text:
Souls Alike

Souls Alike is the fifteenth album by Bonnie Raitt, released in 2005.

Track listing

 * 1) "I Will Not Be Broken" (Gordon Kennedy, Wayne Kirkpatrick, Tommy Sims) – 3:41
 * 2) "God Was in the Water" (Randall Bramblett, Davis Causey) – 5:17
 * 3) "Love on One Condition" (Jon Cleary) – 3:43
 * 4) "So Close" (Tony Arata, George Marinelli, Pete Wasner) – 3:22
 * 5) "Trinkets" (Emory Joseph) – 5:02
 * 6) "Crooked Crown" (David Batteau, Maia Sharp) – 3:49
 * 7) "Unnecessarily Mercenary" (Jon Cleary) – 3:51
 * 8) "I Don't Want Anything to Change" (Stephanie Chapman, Liz Rose, Maia Sharp) – 4:29
 * 9) "Deep Water" (John Capek, Marc Jordan) – 3:58
 * 10) "Two Lights in the Nighttime" (Lee Clayton, Pat McLaughlin) – 4:22
 * 11) "The Bed I Made" (David Batteau, Maia Sharp) – 4:59

Personnel

 * Bonnie Raitt – lead vocals, slide guitar, acoustic guitar (8)
 * Jon Cleary – acoustic piano (1-8, 10, 11), Hammond B3 organ, Wurlitzer organ, rhythm guitar (3), backing vocals (3, 4, 7, 9)
 * Mitchell Froom – Minimoog (1), additional acoustic piano (2), Rhodes piano (2), dolceola (4), additional Wurlitzer organ (6), additional baritone saxophone (6), additional Hammond B3 organ (8), additional orchestration (9)
 * John Capek – acoustic piano (9), strings (9), bass (9), drum loops (9), percussion (9)
 * George Marinelli – electric guitar, acoustic guitar, backing vocals (4, 10)
 * David Batteau – synth guitar (6)
 * James "Hutch" Hutchinson – bass (1-8, 10, 11)
 * Ricky Fataar – drums, percussion
 * Maia Sharp – backing vocals (1, 2, 6), baritone saxophone (6), tenor saxophone (11)
 * Arnold McCuller – backing vocals (1, 5, 7, 9)
 * Sweet Pea Atkinson – backing vocals (5, 7)

Production

 * Producer – Bonnie Raitt
 * Co-Producer, Recording and Mixing – Tchad Blake
 * Additional Recording and Mixing – Kevin Dean
 * Assistant Engineers – David Boucher, Ryan Doordan, Michael Rodriguez and Scott Wiley.
 * Mastered by Bob Ludwig at Gateway Mastering (Portland, ME).
 * Project Coordinator – Kathy Kane
 * Art Direction, Design and Background Photography – Norman Moore
 * Photography – Sam Jones
 * Stylist – Kate Lindsay
 * Make-Up – Joanna Schlip
 * Management – Annie Heller-Gutwillig and Chloe Monahan

Charts
Billboard (United States)

title: Souls Alike


text:
Rolladen-Schneider LS4

The Rolladen-Schneider LS4 is a Standard Class single seat glider manufactured by Rolladen-Schneider Flugzeugbau GmbH between 1980 and 2003.

Development
The LS4, successor to the LS1 in the Standard Class, made its first flight in 1980. It is the fifth most produced non-military glider (after the Grunau Baby, Blaník, Schleicher K 8 trainers and Grob G102 Astir.) A total of 1,048 were built until Rolladen-Schneider entered receivership in 2003. Its long production run is comparable only to that of the Grob G102 Astir and the Schempp-Hirth Discus.

The LS4 won the first two places in the Standard Class at the 1981 World Championships in Paderborn, West Germany, and the first six places (and twenty-one out of the first twenty-five) at the 1983 World Championships in Hobbs, New Mexico. It is still a favourite in handicapped competitions and as a club and recreational aircraft.

This type consolidated Rolladen-Schneider's reputation for well-rounded sailplanes that are both easy to fly and top performers. It is docile enough for beginners and its performance is only slightly below the latest standard-class sailplanes. Given the continued interest in the type, the LS4 may be put back in production by the Slovenian manufacturer AMS-Flight.

The LS4 was succeeded by the LS7.

Design
The design of the LS4 was influenced mainly by the experience Rolladen-Schneider had gained with the LS2 and LS3 flapped gliders. Wolf Lemke returned to a double-tapered wing planform, giving it a larger area comparatively to the LS1 and LS2, and enlarged all control surfaces: the ailerons were elongated and brought further inboard and the tailplane span was increased.

The fuselage and vertical stabilizer were taken from the LS3 moulds. Other notable features of the design were the retractable landing gear, the centre of gravity tow release that retracts with landing gear, the heel-operated wheel brakes, the upper wing surface air brakes and the water ballast system with internal bags.

Structure
The structure is entirely glass-reinforced plastic mostly with synthetic foam cores. The exterior coating, as with most composite gliders, is gelcoat, which protects the load-bearing composite from humidity and UV-radiation, and is thick enough to allow wing profiling, which is done by hand during the finishing stages of manufacturing to achieve the smoothness required for extensive laminar flow.

Variants

 * LS4: The initial production version
 * LS4-a:featured larger water ballast bags allowing for an additional 15 L of water to be carried in each wing. The landing gear system is strengthened by the addition of one extra set of shock absorption bumpers in order to handle the increased gross weight with a full water ballast load.

 * LS4-b:fin height increased by 0.11 m to 1.43 m. The -b fuselage is 0.13 m shorter at 6.66 m. The wing shells are made in carbon, control connections are automatic, the instrument panel tilts up with the canopy and it has an optional tail fin water ballast system.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Rolladen-Schneider LS4


text:
Wikipedia:Requests for arbitration/Zephram Stark

Case Opened on 21:51, 4 October 2005 (UTC)

Case Closed on 00:13, 12 November 2005 (UTC)

Please do not edit this page directly unless you wish to become a participant in this request. (All participants are subject to Arbitration Committee decisions, and the ArbCom will consider each participant's role in the dispute.) Comments are very welcome on the Talk page, and will be read, in full. Evidence, no matter who can provide it, is very welcome at /Evidence. Evidence is more useful than comments.

Arbitrators will be working on evidence and suggesting proposed decisions at /Workshop and voting on proposed decisions at /Proposed decision.

