large Scale Vandalization of My Editing Efforts
Please explain why you vandalized a large scale editing effort of mine, and others.

Examples:
 * remove redundant cats
 * removed alt med as article in sub cat
 * Removing alt med systems cat because it's redundant
 * removed tcm cat because it is in a sub
 * removed manipulative therapy cat because it is in a sub

Right, now I am planning on using your editing efforts as primary documentation as to why categories have not and will never replace project infoboxes.

I was thinking in terms of the following.

Body work (alternative medicine) is a case in point. Note alternative medicine is actually included in the title of this article. Yet, you wont find Body work (alternative medicine) in Category:Alternative medicine thanks to the editing efforts of User:LeeHunter, and others, because according to Lee Body work (alternative medicine) rightfully belongs only in Category:Manipulative therapy.

As an editor, I am familar with categories. There is a certain amount of logic to Lee's thought patterns. However, I am concerned only with the likely behavior of a new vistor to Wikipedia who is using the default user skin. That visitor is trying to find articles on alternative medicine. That new visitor is not likely to find Category:Alternative medicine. And if they manage to find it, they wont find Body work (alternative medicine) on the list, thanks to the editing of people like User:LeeHunter.

Now image trying to do something really imagative with categories like creating a category on the philosophy of alternative medicine in order to replace a List article. It would never work thanks to editors like User:LeeHunter. Categories will therefore NEVER replace the value of a good project infobox. A good project infobox will show several different classifications in one spot, that is clearly visible to new visitors. A category will NEVER show multiple classifications in one spot, thanks to editors like User:LeeHunter. John Gohde 21:48, 9 Feb 2005 (UTC)

 * As far as I can see I was doing nothing more than making the alternative medicine area consistent with all the rest of WP. Before I started, virtually all the alternative medicine articles were found both under the main heading and under all the subheadings and the subheadings were not organized with any logic. Re. your point about the experience of a new user, I'm afraid I don't see how creating a logical organization would impair their ability to navigate categories. I agree that infoboxes are very useful and I would encourage their use. One of the important things about categories is that they are consistent across WP (which infoboxes are not) --Lee Hunter 23:37, 9 Feb 2005 (UTC)

 * People visit Wikipedia becuase they are seeking information. You are assuming that they already know the information that they are looking for. An expert in alternative medicine, could navigate categories assuming that they could figure out what that category hyperlink on the very bottom of the page was supposed to be for. But, I believe that somebody who knew nothing about alternative medicine could not and more importantly would not bother to navigate through the maze of sub-categories. John Gohde 23:46, 9 Feb 2005 (UTC)

Something you might want to look at
The article Clitoris envy, on which you made, i believe, the most useful edit, has been catapulted to the Votes for deletion. I am close to being the only one now that does not favour an eradication of the article. If you wish to give your opinion, I invite you to do so. --Liberlogos 05:35, 3 Mar 2005 (UTC)

Deletion
The user in question was clearly trolling for responses in order to fix several votes in his favor, a practice which is not permitted since it unfairly skews VFD votes - these are not meant to be political. The Association of Inclusionist Wikipedians is a nice central location where GRider can point interested users to certain votes. Feel free to put a note on the top of your talk page if you don't want anyone to touch it. — Dan | Talk 05:01, 6 Mar 2005 (UTC)

Homeopathy
That version was Art Carlson's version, which I was happy to leave. His wording was a compromise, but you reverted it back to your uncompromised version. Jooler 22:00, 14 Mar 2005 (UTC)

More schools on Votes for deletion
As of March 25, 2005, there are an additional (6) articles listed for deletion under the POV notion that schools are non-notable (even though this is invalid reasoning as per the Wikipedia deletion policy). Please be aware that the following schools are actively being discussed and voted upon:

 * VfD: Blake Junior High School (renominated)
 * VfD: Franklin High School
 * VfD: Lake Dow Christian Academy
 * VfD: Red Lake High School
 * VfD: The Sage School
 * VfD: Toowoomba Grammar School

In response to this cyclical ordeal, a Schoolwatch programme has been initiated in order to indentify school-related articles which may need improvement and to help foster and encourage continued organic growth. Your comments are welcome and I thank you again for your time. --GRider\talk

The Party's Over: Oil, War, and the Fate of Industrial Societies
I don't know if you're watching the page, and have no interest in duking it out myself, but I thought you might like to know that the original author has reverted your trimming of this article. —Korath (Talk) 02:47, Apr 3, 2005 (UTC)

 * Hi Lee -- I'm the 'original author.' I did not 'revert,' in fact -- I wrote an encyclopedia-style intro, the absence of which I took to be the problem expressed the first time.  Your claim that the synopsis is unreadable and doesn't convey what the book covers and describe its principal conclusions is a curious one; certainly it would be easy to rebut.  Perhaps a closer look will bring you to change your mind.  Or perhaps you might like to ask some others whether they agree, or perhaps you might care to improve it.  All best.  Mark K. Jensen 00:36, Apr 7, 2005 (UTC)

Jump Around song
I really did watch an episode of Simpsons that had a song with the beat of Jump Around, and whatever the name of that song is; I think it is worth mentioning as a reference to the song in the article.

Will you tell me the name of another song that has the beat of Jump Around? If you don't know the name of it, ask other pals of yours.

There was a question in the Talk:Jump Around article that no Wikipedian has answered. --TheSamurai 02:34, 16 Apr 2005 (UTC)

Geni RFC
LeeHunter, I have advised Geni that unless he makes an effort to more constructively contribute to the homeopathy article, I'm going to issue an RFC on him. Most recently, I made an effort to rewrite the introduction to be more neutral, and he simply reverted to the earlier, biased version. --Leifern 12:57, May 19, 2005 (UTC)

Thanks for Moving the Bari Article
In reference to your note: The following text was on the category page. I've moved it here because it obviously didn't belong there, but I don't know whether it should be its own article. --Lee Hunter 00:54, 27 Mar 2005 (UTC)
 * My Thanks LeeHunter for your efforts.I needed some tutorials on how to move the BARI article to the Subcategory in the category (Ethnic groups of Africa), where its peers are located! I have gone through the tutorials but still cann't figure out how to Wiki.Loro LoLaja Kujjo 23:08, 19 May 2005 (UTC)
 * The Baris will bless you. Thanks LeeHunter.Loro LoLaja Kujjo 23:08, 24 May 2005 (UTC)

ElKabong
Our foul-nouthed and intemperate little friend made a few typical edits, and then suddenly stopped. I suspect that his mummy found him using the computer, and he's probably been sent to bed without any supper (and a smacked bottom). Mel Etitis ( Μελ Ετητης ) 21:08, 25 May 2005 (UTC)

Lugon
Lugon has left a comment in http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/User_talk:Lugon#avian_influenza - sorry I don't know how to use this way of communication. Thanks! Lucas Gonzalez

war on terrorism edits
you introduced substantial pov into the article while leaving the edit comment 'cleanup'. i disagree with your edits and i am very tempted to revert them. perhaps you could go over what you changed, and try just a little harder to be neutral on the subject. as it stands, you've taken an already dubious article and slanted it even more in whichever direction you felt best suited your agenda.

if you can't be neutral, or attempt to be so, edit a less controversial article.

lastly, if you are going to address or change npov stances in an article, do the rest of us a favor and leave a meaningful editcomment to that effect. Avriette 01:09, Jun 6, 2005 (UTC)

 * I have reverted part of your last edit. Again, you have not provided a clear edit summary for what you have done. Secondly, you have made a statement about "most interrogation experts believe"... You are not an interrogation expert. If you have read a text which actually states this and you would like to cite it, please do so. Otherwise, this is conjecture, POV, and opinion. You are attempting to promote a point of view with your edits to this article, and it is childish for somebody who claims to be an editor. As I suggested above, consider editing something less controversial if you can't keep your own agenda out of it. And, again, please make sure your edit summary indicates what you did. If you intend to fix some minor wording, and to also add a paragraph about the color of the sky, please do so in two edits with two appropriate edit comments so the rest of us can track the progress of the document, and also easily revert things when something happens. xoxo Avriette 01:13, Jun 7, 2005 (UTC)

Gitmo
You mentioned that:

 * I haven't been following this article all that closely but I haven't seen any objections to mentioning the allegations that detainees defaced Korans.

It's been such a long discussion that it would have been easy to miss these comments:
 * 1) This article is about ... Quran desecration by US guards at Gitmo .... Abuse by random Muslims of their own Qurans is not of any interest to anyone. (csloat)
 * 2) The article ... will continue to be a joke while Ed maintains this fiction that we must balance claims of quran abuse by guards ... with claims of quran abuse by prisoners (csloat)
 * 3) even if the claims of Qur'an abuse by prisoners were as substantial as the claims of the guards abusing the Qur'an, it is not the cause nor an integral component of the controversy that exists today which is why this page was created in the first place. If a prisoner flushes his own Qur'an down the toilet, its not newsworthy (kizzle)

lots of edits, not an admin
Hi - I made a list of users who've been around long enough to have made lots of edits but aren't admins. If you're at all interested in becoming an admin, can you please add an '*' immediately before your name in this list? I've suggested folks nominating someone might want to puruse this list, although there is certainly no guarantee anyone will ever look at it. Thanks. -- Rick Block (talk) 18:09, Jun 19, 2005 (UTC)

Votes for deletion/Karl Scherer
Karl Scherer was created by User:68.160.162.88 (contributions: ), who has no other contributions. Using a simplified version of the text that Karl Scherer added (as User:202.37.72.100 at this edit) to Turing Machine. It is consequently likely that User:68.160.162.88 is Karl Scherer, in the "vanity page" ilk.