Involved parties

On the complaints of:

Statement by Carbonite
Please limit your statement to 500 words

Zephram Stark's behavior has been a serious problem for many months. In addition to the complete lack of respect for the idea of consensus, he had made personal attacks, used disruptive sockpuppets and made frequent rants against Wikipedia administrators. One extremely offensive edit summary made by Zephram was "This place is a joke. It's too bad, because it had possibilities before all you fucking Jews came along. The funny thing is, I never had anything against you before this. Now I see what people mean."

His behavior has been especially poor on Terrorism, where he has consistently made edits and additions that are opposed by virtually every other editor of the article. He's created sockpuppets to support his positions and completely ignores consensus. Carbonite | Talk 16:57, 23 September 2005 (UTC)

Statement by Commodore Sloat
Please limit your statement to 500 words

Zephram Stark's behavior on Talk:Terrorism has brought progress on that page to a complete standstill. He constantly engages in personal attacks and he keeps trying to commandeer the agenda to hilight his own original research. When his original research is shot down again and again, sockpuppets appear to defend him out of the blue. EKBK's very first contribution to wikipedia was to jump in the middle of the discussion Stark was disrupting and to claim that he uses the term "FISA-terrorism" (a neologism invented by Stark) all the time. (He claimed this after people asked Stark to quit adding original research to the article). It seems odd that a user's first edit to wikipedia would be to jump into such a controversial fight on a talk page, to make a highly unlikely claim. Stark has also made the "fucking Jews" comment another editor noted above -- whether he is Jewish or not, such attacks are entirely inappropriate for wikipedia. He keeps trying to hijack the discussion on the talk page to focus on his agenda - sometimes laying out "criteria for definition" with the goal of turning everything back to his original research (and ignoring the fact that there already are definitions of terrorism in wikipedia that are not original research and could be useful. I haven't been paying as close attention but I have noted that he is similarly disrupting the Declaration of Independence page with a bizarre theory about the word "unalienable."  But it is not the content that people are objecting to here; it is his conduct, which has severely disrupted work on these pages. --csloat 19:31, 23 September 2005 (UTC)

Statement by Smyth
I concur with everything Commodore Sloat says. Zephram Stark is such a difficult person to deal with because, at least on the surface, he does not appear to be a straightforward troublemaker. But as anyone who tries to engage with him quickly discovers, he is unreasonable, belligerent and utterly dishonest, frequently resorting to blatant lies, personal attacks, and consipracy theories about the cabal of administrators that prevent him and his sock drawer from turning articles into his personal playground.

I have not been involved with his argument about whether "inalienable" and "unalienable" mean the same thing, but a quick glance at the pages involved shows that the sequence of events is the same as with Terrorism. He makes low-quality opinionated edits, shows a total disregard for the consensus against him, repeatedly fails to provide even the smallest shred of evidence to support himself, and makes increasingly hollow pronouncements that a compromise is close. Then we have the sudden appearance of a sockpuppet army and his descent into lengthy paranoid political rants.

I don't know what a reasonable remedy against him would be. Banning him from editing only the articles he has disrupted so far is unlikely to help, as he has shown no inclination to give up during the months this has gone on, and there are hundreds of other pages he could quite easily give the same treatment to. – Smyth\talk 13:18, 24 September 2005 (UTC)

Statement by jpgordon
I became aware of the issue of Zephram Stark when an editor requested that I look at Terrorism and consider protecting it. As an edit war was clearly in process, I did as requested, and explained it on the talk page. From that point on, it was clear that reasoning with Mr Stark was going to be, to put it mildly, exceedingly difficult and wearying. Mr Stark has shown no sign whatsoever of understanding the nature of cooperative editing on Wikipedia; rather, his insistance on the introduction of idiosyncratic, highly POV original research, his continual attempts to control and manipulate discussion, his assumption of conspiracy and accusations of "corruption", and his invocation of sockpuppets to imitate consensus make it clear that neutral third parties need to study the evidence (sorry about that -- it includes wading through months of Talk:Terrorism) and come up with a solution to this problem. --jpgordon∇∆∇∆ 21:06, 25 September 2005 (UTC)

Statement by BrandonYusufToropov
A cursory examination of Talk:Terrorism and its archives will reveal what we're dealing with here. Zeph is, I am afraid, a one-person filibuster out to prove that any deviation from his point of view is inherently subjective, outlandish, ridiculous, biased, part of a lynching party, etc. His perpetually chaos-inducing editorial philosophy may perhaps be powered by the Energizer Bunny; no amount of reasoning, or turning the other cheek, dims the surrealistically obesessive nature of his quest to remake this article according to his own eccentric standards. He is the single most consistently disruptive personality operating under a recognizable screen name I have yet to encounter on WP. I suspect he is one of those characters who is somehow entertained by inviting disciplinary action. which means we may be reinforcing bad behavior here, but folks, it has been months and, as he still refuses to put down the one-note megaphone he has hard-wired into this article.... BrandonYusufToropov 18:00, 26 September 2005 (UTC)

Statement by Zephram Stark
Please limit your statement to 500 words

Carbonite, don't you get tired of shooting yourself in the foot? If you don't want people to call you on your corruption, stop being corrupt. It's that simple. Trying to kill the messenger won't do you any good because everything you do on Wikipedia is transparent. That's the beauty of it. Anyone who wants to see if your accusations have merit is going to come to the same conclusion that they did the last time: that your accusations of "sockpuppets" are unfounded, that you are the one disrupting terrorism while I am actively trying to resolve differences, and that your allegations fall squarely into the definition of idiocy (most notably because everyone knows I'm Jewish). --Zephram Stark 17:22, 23 September 2005 (UTC)

One more thing, please look up the word consensus before trying to use it again in a sentence. --Zephram Stark 17:38, 23 September 2005 (UTC)

[Moved from other party's area James F. (talk) 03:04, 24 September 2005 (UTC)]

 * All I ask is that people take nothing Commodore Sloat says at face value. I always try to find something that is true or at least an exaggeration in a critique, but the good commodore has got me stumped.
 * Talk:Terrorism is currently more active than normal
 * I am engaging no personal attacks, although I defend myself when attacked when no other options are available
 * I have made no sockpuppets, and from what I have read, people affected are taking these accusations up with Wikipedia founders
 * EKBK contributes to many discussions on subjects that I know nothing about. His claim that he heard the term FISA:Terrorism is not unlikely because I have heard the term used since the late seventies to describe the difference between dictionary-defined terrorism and the official USA version.  EKBK is only one of over a dozen users that have been blocked for doing nothing but expressing their opinion.
 * I certainly did not invent the neologism FISA-Terrorism. Anyone who has heard the term used in colleges and discussion around the country can verify that.  This, of course, is irrelevant because the term has been dropped from that proposal for weeks.
 * The section that was deleted had only verified quotes and summaries from the U.S. President, Osama bin Laden, and a New York Times bestseller. How anyone could call that original research is beyond me.
 * I made no racial attack, as would be evident if Commodore Sloat or Carbonite would bother quoting me in context.
 * My only agenda is to help create an article for terrorism that conveys information, the same as everyone else who is honestly trying to improve the article (as evidenced by actually contributing to it instead of just deleting whole sections of relevant and fully cited information).
 * The last time Commodore Sloat accused me of hijacking the discussion, I had listed the four proposals and asked for each member's feelings on them, which many people gave and we got much closer to a consensus. After Commodore Sloat interupted the conversation to make accusations and allegations that something was wrong with discussing the proposals, people started talking about his accusations instead.  Don't take my word for it, look at Talk:Terrorism.  Actions talk and B.S. walks, Commodore.

 * Does everyone want to hear my alleged "bizarre theory" about the word "unalienable" that is supposedly disrupting the Declaration of Independence? I assert that "unalienable" means "cannot be alienated."  BIZARRE, isn't it!!
 * In recognition of the hard work you have done to railroad someone based on absolutely no factual information at all, I award you superbsbarnstar, Commodor. --Zephram Stark 01:31, 24 September 2005 (UTC)

I, Zephram Stark, do hereby nominate Smyth for The Most Hilarious Contradiction of Terms of the Day Award: "shows a total disregard for the consensus against him" ~Smyth

Is it possible to request comment from SlimVirgin? It doesn't feel like a normal lynching without the whole gang. --Zephram Stark 13:07, 26 September 2005 (UTC)

Statement by EKBK
Please limit your statement to 500 words

 * The things you say about Zephram Stark are simply untrue. You and your friends have been calling me a sockpuppet since I agreed with him on some points on the terrorism page, and what followed after I contacted a number of administrators was enough to make me sick. I was put in the position of "proving" I'm not a "sockpuppet", which I did to several administrators satisfaction, and I even emailed the founder of Wikipedia on this, because the principle of the thing was enough for me to do so. Just because I was formerly a "user" rather than an "editor" should not have made any difference in how I was treated, and I have since observed this fiasco with interest. I will re-iterate-I AM NOT A SOCKPUPPET!!!!!!!!!!!!!!--EKBK 18:10, 23 September 2005 (UTC)

Arbitrators' opinions on hearing this matter (4/0/1/0)

 * Recuse. Personally involved. Jayjg (talk) 18:05, 23 September 2005 (UTC)
 * Accept. Fred Bauder 22:15, 23 September 2005 (UTC)
 * Accept. James F. (talk) 03:04, 24 September 2005 (UTC)
 * Accept ➥the Epopt 11:36, 24 September 2005 (UTC)
 * Accept Theresa Knott (a tenth stroke) 14:11, 3 October 2005 (UTC)

Temporary injunction (none)
=Final decision=

Civility
1) Wikipedia requires reasonable courtesy toward other users, including assumption of good faith on their part, see Civility and Assume good faith

 * Passed 5-0

Neutral point of view
2) The central policy of Wikipedia, the pole star, is Neutral point of view which contemplates inclusion of an article of fair statements of all significant points of view on the subject.

 * Passed 5-0

Probation
3) Users may be banned either directly or via the mechanism of Probation from editing articles which they disrupt by tendentious editing or other activity.

 * Passed 5-0

Focus of dispute
1) Zephram Stark engaged in tendentious (exhibiting a strong POV) and disruptive editing with respect to the article terrorism over an extended period of time, see Talk:Terrorism/Archive_6 and Requests_for_arbitration/Zephram_Stark/Evidence.

 * Passed 6-0

Ethnic slurs
2) Frustrated by opposing editors, Zephram Stark made an edit on his talk page referring to them as "fucking Jews".

 * Passed 6-0

Disruption of talk page
3) Zephram Stark has removed others' comments from article talk pages.

 * Passed 6-0

Extended disruption
4) Zephram Stark's editing of terrorism is marked by dogged persistence and lengthy argument. Opponents are many, supporters few; see Talk:Terrorism/Archive_6.

 * Passed 6-0

Wikilawyering
5) Zephram Stark has engaged in "Wikilawyering" involving dismissal of this case on spurious grounds and has attempted to alter proposed decisions in this arbitration case against him.

 * Passed 6-0

Ban for multiple offenses
1) Zephram Stark is banned for six months for personal attacks, edit warring, and attempted interference with the arbitration case against him.

 * Passed 6-0

Probation
2) Zephram Stark is placed on Probation for one year. He may be banned by any administrator from any article the editing of which he disrupts by lengthy argumentation or edit warring.

 * Passed 6-0

Ban from terrorism and related articles
3) Zephram Stark is banned from Terrorism and all related articles.

 * Passed 5-0-1

Blocks enforcing bans
1) Should edit any article or talk page from which he is banned he may be blocked briefly, up to a week in the case of repeat offenses.

 * Passed 6-0


text:
Stephen Hough

Sir Stephen Andrew Gill Hough (born 22 November 1961) is a British-born classical pianist, composer and writer. He became an Australian citizen in 2005 and thus has dual nationality (his father was born in Australia in 1926).

Biography
Hough was born in Heswall (then in Cheshire) on the Wirral Peninsula, and grew up in Thelwall, where he began piano lessons at the age of five. His father, who was born in Australia, worked as a technical representative for British Steel before his death at the age of 54.

At an early age, Hough was able to memorise approximately 100 nursery rhymes. After much pleading, his parents agreed to buy a second-hand piano for £5 from a local antique shop. At the age of 12 he suffered what he has described as a "mini-nervous breakdown", triggered by a mugging incident, which resulted in him taking almost a year off school.

Hough studied at Chetham's School of Music, which he later called "not a wonderful place while I was there", and at the Royal Northern College of Music. In 1978, he was a finalist in the BBC Young Musician of the Year Competition and won the piano section. In 1982, he won the Terence Judd Award in England. In 1983, he took first prize at the Naumburg International Piano Competition in New York City.