The connection between User:202.37.72.100 and Karl Scherer is the highly obvious "zillions games as external links" added in the same edit to Turing Machine, as User:Karlscherer3 is extremely fond of doing.

Consequently, I would like to ask you to reconsider your vote to keep the page in consideration of this. 22:02, 25 Jun 2005 (UTC)

Can you please ...
... take a look at my work here, and perhaps add it to your watchlist? Many thanks, BrandonYusufToropov 13:05, 11 July 2005 (UTC)

 * Update. User:Carbonite instantly reverted. BrandonYusufToropov 13:20, 11 July 2005 (UTC)

Jihad
Inasmuch as I respect your opinion on such matters, can you please take a look at the editor's poll I posted at the Jihad talk page here? BrandonYusufToropov 16:11, 21 July 2005 (UTC)

SERE
Having graduated from the school, I think I might know a little about it. Most of the articles on the web are full of crap; mere speculation and misinformation. So maybe you shouldn't post everything you see on google.-Tsalagi

The act that it is sensitive, is quite relevant. Posting information about it that is not open source is illegal. AS far as wiping it, I did so while I was lookingfor something unclassified on the web that was factual enough to post, which I did.

Once again, I've deleted the parts that are unmitigated opinion obtained from the new yorker, and posted actual facts taken from official open source sites. Please don't "vandalize" my work by replacing it with nonfactual rumor.

Request for Mediation
Lee, I've begun a mediation request, Requests_for_mediation, regarding the page Human Rights in the United States. I'm doubtful that any consensus regarding the definition of human rights can be made between us, though I do appreciate your discussion and your civility. Barneygumble 15:49, 9 August 2005 (UTC)

Mediation
Both parties have now agreed to enter into the mediation process. Please suspend editing of Human Rights in the United States for a day or so to allow me to review your positions. Most of the early mediation will take place through e-mail.Please send me an e-mail by going to my user page and using the e-mail this user option on the sidebar. In the e-mail please include a brief stament of your postion; the other side will never see it so please be open about how you are willing to compromise and your grievances with the other party, and what you are willing to do and would like to see them do to better work together. The public nature of wikipedia often makes users more guarded about what they post, by using e-mails you will be gaining the ability to speak candidly abut your problem without fear of reprisal.

All of these e-mails are confidential; please do not share e-mails with others or post them in thier entirity or in excerpts on wikipedia. I may make suggestions from time to time, to see what is or is not possible please do not assume that these suggestions reflect the other sides position—I am not an emissary—we are merely temporarily shifting communication to a medium where mistakes may be intercepted or at least not be part of a permanent record. Thanks. -JCarriker 00:21, August 10, 2005 (UTC)

Gay sex rumors about Elvis Presley
As administrator Ed Poor has recommended, I have now created a new article on Gay sex rumors about Elvis Presley. As it is a fact that these claims exist, I think it is a fair compromise to exclude this material from the main article and put it in this new article. Onefortyone 16:33, 4 September 2005 (UTC)

Violation of the three revert rule
LeeHunter -- I have blocked you for 24 hours for violating the three revert rule on Homeopathy. Please take this time to cool off, and when the block is expired try to discuss issues under contention instead of edit warring. Thanks. · Katefan0(scribble) 22:12, 26 September 2005 (UTC)

title: User talk:LeeHunter/Archive01


text:
Old Weston

Old Weston – in Huntingdonshire (now part of Cambridgeshire), England – is a village near Molesworth west of Huntingdon. In 1870–1872, John Wilson, who was a writer for the "Imperial Gazetteer of England and Wales:" describes the area as, "a parish, with a scattered village, in the district of Thrapston and county of Huntingdon; 8 miles N of Kimbolton r. station. It has a post-office under St. Neots. Acres, 2,012. Real property, £2,364. Pop., 426. Houses, 93. The property is much sub-divided. The living is a p. curacy, annexed to Brington. The church is ancient but good, and has a tower and spire. There are a Wesleyan chapel and a national school." According to the 2011 UK population census, the parish of Old Weston had a population of 250 people.

History
In about 958 King Edgar the Peaceful gave Ælfwyn, wife of Æthelstan Half-King, ten hides of land at Old Weston for acting as his foster-mother, and this land later formed part of her son Æthelwine's endowment for the establishment of Ramsey Abbey.

In 1085 William the Conqueror ordered that a survey should be carried out across his kingdom to discover who owned which parts and what it was worth. The survey took place in 1086 and the results were recorded in what, since the 12th century, has become known as the Domesday Book. Starting with the king himself, for each landholder within a county there is a list of their estates or manors; and, for each manor, there is a summary of the resources of the manor, the amount of annual rent that was collected by the lord of the manor both in 1066 and in 1086, together with the taxable value.

Old Weston was listed in the Domesday Book in the Hundred of Leightonstone in Huntingdonshire; the name of the settlement was written as Westune in the Domesday Book. In 1086 there was just one manor at Old Weston; the annual rent paid to the lord of the manor in 1066 had been £10 and the rent was the same in 1086.

The Domesday Book does not explicitly detail the population of a place but it records that there were 22 households at Old Weston. There is no consensus about the average size of a household at that time; estimates range from 3.5 to 5.0 people per household. Using these figures then an estimate of the population of Old Weston in 1086 is that it was within the range of 77 and 110 people.

The Domesday Book uses a number of units of measure for areas of land that are now unfamiliar terms, such as hides and ploughlands. In different parts of the country, these were terms for the area of land that a team of eight oxen could plough in a single season and are equivalent to 120 acre; this was the amount of land that was considered to be sufficient to support a single family. By 1086, the hide had become a unit of tax assessment rather than an actual land area; a hide was the amount of land that could be assessed as £1 for tax purposes. The survey records that there were ploughlands at Old Weston in 1086 and that there was the capacity for a further 4 ploughlands. In addition to the arable land, there was 60 acre of meadows at Old Weston.

The tax assessment in the Domesday Book was known as geld or danegeld and was a type of land-tax based on the hide or ploughland. It was originally a way of collecting a tribute to pay off the Danes when they attacked England, and was only levied when necessary. Following the Norman Conquest, the geld was used to raise money for the King and to pay for continental wars; by 1130, the geld was being collected annually. Having determined the value of a manor's land and other assets, a tax of so many shillings and pence per pound of value would be levied on the land holder. While this was typically two shillings in the pound the amount did vary; for example, in 1084 it was as high as six shillings in the pound. For the manor at Old Weston the total tax assessed was ten geld.

By 1086 there was already a church and a priest at Old Weston.

Old Weston is a rural village in Huntingdonshire near the Northamptonshire border, with a former World War II airforce base between the parish and the border. The main residency area, is alongside a stream, which flows through Old Weston. The old settlement of Old Weston, before the fire of 1701 which burnt almost all of the cottages, was located on the northern bank of the river, with evidence suggesting that a few of the cottages extended south of the church, located south west of the stream.

Government
As a civil parish, Old Weston has a parish council. The parish council is elected by the residents of the parish who have registered on the electoral roll; the parish council is the lowest tier of government in England. A parish council is responsible for providing and maintaining a variety of local services including allotments and a cemetery; grass cutting and tree planting within public open spaces such as a village green or playing fields. The parish council reviews all planning applications that might affect the parish and makes recommendations to Huntingdonshire District Council, which is the local planning authority for the parish. The parish council also represents the views of the parish on issues such as local transport, policing and the environment. The parish council raises its own tax to pay for these services, known as the parish precept, which is collected as part of the Council Tax. The parish council consists of seven councillors and the parish clerk. The parish council normally meets on the first Tuesday of the month.

Old Weston was in the historic and administrative county of Huntingdonshire until 1965. From 1965, the village was part of the new administrative county of Huntingdon and Peterborough. Then in 1974, following the Local Government Act 1972, Old Weston became a part of the county of Cambridgeshire.

The second tier of local government is Huntingdonshire District Council which is a non-metropolitan district of Cambridgeshire and has its headquarters in Huntingdon. Huntingdonshire District Council has 52 councillors representing 29 district wards. Huntingdonshire District Council collects the council tax, and provides services such as building regulations, local planning, environmental health, leisure and tourism. Old Weston is a part of the district ward of Ellington and is represented on the district council by one councillor. District councillors serve for four-year terms following elections to Huntingdonshire District Council.

For Old Weston the highest tier of local government is Cambridgeshire County Council which has administration buildings in Cambridge. The county council provides county-wide services such as major road infrastructure, fire and rescue, education, social services, libraries and heritage services. Cambridgeshire County Council consists of 69 councillors representing 60 electoral divisions. Old Weston is part of the electoral division of Sawtry and Ellington and is represented on the county council by one councillor.

At Westminster Old Weston is in the parliamentary constituency of North West Cambridgeshire, and elects one Member of Parliament (MP) by the first past the post system of election. Old Weston is represented in the House of Commons by Shailesh Vara (Conservative). Shailesh Vara has represented the constituency since 2005. The previous member of parliament was Brian Mawhinney (Conservative) who represented the constituency between 1997 and 2005.

Population
During 1850–1891, the population of Old Weston decreased significantly from 432 people to 245. This decrease in Old Weston can partly be explained from the nearby town expansion of the Huntingdon parish, "St. John", where the population increased 1,057 people in 1841 to 1,579 people in 1891. From 2001–2011, the population of Old Weston increased from 190 people to 250 people. A possible explanation, for this relatively high population increase, can be partly explained from the 2011 "Cambridgeshire parish population census", where it stated that 11 people living in Old Weston were between the age of 0–4, between the two censuses.

Economy
In 1881, Old Weston's main sector of employment was in the agriculture industry, with the majority of the workforce being made up of males, as the landscape was dominantly rural. A vast number of females were also employed, as indicated by the 1881 UK census, however, the census does not delve into the specific areas of employment, despite 56 women working in "Unknown Occupation". With this stated, the largest, specified sector of employment that women were employed in, which has been titled was "Domestic Services" with seven women working within this industry.

Current economy
According to the 2011 Census, a total of 137 Old Weston's residents, aged 16–74, were in some kind of employment. The census breaks down the different types of employment into service and manufacturing industries. The main sector of employment for the majority of residents, was that 30 people (21.9% of the total workforce) were either managers, directors or senior officials. The second largest sector of employment that the Office of National Statistics indicates, is that 29 people (21.2%) worked in professional employment, while the lowest number of people employed in Old Weston was "Elementary Occupation", which includes teachers. While the majority of the residents are employed in the service industry, an increasing number of people are working from home, rather than travel to work, reducing congestion on the roads leading to the two main towns of Huntingdon and Kettering, which is connected to the National Rail.

Culture and community
Old Weston's village hall was built in 1962 after the Beeby family donated the land to the local community, to allow for the creation of a village hall, along with a car park and grassland. Since 1991, the village hall has been used to host Old Weston's annual pantomime, performed by "The New Old Weston Thespian Society", during March.The performance provides social and charitable functions.

Transport
The B660 runs through Old Weston, connecting the village to the regional town of Huntingdon, via the A14 which starts from Rugby and ends at Ipswich. This route to the rest of the county allows Old Weston to have a public bus route service provided by the Cambridgeshire County Council which operates within Huntingdon, where it runs Monday to Saturday, with all the buses running through the village being serviced by Whippet Coaches Ltd. In addition to the publicly run bus services organised by the county government, there is also a privately run, community transport service running throughout several parishes in the area. The bus service stops at all the town centres including Peterborough, Huntingdon and Stamford, with the bus service beginning at 0900 and returning at 1330.

Religious sites
St Swithins Church in Old Weston, was named after the Anglo-Saxon bishop, Swithun, whose name means in English "Strong". The church was first recognised in the 1086, Domesday Survey. One of the most interesting features about the historic church is within the congregation hall, original paintings from the 13th century depicting a wheel of fortune, and the beheading of St. John the Baptist. St. Margaret, who is depicted as standing on a dragon while under a canopy and St. Catherine. All of the paintings were discovered in 1895, when the church was undergoing major refurbishment during the 19th century.

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Talk:2003 invasion of Iraq/Other

The 2003 Iraq War, was a war that began 20 March 2003 fought between a coalition consisting primarily of American and British, but also Polish, Australian and many other nations' forces, and Iraq. 2003 Invasion of Iraq The war was a result of Iraqi government ongoing noncompliance with repeated UN resolutions. After approximately three weeks of fighting, Iraq was occupied by coalition forces and the rule of Saddam and his Ba'ath Party came to an end. Approximately 250,000 United States troops, with support from 45,000 British, and smaller forces from other nations, collectively called the "Coalition of the Willing", entered Iraq primarily through a staging area in Kuwait. Plans for opening a second front in the north were abandoned when Turkey officially refused the use of its territory for such purposes, due in no small part to their opposition to possible Kurdish attempts at independence. Coalition forces also supported Iraqi Kurdish militia troops, estimated to number upwards of 50,000.

Facing them was a large but poorly equipped military force. The regular Iraqi army was estimated at 280,000–350,000 troops, with four Republican Guard divisions with 50,000–80,000 troops, and the Fedayeen Saddam, a 20,000–40,000 strong militia, which used guerrilla tactics during the war. There were an estimated thirteen infantry divisions, ten mechanized and armored divisions, as well as some special forces units. The Iraqi Air Force and Navy played a negligible role in the conflict.

On 17 March 2003, in his Address to the Nation, U.S. President George W. Bush demanded that Iraqi President Saddam Hussein and his two sons Uday and Qusay leave Iraq, and gave them a 48-hour deadline; Iraqi President Saddam Hussein refused to leave. The next day Bush's spokesman Ari Fleischer announced that the U.S. would invade Iraq whether Saddam Hussein left or not, stating that "the bottom line is, a coalition of the willing will disarm Saddam Hussein's Iraq, no matter what."

United States military operations were conducted under the name Operation Iraqi Freedom, United Kingdom military operations as Operation Telic, and Australian operations as Operation Falconer.

Prelude
Since the end of the Gulf War of 1991, relations between the UN, the US and the UK and Iraq remained poor. Hopes in the United States that the government of Saddam Hussein would be overthrown from within had never come to pass, and fears that he was developing weapons of mass destruction in violation of UN resolutions remained. In the absence of a Security Council consensus that Iraq had fully complied with the terms of the Persian Gulf War ceasefire, both the UN and the US enforced numerous economic sanctions against Iraq throughout the Clinton administration, and patrolled Iraqi airspace to enforce U.N. approved Iraqi no-fly zones. The United States Congress also passed the "Iraq Liberation Act" in October 1998, which provided $97 million for groups trying to overthrow the sovereign Iraqi government of Saddam and stated that only with "regime change" would the sanctions be lifted. This contrasted to the terms set out in U.N. Resolution 687, all of which related to weapons and weapons programs, not to what regime was in place. Weapons inspectors had also been used to gather intelligence on Iraq's WMD program, information that was then used in targeting decisions during Operation Desert Fox,.

The United States Republican Party's campaign platform in the U.S. presidential election, 2000 called for "full implementation" of the Iraq Liberation Act and removal of Saddam Hussein with a focus on rebuilding a coalition, tougher sanctions, reinstating inspections, and support for the pro-democracy, opposition exile group, Iraqi National Congress.

In September 2000, in the Rebuilding America's Defenses (pg. 17) report, Project for the New American Century, a largely Republican think tank, advocated that the United States shift to more ground-based air forces to help contain the forces of Saddam Hussein so that "the demand for carrier presence in the region can be relaxed." Upon the election of George W. Bush as president, many concerned advocates of such a policy (including some of those who wrote the 2000 report) were included in the new administration's foreign policy circle. According to former treasury secretary Paul O'Neill, an attack was planned since the inauguration, and the first security council meeting discussed plans on invasion of the country. One year later, on the day of the September 11, 2001 Terrorist Attack, Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld is reported to have written in his notes, "best info fast. Judge whether good enough hit S.H. [Saddam Hussein] at same time. Not only UBL [Osama bin Laden]." Shortly thereafter, the George W. Bush administration announced a War on Terrorism, accompanied by the doctrine of 'preemptive' military action dubbed the Bush doctrine. At some point after September 11th, Russian President Vladimir Putin warned the United States that Iraq was planning terrorist attacks in the US. Later, "the September 11 commission in June, 2004 released a staff report that said it found 'no credible evidence that Iraq and al Qaeda cooperated on attacks against the United States.'"

In 2002 the Iraq disarmament crisis arose primarily as a diplomatic situation. In October 2002, with the "Joint Resolution to Authorize the Use of United States Armed Forces Against Iraq" (Adopted 296-133 by the House of Representatives and 77-23 by the Senate), the United States Congress granted President Bush the authority to wage war against Iraq. The Joint Resolution was worded so as to encourage, but not require, UN Security Council approval for military action, although as a matter of international law the US required explicit Security Council approval for an invasion unless an attack by Iraq had been imminent — the US administration argued that there was a "growing" or "gathering", rather than imminent, threat. The joint resolution allowed the President of the United States to, "defend the national security of the United States against the continuing threat posed by Iraq; and enforce all relevant United Nations Security Council Resolutions regarding Iraq".