Hough holds a master's degree from the Juilliard School, where his studies were assisted by the receipt of the first Royal Philharmonic Society Julius Isserlis Scholarship for study abroad. He has studied with Heather Slade-Lipkin, Gordon Green, Adele Marcus, Martin Canin, and Derrick Wyndham. A prominent soloist, he is also a composer and transcriber, and often includes his own works in his recitals. He has published over 30 pieces. His cello concerto, written for Steven Isserlis, premiered in March 2007, and in the summer of that year, Westminster Abbey and Westminster Cathedral performed masses he wrote for them.

In 2009, members of the Berlin Philharmonic premiered Hough's trio for piccolo, contrabassoon and piano (Was mit den Traenen geschieht) at the Philharmonie. His song cycles Herbstlieder (2007), Other Love Songs (2010), and Dappled Things (2016) were premiered by members of The Prince Consort. He premiered his Sonata for Piano (broken branches) at the Wigmore Hall in 2011. In 2012, the Indianapolis Symphony Orchestra and Symphonic Choir gave the world premiere of the orchestrated version of his Missa Mirabilis. The Colorado Symphony and Andrew Litton recorded this work for Hyperion Records in 2015. Hough has written four sonatas for solo piano. In 2020, his anthology of essays Rough Ideas won the Royal Philharmonic Society Award for the Storytelling Category.

Recordings
Hough has recorded more than 60 albums, one of his most notable being a set of the four Rachmaninoff piano concertos and the Rhapsody on a Theme of Paganini, recorded during live performances with the Dallas Symphony Orchestra under then music director Andrew Litton, which have been compared to Rachmaninoff's own recordings. These recordings won him his seventh Gramophone Award as well as the Classical BRIT Critics Award.

Hough's recording of Saint-Saëns's piano concertos won the Gramophone Record of the Year in 2001 and was later voted the Gold Disc, "winner of winners" in a poll commemorating 30 years of the award. His recording of the complete Chopin waltzes won the Diapason d'Or de l'Année in 2011.

Hough is also known for championing lesser-known composers considered outside the standard repertoire, such as Johann Nepomuk Hummel, Xaver Scharwenka, York Bowen, and Federico Mompou.

Hough's compositions can be heard on the BIS Records album Broken Branches and on the Prince Consort album Other Love Songs, on Linn Records. His second piano sonata (notturno luminoso) appears on his album In The Night, and his cello sonata on a recital disc with Steven Isserlis. His sequence Hallowed for unaccompanied choir was recorded by Harry Christophers and The Sixteen on their CD 'Star of Heaven'. Yo-Yo Ma recorded two of his transcriptions on his album with Kathryn Stott, Song of Comfort and Hope. Hough's fourth piano sonata is the title track on his 2021 album Vida Breve.

In 2017, Pentatone-Oxingale Records released an album commemorating the inaugural opening of the Tippet Rise Festival, featuring Hough, Christopher O'Riley, and Matt Haimovitz, among others.

Teaching and writing
Hough is a visiting professor of piano at the Royal Academy of Music in London and the International Chair of Piano Studies at the Royal Northern College of Music in Manchester. He is also on the faculty of the Juilliard School.

Hough joined the Roman Catholic Church when he was 19. Twice in his life he considered becoming a priest, in particular joining the Franciscan Order.

Hough has written about his homosexuality and its relationship with both his music-making and his religion. For 15 years, following his Catholic conversion, he was celibate. In 2007, he published The Bible as Prayer: a handbook for lectio divina.

Nosing Around, his little book on perfume, was published in 2014. In 2018, Sylph Editions published his first novel, The Final Retreat, which explores the inner world of a priest dealing with sex addiction and religious despair. His book Rough Ideas: reflections on music and more is a collection of essays and short musings published by Faber & Faber in 2019 and by Farrar, Straus and Giroux in 2020. In February 2023, Faber published his memoir Enough: Scenes from Childhood.

In 2008, Hough won the Sixth International Poetry Competition.

From 2010 to 2015, he wrote a blog for The Daily Telegraph.

Other activities
Hough had a solo exhibition of his paintings at the Broadbent Gallery in London in October 2012.

In October 2016, Hough was the guest on BBC Radio 4's Desert Island Discs. His choices were Cortot's recording of Chopin's Prélude No. 17 in A-flat, Rachmaninoff's recording of Kreisler's Liebesleid, Led Zeppelin's Stairway to Heaven, the Kyrie eleison from Bach's Mass in B minor, the third movement of Alban Berg's Lyric Suite, his own sonata for cello and piano left hand ("Les adieux"), and Bird Songs at Eventide by Eric Coates.

His favourite was "Proficiscere, anima Christiana (Go Forth)" from Elgar's The Dream of Gerontius. His book choice was a bilingual edition of Proust's À la recherche du temps perdu, and his luxury item was a panama hat. He made a special request for a copy of the Tyndale Bible.

Australian connections
Hough's father was born an only child at Mayfield, a suburb of Newcastle, New South Wales, in 1926. Before his first birthday his mother took him to England, settling in the North, and leaving her husband behind in Australia. The boy was always told his father had died, but in fact the father lived 30 more years, working in the steel industry at Newcastle. Hough's grandfather wrote Hough's father letters, none of which he ever received.

Stephen Hough says his assumption of Australian citizenship was in part a tribute to his father, who wanted to return to the land of his birth but was unable to do so before his death in 1980 at the age of 54.

Honours
Hough is an Honorary Member of the Royal Academy of Music in London, where he is a visiting professor, a Fellow of the Royal Northern College of Music in Manchester, where he is the International Chair of piano studies, and an Honorary Fellow of the Guildhall School of Music and Drama. He received an honorary doctorate from the University of Liverpool in 2011.

In 2001, Hough became the first classical music performer to receive a MacArthur Fellowship. In 2009, The Economist and Intelligent Life magazines named him one of 20 living polymaths. In 2010, he was named Instrumentalist of the Year at the prestigious Royal Philharmonic Society Music Awards. He was a Governor of the Royal Ballet Companies (The Royal Ballet, Birmingham Royal Ballet and the Royal Ballet School). He is a patron of the charity The Nightingale Project, which takes music and art into hospitals and of Music in Prisons (Irene Taylor Trust).

Hough was appointed a Commander of the Order of the British Empire (CBE) in the 2014 New Year Honours for services to music. He was made an Honorary Bencher of the Middle Temple in 2017. In 2018, he was made an honorary member of the Royal Philharmonic Society. From 2019 to 2022 he was a visiting fellow at Lady Margaret Hall at the University of Oxford. He was created a Knight Bachelor, for services to music, in the Queen's 2022 Birthday Honours.

Selected discography

 * Hummel: Piano Concerto No. 3 in B minor, Op.89; Piano Concerto No. 2 in A minor, Op.85: English Chamber Orchestra (Chandos, 1987, CHAN 8507)
 * Stephen Hough: Liszt (Virgin Classics, 1988)
 * My Favorite Things: Virtuoso Encores (MusicMasters, 1988; re-released by Virgin Classics as The Piano Album 1, 1993, VC7595092)
 * Robert Schumann: Fantasie and Davidbündlertänze (Virgin Classics, 1989, VC90770-2)
 * The Piano Album 2 (Virgin Classics, 1993, VC7593042)
 * Benjamin Britten: Holiday Diary, the piano music, EMI
 * Xaver Scharwenka: Piano Concerto No. 4 in F minor and Emil von Sauer: Piano Concerto No.1 in E minor (City of Birmingham Symphony Orchestra conducted by Lawrence Foster, Hyperion, 1994 CDA66790)
 * Piano Music by York Bowen (Hyperion, 1996)
 * Lowell Liebermann: Piano Concertos (Hyperion, 1997)
 * Piano Music by Federico Mompou (Hyperion, 1997)
 * Brahms: Piano Concertos Nos. 1 and 2, BBC Symphony Orchestra (Virgin Classics 1998)
 * New York Variations (Hyperion, 1998)
 * Stephen Hough's New Piano Album (Hyperion, 1999, CDA67043)
 * Saint-Saëns: The Complete Works for Piano and Orchestra, City of Birmingham Symphony Orchestra (Hyperion, 2001)
 * Stephen Hough's English Piano Album (Hyperion, 2002)
 * Hummel: Piano Sonatas (Hyperion, 2003)
 * Rachmaninoff: Piano Concertos Nos. 1, 2, 3 and 4; Rhapsody on a Theme of Paganini; Andrew Litton/Dallas Symphony Orchestra (Hyperion CDA67501/2)
 * The Stephen Hough Piano Collection (Hyperion, 2005)
 * Liszt: Années de pèlerinage – "Première Année: Suisse", S. 160 (Hyperion, 2005)
 * Stephen Hough's Spanish Album (Hyperion CDA67565, 2005)
 * George Tsontakis: Man of Sorrows for piano & orchestra (Hyperion, 2007) Includes solo works by Schoenberg, Berg and Webern
 * Mozart Album (Hyperion, 2007)
 * Stephen Hough in Recital (2009)
 * Chopin: Late Masterpieces (Hyperion, 2010)
 * Tchaikovsky: Complete music for piano and orchestra (Hyperion, 2010)
 * Chopin: Complete Waltzes (Hyperion, 2011)
 * Franz Liszt & Edvard Grieg: Piano Concertos (Hyperion, 2011)
 * Stephen Hough: Broken Branches (BIS, 2011)
 * Stephen Hough's French Album (Hyperion, CDA67890, 2012)
 * Brahms: Piano Concertos Nos. 1 and 2, Mozarteum Orchestra Salzburg (Hyperion, 2013 CDA67961)
 * Stephen Hough: In the Night – includes Robert Schumann's Carnaval and Hough's own Sonata No 2, 'Notturno luminoso' (Hyperion, CDA67996, 2014)
 * Edvard Grieg: Lyric Pieces (Hyperion, CDA68070, 2015)
 * Alexander Scriabin & Leoš Janáček: Sonatas & Poems (Hyperion, CDA67895, 2015)
 * Antonín Dvořák & Robert Schumann: Concertos City of Birmingham Symphony Orchestra & Andris Nelsons
 * Stephen Hough's Dream Album (2018) (Hyperion, CDA68176, 2018)
 * Brahms: The Final Piano Pieces (2020) (Hyperion, CDA68116, 2020)
 * Beethoven Piano Concertos (2020)
 * Vida Breve (2021) (Hyperion, CDA68260, 2021)

title: Stephen Hough


text:
Dissolution of the Ottoman Empire

The dissolution of the Ottoman Empire (1908–1922) was a period of history of the Ottoman Empire beginning with the Young Turk Revolution and ultimately ending with the empire's dissolution and the founding of the modern state of Turkey.

The Young Turk Revolution restored the constitution of 1876 and brought in multi-party politics with a two-stage electoral system for the Ottoman parliament. At the same time, a nascent movement called Ottomanism was promoted in an attempt to maintain the unity of the Empire, emphasising a collective Ottoman nationalism regardless of religion or ethnicity. Within the empire, the new constitution was initially seen positively, as an opportunity to modernize state institutions and resolve inter-communal tensions between different ethnic groups.

Additionally, this period was characterised by continuing military failures by the empire. Despite military reforms, the Ottoman Army met with disastrous defeat in the Italo-Turkish War (1911–1912) and the Balkan Wars (1912–1913), resulting in the Ottomans being driven out of North Africa and nearly out of Europe. Continuous unrest leading up to World War I resulted in the 31 March Incident, the 1912 Ottoman coup d'état and the 1913 Ottoman coup d'état. The Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) government became increasingly radicalised during this period, and conducted ethnic cleansing and genocide against the empire's Armenian, Assyrian, and Greek citizens, events collectively referred to as the Late Ottoman genocides. Ottoman participation in World War I ended with defeat and the partition of the empire's remaining territories under the terms of the Treaty of Sèvres. The treaty, formulated at the conference of London, allocated nominal land to the Ottoman state and allowed it to retain the designation of "Ottoman Caliphate" (similar to the Vatican, a sacerdotal-monarchical state ruled by the Catholic Pope), leaving it severely weakened. One factor behind this arrangement was Britain's desire to thwart the Khilafat Movement.

The occupation of Constantinople (Istanbul), along with the occupation of Smyrna (modern-day İzmir), mobilized the Turkish national movement, which ultimately won the Turkish War of Independence. The formal abolition of the Ottoman Sultanate was performed by the Grand National Assembly of Turkey on 1 November 1922. The Sultan was declared persona non grata from the lands the Ottoman Dynasty had ruled since 1299.

Social conflicts
Europe became dominated by nation states with the rise of nationalism in Europe. The 19th century saw the rise of nationalism under the Ottoman Empire which resulted in the establishment of an independent Greece in 1821, Serbia in 1835, and Bulgaria in 1877–1878. Unlike the European nations, the Ottoman Empire made little attempt to integrate conquered peoples through cultural assimilation. Instead, Ottoman policy was to rule through the millet system, consisting of confessional communities for each religion.