In November 2002, United Nations actions regarding Iraq culminated in the unanimous passage of UN Security Council Resolution 1441 and the resumption of weapons inspections. However, UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan later stated that the subsequent invasion was an illegal violation of the UN Charter. Force was not authorized by resolution 1441 itself. The language of the resolution mentioned "serious consequences", which is generally not understood by Security Council members to include the use of force to depose the government. Both the U.S. ambassador to the UN, John Negroponte, and the UK ambassador Jeremy Greenstock, in promoting Resolution 1441 on 8 November, 2002, had given assurances that it provided no "automaticity," no "hidden triggers", no step to invasion without consultation of the Security Council; in the event such consultation was forestalled by the US and UK's abandonment of the Security Council procedure and their invasion of Iraq. Richard Perle, a senior member of the administration's Defense Policy Board Advisory Committee, has expressed an opinion in November, 2003, that the invasion was against international law, but argued that it was justified. There is still much disagreement among international lawyers on whether prior resolutions, relating to the 1991 war and later inspections, permitted the invasion.

The United States also began preparations for an invasion of Iraq, with a host of diplomatic, public relations and military preparations.

Rationale
See The UN Security Council and the Iraq war and Public relations preparations for 2003 invasion of Iraq for more details

In the wake of the September 11th attacks and the relative success of the U.S. invasion of Afghanistan in 2001, the Bush administration felt that it had sufficient military justification and public support in the United States for further operations against perceived threats in the Middle East. The relations between some coalition members and Iraq had never improved since 1991, and the nations remained in a state of low-level conflict marked by American and British air-strikes, sanctions, and threats against Iraq. Iraqi radar had also locked onto coalition airplanes enforcing the northern and southern no-fly zones, which had been implemented after the Gulf War in 1991.

Throughout 2002, the U.S. administration made it clear that removing Saddam Hussein from power was a major goal, although it offered to accept major changes in Iraqi military and foreign policy in lieu of this. Specifically, the stated justification for the invasion included Iraqi production and use of weapons of mass destruction, links with terrorist organizations and human rights violations in Iraq under the Saddam Hussein government, issues that are detailed below.

To that end, the stated goals of the invasion, according to Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, were to:

 * end the Saddam Hussein government
 * help Iraq's transition to democratic self-rule
 * find and eliminate weapons of mass destruction, weapons programs, and terrorists
 * collect intelligence on networks of weapons of mass destruction and terrorists
 * end sanctions and to deliver humanitarian support (According to Madeline Albright, half a million Iraqi children had died because of sanctions.)
 * secure Iraq's oil fields and resources

Many staff and supporters within the Bush administration had other, more ambitious goals for the war as well. Many propagated the claim that the war could act as a catalyst for democracy and peace in the Middle East, and that once Iraq became democratic and prosperous other nations would quickly follow suit, and thus the social environment that allowed terrorism to flourish would be eliminated. However, for diplomatic, bureaucratic reasons these goals were played down in favor of justifications that Iraq represented a specific threat to the United States and to international law. Little evidence was presented actually linking the government of Iraq to al-Qaeda (see below).

Opponents of the Iraq war disagreed with many of the arguments presented by the administration, attacking them variously as being untrue, inadequate to justify a pre-emptive war, or likely to have results different from the administration's intentions. Further, they asserted various alternate reasons for the invasion. Different groups asserted that the war was fought primarily

 * to gain control over Iraq's hydrocarbon reserves and in doing so maintain the U.S. dollar as the monopoly currency for the critical international oil market (since 2000, Iraq had used the Euro as its oil export currency)
 * to ensure the US had military control over the region's hydrocarbon reserves as a lever to control other countries that depend on it
 * to assure that the revenue from Iraqi oil would go primarily to American interests
 * to lower the price of oil for American consumers
 * to maintain the wartime popularity that the President enjoyed due to his response to the September 11 attacks (in contrast to his father whose wartime popularity faded when the electorate began to focus on the economy)
 * to channel money to defense and construction interests

Weapons of Mass Destruction
See Iraq disarmament crisis for more details.

Ultimately, the Iraq war was presented as largely being a case of removing banned weapons from Iraq. Administration officials, especially with the United States Department of State led by Colin Powell were eager to make the cause for war as universally acceptable to as many nations as possible. Paul Wolfowitz, Deputy Secretary of Defense stated in an interview on May 28, 2003 in Vanity Fair that 'For bureaucratic reasons, we settled on one issue, weapons of mass destruction'.

Before the attack, the head UN weapons inspector in Iraq, Hans Blix, clearly stated that his teams had been unable to find any evidence of nuclear, biological, or chemical weapons in Iraq, but that there were issues that had not yet been resolved. Retrospectively, some time after the attack, he doubts they existed,. Former top American weapons inspector to Iraq, Scott Ritter, a long time advocate of more thorough weapons inspections previously and considered an anti-Iraq hardliner, said that he was now absolutely convinced Iraq did not have weapons of mass destruction. In fact, most of the international community, including the US/UK intelligence community, came to some form of this conclusion or at least were ambivalent. The Bush administration, though, said they had additional, secret intelligence they could not yet make public which proved, beyond a shadow of a doubt, that Iraq had such weapons.

No weapons of mass destruction were found by the Iraq Survey Group, headed by inspector David Kay. Kay, who resigned as the Bush administration's top weapons inspector in Iraq, said U.S. intelligence services owed President Bush an explanation for having concluded that Iraq had weapons of mass destruction. However, the team claims to have found evidence of low-level WMD programs — a claim hotly disputed by many, with the Biosecurity Journal referring to the BW claims as a "worst case analysis".

On May 29, 2003, Pres. Bush said during an interview with Polish network TVP that "We found the weapons of mass destruction. We found biological laboratories."

Also included in the list of postwar justifications is Libya's agreement to abandon its WMD programs, but Flynt Leverett (former senior director for Middle Eastern Affairs at the NSC) and Martin S. Indyk (former Clinton administration official) argue that the agreement was a result of good-faith negotiations. Libya had agreed to surrender its programs in 1999.

The Iraq Survey Group under Bush-appointed inspector David Kay in October reported discovering the following key points: "We have not yet found stocks of weapons", difficulty in explaining why, clandestine laboratories suitable for "preserving BW expertise" which contained equipment subject to UN monitoring, a prison laboratory complex which Kay describes as "possibly used in human testing of BW agents", strains of bacteria kept in one scientists home (including a vial of live C. botulinum Okra B), twelve-year-old documents and small parts concerning uranium enrichment kept found in a scientist's home, partially declared UAVs, capability to produce a type of fuel useful for Scud missiles, a scientist who had drawn plans for how to make longer-range missiles , and attempts to acquire missile technology from North Korea, and destroyed documents of unknown significance. . Most topics concerning biological agents are discussed as "BW-applicable" or "BW-capable"; the report mentions nothing that was being used in such a context. Chemical weapons are referred to in a similar fashion. The nuclear program, according to the report, had not done any work since 1991, but had attempted to retain scientists and documentation from it in case sanctions were ever dropped.

However, Kay himself has since stated (concerning Iraqi WMDs): "We were almost all wrong - and I certainly include myself here", and has since been in the media trying to explain why the US believed Iraq was a threat when it actually had minimal to no programs concerning mass destruction. He has stated that many intelligence analysts have come to him "in apology that the world we were finding was not the world that they had thought existed". He has also directly contradicted since then much of the October report. David Kay is a Republican who donated money to both the RNC and the campaign of president George W. Bush. Before David Kay came out about this, many of his scientists had already done so. .

Kay told the Senate Armed Services Committee during his oral report the following though: "Based on the intelligence that existed, I think it was reasonable to reach the conclusion that Iraq posed an imminent threat. Now that you know reality on the ground as opposed to what you estimated before, you may reach a different conclusion — although I must say I actually think what we learned during the inspection made Iraq a more dangerous place, potentially, than, in fact, we thought it was even before the war."

Dr. Kay's team concluded that Iraq had the production capacity and know-how to produce a great deal more chemical and biological weaponry when international economic sanctions were lifted, a policy change which was actively being sought by France, Germany and Russia. Kay also believes that a large but undetermined amount of the former Iraqi government's WMD program had been moved to Syria shortly before the 2003 invasion. However, in April 2005, the Iraq Survey Group's final report "found no senior policy, program, or intelligence officials who admitted any direct knowledge of such movement of WMD," and ruled out any government-sanctioned movement of banned weapons to Syria.

The current situation concerning Iraqi weapons of mass destruction seems similar to that portrayed by Hussein Kamel in 1995 and that of Imad Khadduri, that Iraq had almost completely destroyed its programs, but sought to retain as much knowledge and information that, should sanctions ever end, the programs would not have to start over from scratch.

After the fall of Baghdad, U.S. officials claimed that Iraqi officials were being harbored in Syria, and several high-ranking Iraqis have since been detained after being expelled from Syria.

When the debate about the justification resumed given that no weapons of mass destruction were found, it was argued that the invasion was however justified because of human rights abuses committed by Saddam Hussein. Critics raise the question why the US government did not do much to prevent or to punish those crimes when they happened but use them years later for a war initially explained with different reasons. The use of chemical weapons against Kurds in 1983 was known by US intelligence, Donald Rumsfeld, at the time presidential envoy of Ronald Reagan, however spoke of "his close relationship" with Saddam Hussein at that time and visited him. After the Persian Gulf War the US government encouraged rebellions by the Shiites but did not intervene when Saddam crushed the rebels.

As of August, 2004 small quantities of chemically degraded mustard gas had been found in old munitions.

Ken Roth of Human Rights Watch has argued that the justification of "human rights" for the war in Iraq does not meet appropriate standards for the level of suffering that it causes.

The United Nations announced a report on March 2, 2004 from the weapons inspection teams stating that Iraq had no weapons of mass destruction of any significance after 1994.

On August 2, 2004 Pres. Bush stated "Knowing what I know today we still would have gone on into Iraq. He had the capability of making weapons of mass destruction. He had terrorists ties … the decision I made is the right decision. The world is better off without Saddam Hussein in power."

On October 6, 2004 Charles Duelfer, head of the Iraq Survey Group, appearing before the United States Senate Armed Services Committee announced that the group found no evidence that Iraq under Saddam Hussein had produced any weapons of mass destruction since 1991, when UN sanctions were imposed and, furthermore, were incapable of doing so. Though the report noted that Saddam had made it his primary goal to have sanctions lifted by whatever means necessary, Saddam was effectively contained by these sanctions when they were in place. From the report: "[Saddam] wanted to end sanctions while preserving the capability to reconstitute his weapons of mass destruction (WMD) when sanctions were lifted."

However effective, UN sanctions fostered a growing humanitarian crisis in Iraq. International popular opinion seemed to shift in favour of lifting the sanctions and finding diplomatic alternatives such as targeted sanctions that might be as effective, but which would not inadvertently affect the Iraqi populace. Temporary solutions, such as the Oil for Food program, an easing of the sanctions on a controlled basis, had limited success in the face of corruption in the Iraqi government and UN officials involved in the program. Essentially, harsh sanctions originally intended to be temporary could not be kept in place indefinitely. In addition, Saddam's persistent efforts to sway certain UN Security Council members with money diverted from the Oil for Food program meant that sanctions may have reached the limit of their usefulness.

On January 12, 2005, US military forces, having located no weapons of mass destruction, formally abandoned the search.

Links between the government of Iraq and terrorist organizations
See also Links between Al-Qaeda and Iraq

An alleged link between al Qaeda and Iraq was often mentioned in the run-up to war. Before the invasion, journalists were generally skeptical; for example, one January 2003 article in the San Jose Mercury News said the claim "stretches the analysis of U.S. intelligence agencies to, and perhaps beyond, the limit."  After the invasion, in January of 2004, Secretary Powell stated "I have not seen smoking-gun, concrete evidence about the connection, but I think the possibility of such connections did exist, and it was prudent to consider them at the time that we did."

Some of the evidence for a connection between the two turns out to have been misinformation coming from several sources, most notably an associate of Ahmed Chalabi who was given the code name "Curveball" and captured al Qaeda leader Ibn al-Shaykh al-Libi. The Chalabi source has been thoroughly discredited, and the al Qaeda source has since recanted his story. Other al Qaeda leaders have claimed that there was no operational relationship between Saddam Hussein and al Qaeda, and indeed that Osama bin Laden had forbidden such a relationship with the Iraqi leader, whom he considered an infidel.

There are, however, many al Qaeda operatives who have bolstered the current US administration's claims of collaboration between al Qaeda and the now deposed Iraqi government, as well as charges of cooperation made by the Clinton administration. Al Qaeda weapons smuggler Mohamed Mansour Shahab said in an interview in the New Yorker magazine that he had been directed by the Iraqi intelligence community to organize, plan, and carry out up to nine terrorist attacks against American targets in the Middle East, including an attack similar to the one carried out on the USS Cole. . The only member of the original plot to destroy the World Trade Center to escape US law enforcement officials, Abdul Rahman Yasin, fled to Baghdad shortly after the attacks in 1993.

Abbas al-Janabi, who served for fifteen years as personal assistant to Uday Hussein before defecting to Britain, has spoken frequently about his knowledge of collaboration between the former Iraqi government and al Qaeda. Al-Janabi said that he had learnt that Iraqi officials had visited Afghanistan and Sudan to strengthen ties with Al-Qaeda and he also claimed he knew of a facility near Baghdad where foreign fighters were trained and instructed by members of the Republican Guard and Mukhabarat. . A facility matching al-Janabi’s description was captured by US Marines in Mid April of 2003

Abdul Rahman Yasin was the only member of the al Qaeda cell that detonated the 1993 World Trade Center bomb to remain at large after the investigation into the bombing where he fled to Iraq. After major fighting ceased U.S. forces discovered a cache of documents in Tikrit, that show that the Iraqi government gave Yasin a house and monthly salary.

It was eventually shown that, while representatives of Saddam Hussein and al Qaeda had indeed met, an operational relationship was never realized and there was a deep sense of mistrust and dislike of one another. Osama Bin Laden was shown to view Iraq's ruling Ba'ath party as running contrary to his religion, calling it an "apostate regime". A British intelligence report went so far as to say of Bin Laden "His aims are in ideological conflict with present day Iraq."

In 2004, the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States, also known as the 9/11 Commission, concluded that there was no credible evidence that Saddam Hussein had assisted al-Qaeda in preparing for or carrying out the 9/11 attacks.

Aside from the contentious allegations of Iraq's relationship with al Qaeda, the former government did have relationships with other militant organizations in the Middle East including Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad. It is known that some $10–15M total was paid to the families of suicide bombers, presented as compensation for the demolition of their homes in Israeli collective punishment operations. Abu Abbas (associate with the PLO and the Achille Lauro hijacking) was found in Iraq, and had been wanted for quite some time. In August 2002, Abu Nidal (attacks in Italy and elsewhere) died in Baghdad from gunshot wounds while facing treason charges under Saddam's government.

Some documents indicate that the leadership was attempting to distance itself from Islamist militants fighters instead of working with them, and that any connection between al Qaeda and Iraq is new. This was in relation to the rising insurgency in Iraq: Saddam was fearful that the foreign fighters might use this as an opportunity for themselves, rather than fight for Saddam to take control again. Many international jihadists have in fact begun operating in Iraq since the U.S. occupation began.

The Bush Administration also has cited links between Saddam Hussein's government and Jordanian terrorist Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, whose organization Jama'at al-Tawhid wal Jihad (Monotheism and Holy War) has taken credit for kidnappings and beheadings directed against the U.S. occupation of Iraq. Zarqawi is rumored to have been treated in an Iraqi hospital after being wounded in Afghanistan during the U.S. invasion. Prior to the U.S. invasion of Iraq, Zarqawi had settled in Kurdish northern Iraq (an area not controlled by Saddam Hussein's government) where he joined, and may have led, the terrorist organization Ansar al-Islam, which was an enemy of the Ba'athist government. Nevertheless, U.S. officials continued to assert that Zarqawi constitutes an important link between Saddam's government and al Qaeda. A CIA report in early October 2004 "found no clear evidence of Iraq harbouring Abu Musab al-Zarqawi". Also, Zarqawi does not seem to have ever been, as some have asserted, an al Qaeda leader, and only pledged his allegiance to the al Qaeda organization in October 2004. This pledge came two days after his insurgent organization in Iraq was officially declared a terrorist organization by the U.S. State Department.

On October 19, 2004, the International Institute for Strategic Studies published its annual report stating that the war in Iraq had actually increased the risk of terrorism against westerners in Arab countries.

Invasion
See 2003–2004 occupation of Iraq timeline for the White House statements and 2003 Iraq war timeline for a more detailed account of the invasion.

Prior to invasion, the United States and other coalition forces involved in the 1991 Persian Gulf War had been engaged in a low-level conflict with Iraq, enforcing the U.N. approved Iraqi no-fly zones. Iraqi air-defense installations were engaged on a fairly regular basis after repeatedly targeting American and British air patrols. In mid-2002, the U.S. began to change its response strategy, more carefully selecting targets in the southern part of the country in order to disrupt the military command structure in Iraq. A change in enforcement tactics was acknowledged at the time, but it was not made public that this was part of a plan known as Operation Southern Focus.

Opening attack
At approximately 02:30 UTC or about 90 minutes after the lapse of the 48-hour deadline, at 05:30 local time, explosions were heard in Baghdad. At 03:15 UTC, or 10:15 pm EST, U.S. President George W. Bush announced that he had ordered the coalition to launch an "attack of opportunity" against targets in Iraq.

Before the invasion, many observers had expected a lengthy campaign of aerial bombing in advance of any ground action, taking as examples the Persian Gulf War or the U.S. invasion of Afghanistan. In practice, U.S. plans envisioned simultaneous air and ground assaults to decapitate the Iraqi forces as fast as possible (see Shock and Awe), attempting to bypass Iraqi military units and cities in most cases. The assumption was that superior U.S. mobility and coordination would allow the U.S. to attack the heart of the Iraqi command structure and destroy it in a short time, and that this would minimize civilian casualties and damage to infrastructure. It was expected that the elimination of the leadership would lead to the collapse of the army and the government, and that much of the population would support the invaders once the government had been weakened. Occupation of cities and attacks on peripheral military units were viewed as undesirable distractions.