The Empire never fully integrated its conquests economically and therefore never established a binding link with its subjects. Between 1828 and 1908, the Empire tried to catch up with industrialization and a rapidly emerging world market by reforming state and society. The Treaty of Balta Liman (1838) with Great Britain “will abolish all monopolies, allow British merchants and their collaborators to have full access to all Ottoman markets and will be taxed equally to local merchants”. Thus English manufacturers could sell their products cheaply in the Ottoman Empire, and “the Ottomans were unable to ... raise revenues for investments in development projects”, which undermined Ottoman efforts to industrialize. The Ottoman state did try to industrialize. For example, in 1840s, it built a complex of industries west of Istanbul including spinning and weaving mills, a foundry, steam-operated machine works, and a boatyard for small steamships. In the words of Edward Clark: “In variety as well as in number, in planning, in investment, and in attention given to internal sources of raw materials these manufacturing enterprises far surpassed the scope of all previous efforts and mark this period as unique in Ottoman history.”

Inspired by the French Revolution social contract theorists Montesquieu and Rousseau, the Young Ottomans society started the movement Ottomanism for accepting all ethnicities and religions in the empire, for equality among millets and equality of subjects before the law. Proponents believed that this could solve social issues. The structure of the Empire was greatly changed by the Tanzimat reforms: the millet system remained in essence, but secular organizations and policies were established; and primary education and conscription were to be applied to non-Muslims and Muslims alike. Michael Hechter argues that the rise of nationalism in the Ottoman Empire was the result of a backlash against Ottoman attempts to institute more direct and central forms of rule over populations which had previously had greater autonomy.

Economic issues
The Capitulations were the main discussion of economic policy during the period. It used to be believed incoming foreign assistance with capitulation could benefit the Empire. Ottoman officials, representing different jurisdictions, sought bribes at every opportunity and withheld the proceeds of a vicious and discriminatory tax system. This ruined every struggling industry by the graft, and fought against every show of independence on the part of Empire's many subject peoples.

The Ottoman public debt was part of a larger scheme of control by the European powers, through which the commercial interests of the world had sought to gain advantages that may not have been of the Empire's interest. The debt was administered by the Ottoman Public Debt Administration and its power was extended to the Imperial Ottoman Bank (or Central bank). The total pre-World War debt of Empire was $716,000,000. France had 60 percent of the total. Germany had 20 percent. The United Kingdom owned 15 percent. The Ottoman Debt Administration controlled many of the important revenues of the Empire. The council had power over financial affairs; its control even extended to determine the tax on livestock in the districts.

Young Turk Revolution
In July 1908, the Young Turk Revolution changed the political structure of the Empire. The Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) rebelled against the absolute rule of Sultan Abdul Hamid II to establish the Second Constitutional Era. On 24 July 1908, Abdul Hamid II capitulated and restored the Ottoman constitution of 1876.

The revolution created multi-party democracy. Once underground, the Young Turk movement declared its parties. Among them was "Committee of Union and Progress" (CUP), and the "Liberty Party."

There were smaller parties such as Ottoman Socialist Party and ethnic parties which included People's Federative Party (Bulgarian Section), Bulgarian Constitutional Clubs, Jewish Social Democratic Labour Party in Palestine (Poale Zion), Al-Fatat (also known as the Young Arab Society; Jam’iyat al-'Arabiya al-Fatat), Ottoman Party for Administrative Decentralization, and Armenians were organized under the Armenakan, Hunchakian and Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF/Dashnak).

At the onset, there was a desire to remain unified, and the competing groups wished to maintain a common country. The Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organisation (IMRO) collaborated with the members of the CUP, and Greeks and Bulgarians joined under the second biggest party, the Liberty Party. The Bulgarian federalist wing welcomed the revolution, and they later joined mainstream politics as the People's Federative Party. The former centralists of the IMRO formed the Bulgarian Constitutional Clubs, and, like the PFP, they participated in 1908 Ottoman general election.

Further disintegration
The de jure Bulgarian Declaration of Independence on 5 October 1908 from the Empire was proclaimed in the old capital of Tarnovo by Prince Ferdinand of Bulgaria, who afterwards took the title "Tsar".

The Bosnian crisis on 6 October 1908 erupted when Austria-Hungary announced the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, territories formally within the sovereignty of the Empire. This unilateral action was timed to coincide with Bulgaria's declaration of independence (5 October) from the Empire. The Ottoman Empire protested Bulgaria's declaration with more vigour than the annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina, which it had no practical prospects of governing. A boycott of Austro-Hungarian goods and shops occurred, inflicting commercial losses of over 100,000,000 kronen on Austria-Hungary. Austria-Hungary agreed to pay the Ottomans ₤2.2 million for the public land in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Bulgarian independence could not be reversed.

Just after the revolution in 1908, the Cretan deputies declared union with Greece, taking advantage of the revolution as well as the timing of Zaimis's vacation away from the island. 1908 ended with the issue still unresolved between the Empire and the Cretans. In 1909, after the parliament elected its governing structure (first cabinet), the CUP majority decided that if order was maintained and the rights of Muslims were respected, the issue would be solved with negotiations.

New Parliament
1908 Ottoman general election was preceded by political campaigns. In the summer of 1908, a variety of political proposals were put forward by the CUP. The CUP stated in its election manifesto that it sought to modernize the state by reforming finance and education, promoting public works and agriculture, and the principles of equality and justice. Regarding nationalism, (Armenian, Kurd, Turkic..) the CUP identified the Turks as the "dominant nation" around which the empire should be organized, not unlike the position of Germans in Austria-Hungary. According to Reynolds, only a small minority in the Empire occupied themselves with Pan-Turkism, at least in 1908.

The election was held in October and November 1908. CUP-sponsored candidates were opposed by the Liberals. The latter became a centre for those opposing the CUP. Mehmed Sabahaddin, who returned from his long exile, believed that in non-homogeneous provinces a decentralized government was best. The Liberals were poorly organized in the provinces, and failed to convince minority candidates to contest the election under the Liberty Party banner; it also failed to tap into the continuing support for the old regime in less developed areas.

During September 1908, the important Hejaz Railway opened, construction of which had started in 1900. Ottoman rule was firmly re-established in Hejaz and Yemen with the railroad from Damascus to Medina. Historically, Arabia's interior was mostly controlled by playing one tribal group off against another. As the railroad finished, opposing Wahhabi Islamic fundamentalists reasserted themselves under the political leadership of Abd al-Aziz ibn Saud.

Christian communities of the Balkans felt that the CUP no longer represented their aspirations. They had heard the CUP's arguments before, under the Tanzimat reforms:

"Those in the vanguard of reform had appropriated the notion of Ottomanism, but the contradictions implicit in the practical realization of this ideology – in persuading Muslims and non-Muslims alike that the achievement of true equality between them entailed the acceptance by both of obligations as well as rights – posed CUP a problem. October 1908 saw the new regime suffer a significant blow with the loss of Bulgaria, Bosnia, and Crete, over which the empire still exercised nominal sovereignty."

The system became multi-headed, with old and new structures coexisting, until the CUP took full control of the government in 1913 and, under the chaos of change, power was exercised without accountability.

The Senate of the Ottoman Empire was opened by the Sultan on 17 December 1908. The new year brought the results of 1908 elections. Chamber of Deputies gathered on 30 January 1909. The CUP needed a strategy to realize their Ottomanist ideals.

In 1909, public order laws and police were unable to maintain order; protesters were prepared to risk reprisals to express their grievances. In the three months following the inauguration of the new regime there were more than 100 strikes, constituting three-quarters of the labor force of the Empire, mainly in Constantinople and Salonika (Thessaloniki). During previous strikes (Anatolian tax revolts in 1905-1907) the Sultan remained above criticism and bureaucrats and administrators were deemed corrupt; this time CUP took the blame. In the parliament the Liberty Party accused the CUP of authoritarianism. Abdul Hamid's Grand Viziers Said and Kâmil Pasha and his Foreign Minister Tevfik Pasha continued in the office. They were now independent of the Sultan and were taking measures to strengthen the Porte against the encroachments of both the Palace and the CUP. Said and Kâmil were nevertheless men of the old regime.

31 March Incident
After nine months into the new government, discontent found expression in a fundamentalist movement which attempted to dismantle Constitution and revert it with a monarchy. The 31 March Incident began when Abdul Hamid promised to restore the Caliphate, eliminate secular policies, and restore the rule of Islamic law, as the mutinous troops claimed. CUP also eliminated the time for religious observance. Unfortunately for the advocates of representative parliamentary government, mutinous demonstrations by disenfranchised regimental officers broke out on 13 April 1909, which led to the collapse of the government. On 27 April 1909 the counter-coup was put down using the 11th Salonika Reserve Infantry Division of the Third Army. Some of the leaders of Bulgarian federalist wing like Sandanski and Chernopeev participated in the march on Capital to depose the "attempt to dismantle constitution". Abdul Hamid II was removed from the throne, and Mehmed V became the Sultan. On 5 August 1909, the revised constitution was granted by the new Sultan Mehmed V. This revised constitution, as the one before, proclaimed the equality of all subjects in the matter of taxes, military service (allowing Christians into the military for the first time), and political rights. The new constitution was perceived as a big step for the establishment of a common law for all subjects. The position of Sultan was greatly reduced to a figurehead, while still retaining some constitutional powers, such as the ability to declare war. The new constitution, aimed to bring more sovereignty to the public, could not address certain public services, such as the Ottoman public debt, the Ottoman Bank or Ottoman Public Debt Administration because of their international character. The same held true of most of the companies which were formed to execute public works such as Baghdad Railway, tobacco and cigarette trades of two French companies the "Regie Company", and "Narquileh tobacco".

Italian War, 1911
Italy declared war, the Italo-Turkish War, on the Empire on 29 September 1911, demanding the turnover of Tripoli and Cyrenaica. Italian forces took those areas on 5 November of that year. Although minor, the war was an important precursor of World War I as it sparked nationalism in the Balkan states.

The Ottomans lost their last directly ruled African territory. The Italians also sent weapons to Montenegro, encouraged Albanian dissidents, and seized the Dodecanese. Seeing how easily the Italians had defeated the disorganized Ottomans, the members of the Balkan League attacked the Empire before the war with Italy had ended.

On 18 October 1912, Italy and the Empire signed a treaty in Ouchy near Lausanne. Often called Treaty of Ouchy, but also named as the First Treaty of Lausanne.

1912 election and coup
The Freedom and Accord Party, successor to the Liberty Party, was in power when the First Balkan War broke out in October. The Party of Union and Progress won landslide the 1912 Ottoman general election. Decentralization (the Liberal Union's position) was rejected and all effort was directed toward streamline of the government, streamlining the administration (bureaucracy), and strengthening the armed forces. The CUP, which got the public mandate from the electorate, did not compromise with minority parties like their predecessors (that is being Sultan Abdul Hamid) had been. The first three years of relations between the new regime and the Great Powers were demoralizing and frustrating. The Powers refused to make any concessions over the Capitulations and loosen their grip over the Empire's internal affairs.

When the Italian War and the counterinsurgency operations in Albania and Yemen began to fail, a number of high-ranking military officers, who were unhappy with the counterproductive political involvement in these wars, formed a political committee in the capital. Calling themselves the Savior Officers, its members were committed to reducing the autocratic control wielded by the CUP over military operations. Supported by the Freedom and Accord in parliament, these officers threatened violent action unless their demands were met. Said Pasha resigned as Grand Vizier on 17 July 1912, and the government collapsed. A new government, so called the "Great cabinet", was formed by Ahmet Muhtar Pasha. The members of the government were prestigious statesmen, technocrat government, and they easily received the vote of confidence. The CUP excluded from cabinet posts.

The Ottoman Aviation Squadrons established by largely under French guidance in 1912. Squadrons were established in a short time as Louis Blériot and the Belgian pilot Baron Pierre de Caters performed the first flight demonstration in the Empire on 2 December 1909.

Balkan Wars, 1912–1913
The three new Balkan states formed at the end of the 19th century and Montenegro, sought additional territories from the Albania, Macedonia, and Thrace regions, behind their nationalistic arguments. The incomplete emergence of these nation-states on the fringes of the Empire during the nineteenth century set the stage for the Balkan Wars. On 10 October 1912 the collective note of the powers was handed. CUP responded to demands of European powers on reforms in Macedonia on 14 October.