Following Turkey's decision to deny any official use of its territory, the U.S. was forced to abandon a planned simultaneous attack from north and south, so the primary bases for the invasion were in Kuwait and other Persian Gulf nations. One result of this was that one of the divisions intended for the invasion was forced to relocate and was unable to take part in the invasion until well into the war. Many observers felt that the U.S. devoted insufficient troops to the invasion, and that this (combined with the failure to occupy cities) put them at a major disadvantage in achieving security and order throughout the country when local support failed to meet expectations.

The invasion was swift, with the collapse of the Iraq government and the military of Iraq in about three weeks. The oil infrastructure of Iraq was rapidly secured with limited damage in that time. Securing the oil infrastructure was considered important. In the first Persian Gulf War, while retreating from Kuwait, the Iraqi army had set many oil wells on fire, in an attempt to disguise troop movements and to distract Coalition forces--a side effect of these actions were many environmental problems. Presumably, oil infrastructure was secured for financial reasons as well as strategic.

In keeping with the rapid advance plan, the U.S. 3rd Infantry Division moved westward and then northward through the desert toward Baghdad, while the 1st Marine Expeditionary Force and a UK expeditionary force moved northward through marshland. All forces avoided major cities except when necessary to capture river crossings over the Tigris and Euphrates. UK forces entered Iraq's second-largest city, Basra, only after two weeks of conflict, although their control of the city was limited. Preexisting electrical and water shortages continued through the conflict and looting began as Iraqi forces collapsed. While British forces began working with local Iraqi Police to enforce order, humanitarian aid began to arrive from ships landing in the port city of Umm Qasr and trucks entering the country through Kuwait.

After a rapid initial advance, the first major pause occurred in the vicinity of Hillah and Karbala, where U.S. leading elements, hampered by dust storms, met resistance from Iraqi troops and paused for some days for re-supply before continuing toward Baghdad.

U.S. 2nd battalion 5th SFG conducted reconnaissance in the cities of Basra, Karbala, Tikrit, Sargat and various others. In the North 10th SFG had the mission of aiding the Kurdish factions such as the Union of Kurdistan and the Democratic Party of Kurdistan. Turkey had officially forbidden any US troops from using their bases. ODA 081 took part in Operation Viking Hammer or Ugly Baby dubbed by the soldiers, the mission was to destroy Al An-sar Islam and a rogue faction of Kurdish troops, it is said that Al An-sar Islam and the Kurdish faction slipped into Iraq via Iran. The target was Sargat and after heavy fighting with both groups the SF finally took Sargat and pushed the remaining units out of Northern Iraq. SFOD-D, SAS, SASR, Navy SEALs and Combat Controllers played vital roles--their missions however were never documented in any way. Army Rangers parachuted into H3 an Iraqi Airfield, and secured it for future use. Iraq was the largest deployment of Special Forces since Vietnam. 10% of all soldiers were Special Forces.

Fall of Baghdad (April 2003)
Three weeks into the invasion, U.S. forces moved into Baghdad. Initial plans were for armor units to surround the city and a street-to-street battle to commence using Airborne units. However, within days a "Thunder Run" of US tanks was launched to test Iraqi defenses, with about 30 tanks rushing from a staging base to the Baghdad airport. They met heavy resistance, including many suicide attacks, but launched another run two days later into the Palaces of Saddam Hussein, where they established a base. Within hours of the palace seizure, and television coverage of this spreading through Iraq, Iraqi resistance crumbled around the city. Iraqi government officials had either disappeared or had conceded defeat. On April 9 2003, Baghdad was formally secured by US forces and the power of Saddam Hussein was declared ended. Saddam had vanished, and his whereabouts were unknown. Many Iraqis celebrated the downfall of Saddam by vandalizing the many portraits and statues of him together with other pieces of his personality cult. One widely publicized event was the dramatic toppling of a large statue of Saddam in central Baghdad by a US tank, while a crowd of Iraqis apparently cheered the soldiers on. This event has been hotly disputed, with evidence that it was staged by US forces. More detail is available under media coverage.

General Tommy Franks assumed control of Iraq as the supreme commander of occupation forces. Shortly after the sudden collapse of the defense of Baghdad, rumors were circulating in Iraq and elsewhere that there had been a deal struck (a "safqua") wherein the US had bribed key members of the Iraqi military elite and/or the Ba'ath party itself to stand down. In May 2003, General Franks retired, and confirmed in an interview with Defense Week that the U.S. had paid Iraqi military leaders to defect. The extent of the defections and their effect on the war are unclear.

Coalition troops promptly began searching for the key members of Saddam Hussein's government. These individuals were identified by a variety of means, most famously through sets of most-wanted Iraqi playing cards.

Saddam Hussein was captured on December 13 2003 by the U.S. Army's 4th Infantry Division during Operation Red Dawn. His sons Uday and Qusay and grandson were killed earlier on 22 July 2003 during a raid by the U.S. 101st Airborne Division.

Other areas
In the north, Kurdish forces opposed to Saddam Hussein had already occupied for years an autonomous area in northern Iraq. With the assistance of U.S. Special Forces and airstrikes, they were able to rout the Iraqi units near them and to occupy oil-rich Kirkuk on April 10.

U.S. special forces had also been involved in the extreme west of Iraq, attempting to occupy key roads to Syria and airbases. In one case two armored platoons were used to convince Iraqi leadership that an entire armored battalion was entrenched in the west of Iraq.

On April 15, U.S. forces mostly took control of Tikrit, the last major outpost in central Iraq.

Security, Looting and War Damage
Looting took place in the days following. It was reported that the National Museum of Iraq was among the looted sites. The assertion that US forces did not guard the museum because they were guarding the Ministry of Oil and Ministry of Interior is apparently true. According to U.S. officials the "reality of the situation on the ground" was that hospitals, water plants, and ministries with vital intelligence needed security more than other sites. There were only enough US troops on the ground to guard a certain number of the many sites that ideally needed protection, and so, apparently, some "hard choices" were made.

The FBI was soon called into Iraq to track down the stolen items. It was found that the initial claims of looting of substantial portions of the collection were somewhat exaggerated and for months people have been returning objects to the museum. Yet, as some of the dust has settled, thousands of antiquities are still missing, including dozens from the main collection.

There has been speculation that some objects still missing were not taken by looters after the war, but were taken by Saddam Hussein or his entourage before or during the fighting. There have also been reports that early looters had keys to vaults that held rarer pieces, and some have speculated as to the pre-meditated systematic removal of key artifacts.

The National Museum of Iraq was only one of many museums and sites of cultural significance that were affected by the war. Many in the arts and antiquities communities briefed policy makers in advance of the need to secure Iraqi museums. Despite the looting being lighter than initially feared, the cultural loss of items from ancient Sumeria is significant.

Zainab Bahrani, professor of Ancient Near Eastern Art History and Archaeology at Columbia University, reports that a helicopter landing pad was constructed in the heart of the ancient city of Babylon, and "removed layers of archeological earth from the site.  The daily flights of the helicopters rattle the ancient walls and the winds created by their rotors blast sand against the fragile bricks. When my colleague at the site, Maryam Moussa, and I asked military personnel in charge that the helipad be shut down, the response was that it had to remain open for security reasons, for the safety of the troops."

Bahrani also reports that this summer "the wall of the Temple of Nabu and the roof of the Temple of Ninmah, both sixth century BC, collapsed as a result of the movement of helicopters."

Electrical power is scarce in post-war Iraq, Bahrani reports, and some fragile artifacts, including the Ottoman Archive, will not survive the loss of refrigeration.

"End of major combat operations" (May 2003)
On May 1, 2003 George W. Bush landed on the aircraft carrier USS Abraham Lincoln, in a Lockheed S-3 Viking, where he gave a speech announcing the end of major combat operations in the Iraq war. Bush's landing was criticized by opponents as an overly theatrical and expensive stunt. The official reasoning behind using a jet for the landing was the distance of the carrier from the shore. It has since been revealed the carrier was well within helicopter range of San Diego, and was turned around to hide the coast line from the TV cameras. Clearly visible in the background was a banner stating "Mission Accomplished". The banner, made by White House personnel (according to a CNN story ) and placed there by the U.S. Navy, was criticized as premature - especially later as the guerrilla war dragged on. The White House subsequently released a statement alleging that the sign and Bush's visit referred to the initial invasion of Iraq and disputed the claim of theatrics.

"Major combat" concluding did not mean that peace had returned to Iraq. Iraq was subsequently marked by violent conflict between U.S.-led occupation of Iraq soldiers and forces described by the occupiers as insurgents. As of March 21, 2005, the total deaths of American soldiers as a direct result of the Iraq invasion, reached over 1500, a large percentage of which were young men between the ages of 18 and 22. Of these, over 1318 were killed or died in accidents after the "end of major hostilities" was announced by president Bush on May 1, 2003. Some critics of the invasion (such as former CIA analyst Bill Christison (writing in CounterPunch) argue that there are parallels between the current situation in Iraq and the Vietnam War . Many supporters of the invasion disagree, for example U.S. Senator John McCain, a Vietnam veteran, who said in a speech given to the U.S. Senate on April 7, 2004: "I know we do not face another Vietnam".

The ongoing resistance in Iraq was concentrated in, but not limited to, an area referred to by Western media and the occupying forces as the Sunni triangle and Baghdad. Critics point out that the regions where violence is most common are also the most populated regions. This resistance may be described as guerrilla warfare. The tactics in use were to include mortars, suicide bombers, roadside bombs, small arms fire, and RPGs, as well as sabotage against the oil infrastructure. There are also accusations, questioned by some, about attacks toward the power and water infrastructure.

There is evidence that some of the resistance was organized, perhaps by the fedayeen and other Saddam Hussein or Ba'ath loyalists, religious radicals, Iraqis angered by the occupation, and foreign fighters. The insurgents are generally known to the Coalition forces as Ali Baba, after an character in the Arabian Nights.

After the war, information began to emerge about several failed Iraqi peace initiatives, including offers as extensive as allowing 5,000 FBI agents in to search the country for weapons of mass destruction, support for the US-backed Roadmap For Peace, and the abdication of Saddam Hussein to be replaced under UN elections.

Opinion and legality
See Support and opposition for the 2003 invasion of Iraq for the full article.

Countries supporting and opposing the war
Support for the invasion and occupation of Iraq included 49 nations, a group that was frequently referred to as the "coalition of the willing". These nations provided combat troops, support troops, and logistical support for the invasion. The nations contributing combat forces were, roughly: United States (250,000), United Kingdom (45,000), Korea (3,500), Australia (2,000), Denmark (200), and Poland (184). Ten other countries offered small numbers of non-combat forces, mostly either medical teams and specialists in decontamination. In several of these countries a majority of the public was opposed to the war. For example, in Spain polls reported at one time a 90% opposition to the war.

Popular opposition to war on Iraq led to global protests. In many Middle Eastern and Islamic countries, many protesters supported Saddam Hussein, but protesters in the United States and Europe generally did not. On the government level, the war was criticized by Canada, Belgium, Russia, France, the People's Republic of China, Germany, Switzerland, The Vatican, India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Brazil, Mexico, the Arab League, the African Union and others. Though many nations opposed the war, Canada, France, Russia, and Indonesia openly supported Saddam Hussein's government, but only France volunteered any assistance to the Iraqi side.

Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Saud said U.S. military could not use Saudi Arabia's soil in any way to attack Iraq. After ten years of U.S. presence in Saudi Arabia, cited among reasons by Saudi-born Osama bin Laden for his al-Qaeda attacks on America on September 11, 2001, most of U.S. forces were withdrawn in 2003. According to the New York Times, the invasion secretly received support from Saudi Arabia.

Legality of the invasion
Resolution 1441, drafted and accepted unanimously the year before the invasion, threatened "serious consequences" to Iraq in case Iraq did not comply with all conditions. Russia, People's Republic of China, and France made clear in a joint statement that this did not authorize the use of force but a further resolution was needed. Until a few days before the war, it was the position of the UK, the main US ally in the war, that a further resolution would be desirable before the UK would go to war.

Some believed that the US and other coalition governments breached international law. Under Article 2, Number 4 of the UN Charter, "All Members shall refrain... from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state..." This is known as the "Prohibition of Aggression". For the use of force other than in self defence, it is absolute without the positive sanction of the security council under Article 42. Resolution 1441 was not intended by China, Russia and France to authorise war. The coalition formed around the USA argued that another understanding of the resolution is possible, although Kofi Annan, speaking on behalf of the UN charter, declared: "I have indicated it was not in conformity with the UN charter from our point of view, from the charter point of view, it was illegal."

The Bush administration argued that the UN Security Council Resolutions authorizing the 1991 invasion, in addition to Resolution 1441, gave legal authority to use "all necessary means", which is diplomatic code for going to war. This war ended with a cease fire instead of a permanent peace treaty. Their view was that Iraq had violated the terms of the cease-fire by breaching two key conditions and thus made the invasion of Iraq a legal continuation of the earlier war. If a war can be reactivated ten years after the fact, it would imply that any nation that has ever been at war that ended in a cease-fire (such as Korea) could face war for failing to meet the conditions of the cease-fire. Such is the purpose of using a cease-fire agreement in place of a peace treaty; the resumption of war is the penalty for, and thus deterrent of, engaging in the prohibited action(s). For instance, in WWII, the state of war with Germany did not end until October 19, 1951) and with Japan, not until April 28, 1952.

Since the majority of the United Nations security council members (both permanent and rotating) did not support the attack, it appears that they viewed the attack as invalid under any resolution still in effect in March, 2003. Both Kofi Annan, current Secretary-General of the United Nations, and former Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali, as well as several nations, say that the attack violated international law as a war of aggression since it lacked the validity of a U.N. Security Council resolution to authorize military force, and was not an act of defence, and so violated the UN charter. However, none have called for the security council to consider sanctions against the United States or the other nations involved, both because of an effort to restore warmer relationships with the US, and because the attempt would be futile since the US have veto at the Security Council.

The United States and United Kingdom claimed it was a legal action which they were within international law to undertake. Along with Poland and Australia, the invasion was supported by the governments of several European nations, including the Czech Republic, Denmark, Portugal, Italy, Hungary, and Spain. In the countries whose governments supported the invasion, governments and media have called the good faith of the Council into question on this matter, on the grounds of the issues raised by trade with Iraq in violation of the sanctions, the corruption of the Oil for Food program and the UN in general, and a resentment of the cultural and economic dominance of the USA that led to opposition irrespective of the merits of the invasion. There is still on-going discussion in the UK whether the war was actually legal, and the final verdict has yet to be reached.

Popular view of the invasion
Some people did not regard Iraq's violation of UN resolutions to be a valid case for the war, asserting that no single nation has the authority to judge Iraq's compliance to UN resolutions and to enforce them. Furthermore, critics argued that the US was applying double standards of justice, noting that other nations such as Israel are also in breach of UN resolutions and have nuclear weapons; this argument is not a black and white matter,, as some claim that Iraq's history of actually using chemical weapons (against Iran and the Kurdish population in Iraq) suggested at the time that Iraq was a far greater threat. Others claim, also, that this contradicts previous U.S. policy, since the US was one of many nations that supplied chemical weapon precursors, even when well aware of what it was being used for. Eventually, declarations by some members of the Bush administration, such as Deputy Secretary for Defense Paul Wolfowitz's informative statement that "For bureaucratic reasons, we settled on one issue, weapons of mass destruction, because it was the one reason everyone could agree on" has been focused upon by those who question the legitimacy of the invasion, and international confidence in the good faith of the USA.

Although Iraq was known to have pursued an active nuclear weapons development program previously, as well to have tried to procure materials and equipment for their manufacture, these weapons and material have yet to be discovered. In January 2005, the US announced that the search for these weapons was over. This casts doubt on some of the accusations against Iraq. Some believe, based on the circumstances, that the weapons were originally present in Iraq but were moved into a sympathetic country (or countries). However, there is no hard evidence supporting this theory.

In a poll conducted by Western media, 51% of Iraqis stated they opposed the foreign forces occupying Iraq, while 39% supported it. Over 65% of the 2,500 Iraqis polled said that their lives were better than before the war. 48% of Iraqis felt that the U.S.-led coalition was right to invade, compared with 39% said it was wrong. People were evenly divided on whether the invasion had humiliated or liberated Iraq. More than 40% said they had no confidence whatsoever in the British and U.S. forces, and 51% opposed the presence of any coalition forces in Iraq. Nearly 20% said attacks on foreign forces were acceptable, 14% said the same about attacks on the civilian administrators of the Coalition Provisional Authority and 10% on foreigners working with the CPA. A narrow majority said life was better without Saddam. Note that most of the sample was taken in relatively secured coalition-occupied territories.

Casualties
See Casualties in the conflict in Iraq for details.

Possible estimates on the total number of people killed in the invasion and occupation of Iraq vary widely. All estimates below are as of April 16, 2005, and include the period covered in 2003 Occupation of Iraq as well as the period covered in this article.

 * 1 These only refer to deaths reported by two or more news organizations, and include "all deaths which the Occupying Authority has a binding responsibility to prevent under the Geneva Conventions and Hague Regulations. This includes civilian deaths resulting from the breakdown in law and order, and deaths due to inadequate health care or sanitation."

 * 2 The study's estimate of total deaths ranges from 8,000 to 194,000 at a 95% confidence interval.
 * 3 For instance a written Ministerial Statement (17 November 2004) by the UK government

Related phrases
This campaign has featured a variety of new and weighted terminology, much coined by the U.S. government and then repeated by the media. The name "Operation Iraqi Freedom", for example, expresses one viewpoint of the purpose of the invasion, and is almost never used outside the United States. Also notable was the usage "death squads" to refer to fedayeen paramilitary forces. Members of the Saddam Hussein government were called by disparaging nicknames - e.g., "Chemical Ali" (Ali Hassan al-Majid), "Comical Ali" (Mohammed Saeed al-Sahaf), and "Mrs Anthrax" or "Chemical Sally" (Huda Salih Mahdi Ammash). Saddam Hussein was systematically referred to as "Saddam," which many Westerners mistakenly believed to be disparaging. (Although there is no consensus about how to refer to him in English, "Saddam" is acceptable usage, and is how people in Iraq and the Middle East generally refer to him. )

Terminology introduced or popularized during the war include:
 * "Shock and Awe", the strategy of reducing an enemy's will to fight through displays of overwhelming force.
 * "Embedding", United States practice of assigning civilian journalists to U.S. military units; see war correspondent.
 * "Coalition of the willing"—Term originated in the Clinton era (eg: interview, President Clinton, ABC, June 8, 1994), and used by the Bush Administration to describe the countries contributing troops in the invasion, of which the US and UK are primaries.
 * "Old Europe"—Rumsfeld's term used to describe the divisions between European governments: "You're thinking of Europe as Germany and France. I don't. I think that's old Europe."
 * "Public diplomacy", euphemism for propaganda.
 * "Regime change", euphemism for overthrowing a government.
 * "Decapitating the regime", euphemism for either overthrowing the government or killing Saddam Hussein.
 * "minder", Iraqi government official assigned to watch over a foreign correspondent

Many slogans and terms coined have come to be used against the Bush administration in the 2004 United States Presidential election, especially by online media.

Media coverage

 * Main article: 2003 invasion of Iraq media coverage

Media coverage of this war was different in certain ways from that of the Persian Gulf War. Victoria Clarke, Assistant Defense Secretary (formerly with Hill and Knowlton, the PR firm infamous for promoting the false baby-incubator story during the first Persian Gulf War) devised the Pentagon's policy of "embedding" reporters with military units. Viewers in the United States were able to watch U.S. tanks rolling into Baghdad live on television, with a split screen image of the Iraqi Minister of Information claiming that U.S. forces were not in the city. Many foreign observers of the media and especially the television coverage in the USA felt that it was excessively partisan and in some cases "gung-ho".

The European coverage was critical of the invasion, putting a greater emphasis on coalition setbacks and losses and civilian casualties than the US media.

Arab media coverage of the conflict was criticized as biased towards Iraq. For example, the Chicago Tribune on April 10, 2003 reported that the defeat sent a shockwave of incredulity across the Middle East, and quoted a Damascus housewife who believed that jubilant Iraqis were being paid to act that way in front of the cameras.

Another difference was the wide and independent coverage in the World Wide Web demonstrating that for web-surfers in rich countries and the elites in poorer countries, the Internet has become mature as a medium, giving about half a billion people access to different versions of events.

However, the coverage itself was intrinsically biased by the fact that Internet penetration in Iraq was already very weak (with an estimate of 12,000 users in Iraq in 2002). Further, the deliberate destruction of Iraqi telecommunication facilities by US forces made Internet communication even more difficult. Different versions of truth by people who have equal ignorance of first-hand, raw data are by definition a very biased substitute for original, first-hand reports from people living locally. The World Wide Web did deliver some first-hand reports from bloggers such as Salam Pax. Additional information was available on soldier blogs.

Al Jazeera, the Qatar-based news network, which was formed in 1996, gained worldwide attention for its coverage of the war. Their broadcasts were popular in much of the Arab world, but also to some degree in Western nations, with major American networks such as CNN and MSNBC re-broadcasting some of their coverage. Al-Jazeera was well-known for their graphic footage of civilian casualties, which American news media branded as overly sensationalistic. The English website of Al-Jazeera was brought down during the middle of the Iraq war by Internet vandals.

In August of 2004, Interim Prime Minister Ayad Allawi had al-Jazeera's Baghdad offices closed, and temporarily banned the station from broadcasting in Iraq. A couple of weeks later, the ban was made indefinite, and Iraqi security officers raided the station, sealing it off. Al-Jazeera called the raid "reminiscent of the way certain other regimes have behaved."

Military leaders shut off the BBC connection to HMS Ark Royal after grumbling among sailors that it was biased in favor of Iraqi reports. By contrast, a study by Justin Lewis at Cardiff University found that the BBC reports had been somewhat sanitized, and did not question pro-war assumptions.

Others point out that it is not the job of media organizations to support the military of their country. In Europe the US press and media are widely seen as unquestioningly pro-government; news programs adopting names like "Operation Iraqi Freedom" uncritically, and reporters wearing US flags in their lapels, are seen as inappropriate behavior. In particular the British broadcast media (but not the press) are required to observe due impartiality.

French journalist Alain Hertoghe published a book accusing the French press in particular and the European press in general of not being objective in its coverage of the U.S.-led war in Iraq. Hertoghe's book, La Guerre à Outrances (The War of Outrages), criticizes French press coverage of the war as being pessimistic of the US led Coalition's chance of success and continually focusing on challenges faced during the invasion. Hertoghe also claims in his book that the European media became so wrapped up in its own particular biases against the United States that they fed disinformation to their readers and viewers and misled them as to the unfolding events. His selection of press articles to illustrate his point has been criticised as somewhat selective. The European coverage's concerns about the military becoming bogged down in Iraq and the war ending badly seem to have come true, as late as eighteen months after the declaration of the end of "major hostilities." Since being published, Hertoghe has been fired from his position at French newspaper La Croix. It was claimed that only one major French newspaper had published a review of his book.

International initiatives such as http://amor.cms.hu-berlin.de/~h0444e1w/massmail.htm protested against the U.S. media for downplaying and misinterpreting protests as anti-americanism and accused them of foul language such as calling Chirac "A balding Joan of Arc in drag", the French "frog-eating weasels" (New York Post) or stating that "Chirac and his poodle Putin have severely damaged the United Nations". Questions are also raised about U.S. media coverage given that in the U.S. pre-war polls showed that a majority of the population believed that Iraq was responsible for the 9/11 attacks although none of the terrorists was Iraqi and no proofs of an Iraqi connection to the attack are known.

Peter Arnett, who had won the Pulitzer Prize for International Reporting in 1966 for his coverage of the war in Vietnam was fired by MSNBC and National Geographic after he had declared in an interview with the Iraqi information ministry that he believed the U.S. strategy of "shock and awe" had failed. He also went on to tell Iraqi State TV that he had told "Americans about the determination of the Iraqi forces, the determination of the government, and the willingness to fight for their country", and that reports from Baghdad about civilian casualties had helped antiwar protesters undermine the Bush administration's strategy. The interview was given 10 days before the fall of Baghdad, more than 500 US soldiers have since been killed, in addition to over 18,000 medical evacuations for 11,700 patients.

On April 2, 2003, in a speech given by British Home Secretary David Blunkett while in New York City, Blunkett also commented on what he believed to be sympathetic and corrupt reporting of Iraq by Arab news sources. He told the audience that "It's hard to get the true facts if the reporters of Al Jazeera are actually linked into, and are only there because they are provided with facilities and support from the régime". Ironically, his speech came only hours before Al Jazeera was ejected from Baghdad by the Iraqi government.

U.S. media coverage of other wars has included photographs of the flag-draped coffins of American military personnel killed in action. In the invasion and occupation of Iraq, however, the Bush administration prohibited such photographs, and, according to Senator Patrick Leahy, scheduled the return of wounded soldiers for after midnight so that the press would not see them. However, the eventual release of Dover photographs in response to a Freedom of Information request filed by some bloggers proved that Senator Leahy was not telling the truth.

title: Talk:2003 invasion of Iraq/Other


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User talk:PeachyCara

Welcome
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Johann Wolfgang [ T ... C ]

13:35, 1 October 2005 (UTC)

title: User talk:PeachyCara


text:
Housing in Pakistan

Housing in Pakistan generally consists of three classes: pakka houses (पक्का/پکّا pakkā, lit. '"ripe"'), which are made of strong materials like brick and cement; katchi houses (کچی kachē, lit. '"unripe, semi-made, unsure"'), which are made of less-permanent materials such as thatch and bamboo; and semi-pakka houses (these make up, which are a sort of mix of the pakka and katchi houses. Housing in Pakistan has always been insufficient due to a growing population (which is 241.49 million as per the 2023 Pakistani Census) and accelerated by urbanisation combined with the housing problem being low-priority in the eyes of the government. Housing is an important element of real estate in Pakistan.

Housing shortage and deficit
Urban areas were facing a shortage of 4.4 million housing units in 2010, while the population is expected to grow by 40 million in 2030. Furthermore, this shortage is expected to grow due to a shortfall of 270,000 housing units per year. In Pakistan, past trends indicate that the increase in housing stock (146 percent increase) lagged far behind the population growth (209 percent increase) during 1960-1998, leading to overcrowding in housing units. The growth of housing in urban areas was far more rapid as compared to rural areas; 253 percent and 115 percent respectively. The habitation density level equals more than three people per room, which is significantly higher than the tolerable crowding level proposed by the United Nations; 1.4 to 2.0 individuals per room. Urban crowding, specifically, has been accelerated by people from less-developed rural areas moving to cities to achieve better qualities of life.

Housing finance in Pakistan
Housing financing is an important driver of housing in Pakistan and many banks are offering loans for house construction.

title: Housing in Pakistan