While the Powers were asking Empire to reform Macedonia, under the encouragement of Russia, a series of agreements were concluded: between Serbia and Bulgaria in March 1912, between Greece and Bulgaria in May 1912, and Montenegro subsequently concluded agreements between Serbia and Bulgaria respectively in October 1912. The Serbian-Bulgarian agreement specifically called for the partition of Macedonia which resulted in the First Balkan War. A nationalist uprising broke out in Albania, and on 8 October, the Balkan League, consisting of Serbia, Montenegro, Greece and Bulgaria, mounted a joint attack on the Empire, starting the First Balkan War. The strong march of the Bulgarian forces in Thrace pushed the Ottoman armies to the gates of Constantinople. The Second Balkan War soon followed. Albania declared independence on 28 November.

The empire agreed to a ceasefire on 2 December, and its territory losses were finalized in 1913 in the treaties of London and Bucharest. Albania became independent, and the Empire lost almost all of its European territory (Kosovo, Sanjak of Novi Pazar, Macedonia and western Thrace) to the four allies. These treaties resulted in the loss of 83 percent of their European territory and almost 70 percent of their European population.

Inter-communal conflicts, 1911–1913
In the two-year period between September 1911 and September 1913 ethnic cleansing sent hundreds of thousands of Muslim refugees, or muhacir, streaming into the Empire, adding yet another economic burden and straining the social fabric. During the wars, food shortages and hundreds of thousands of refugees haunted the empire. After the war there was a violent expulsion of the Muslim peasants of eastern Thrace.

Cession of Kuwait and Albania, 1913
The Anglo-Ottoman Convention of 1913 was a short-lived agreement signed in July 1913 between the Ottoman sultan Mehmed V and the British over several issues. However the status of Kuwait that came to be the only lasting result, as its outcome was formal independence for Kuwait.

Albania had been under Ottoman rule since about 1478. When Serbia, Montenegro, and Greece laid claim to Albanian-populated lands during Balkan Wars, the Albanians declared independence. The European Great Powers endorsed an independent Albania in 1913, after the Second Balkan War leaving outside the Albanian border more than half of the Albanian population and their lands, that were partitioned between Montenegro, Serbia and Greece. They were assisted by Aubrey Herbert, a British MP who passionately advocated their cause in London. As a result, Herbert was offered the crown of Albania, but was dissuaded by the British prime minister, H. H. Asquith, from accepting. Instead the offer went to William of Wied, a German prince who accepted and became sovereign of the new Principality of Albania. Albania's neighbours still cast covetous eyes on this new and largely Islamic state. The young state, however, collapsed within weeks of the outbreak of World War I.

Union and Progress takes control (1913–1918)
At the turn of 1913, the Ottoman Modern Army failed at counterinsurgencies in the periphery of the empire, Libya was lost to Italy, and Balkan war erupted in the fall of 1912. Freedom and Accord flexed its muscles with the forced dissolution of the parliament in 1912. The signs of humiliation of the Balkan wars worked to the advantage of the CUP The cumulative defeats of 1912 enabled the CUP to seize control of the government.

The Freedom and Accord Party presented the peace proposal to the Ottoman government as a collective démarche, which was almost immediately accepted by both the Ottoman cabinet and by an overwhelming majority of the parliament on 22 January 1913. The 1913 Ottoman coup d'état (23 January), was carried out by a number of CUP members led by Ismail Enver and Mehmed Talaat, in which the group made a surprise raid on the central Ottoman government buildings, the Sublime Porte (Bâb-ı Âlî). During the coup, the Minister of the Navy Nazım Pasha was assassinated and the Grand Vizier, Kâmil Pasha, was forced to resign. The CUP established tighter control over the faltering Ottoman state. The new grand vizier Mahmud Sevket Pasha was assassinated by Freedom and Accord supporters just in 5 months after the coup in June 1913. Cemal Pasha's posting as commendante of Constantinople put the party underground. The execution of former officials had been an exception since the Tanzimat (1840s) period; punishment was usually exile. The public life could not be far more brutish 75 years after the Tanzimat. The Foreign Ministry was always occupied by someone from the inner circle of the CUP except for the interim appointment of Muhtar Bey. Said Halim Pasha who was already Foreign Minister, became Grand Vizier in June 1913 and remained in office until October 1915. He was succeeded in the Ministry by Halil Menteşe. In May 1913 a German military mission assigned Otto Liman von Sanders to help train and reorganize the Ottoman army. Otto Liman von Sanders was assigned to reorganize the First Army, his model to be replicated to other units; as an advisor [he took the command of this army in November 1914] and began working on its operational area which was the straits. This became a scandal and intolerable for St. Petersburg. The Russian Empire developed a plan for invading and occupying the Black Sea port of Trabzon or the Eastern Anatolian town of Bayezid in retaliation. To solve this issue Germany demoted Otto Liman von Sanders to a rank with which he could barely command an army corps. If there was no solution through Naval occupation of Constantinople, the next Russian idea was to improve the Russian Caucasus Army.

Elections, 1914
The Empire lost territory in the Balkans, where many of its Christian voters were based before the 1914 elections. The CUP made efforts to win support in the Arab provinces by making conciliatory gestures to Arab leaders. Weakened Arab support for Freedom and Accord enabled the CUP to call elections with unionists holding the upper hand. After 1914 elections, the democratic structure had a better representation in the parliament; the parliament that emerged from the elections in 1914 reflected better ethnic composition of the Ottoman population. There were more Arab deputies, which were under-represented in previous parliaments. The CUP had a majority government. Ismail Enver became a Pasha and was assigned as the Minister of War; Ahmet Cemal who was the military governor of Constantinople became Minister of the Navy; and once the postal official Talaat became the Minister of the Interior. These Three Pashas would maintain de facto control of the Empire as a military regime and almost as a personal dictatorship under Talaat Pasha during the World War I. Until the 1919 Ottoman general election, any other input into the political process was restricted with the outbreak of the World War I.

Albanian politics
The Albanians of Tirana and Elbassan, where the Albanian National Awakening spread, were among the first groups to join the constitutional movement, hoping that it would gain their people autonomy within the empire. However, due to shifting national borders in the Balkans, the Albanians had been marginalized as a nation-less people. The most significant factor uniting the Albanians, their spoken language, lacked a standard literary form and even a standard alphabet. Under the new regime the Ottoman ban on Albanian-language schools and on writing the Albanian language lifted. The new regime also appealed for Islamic solidarity to break the Albanians' unity and used the Muslim clergy to try to impose the Arabic alphabet. The Albanians refused to submit to the campaign to "Ottomanize" them by force. As a consequence, Albanian intellectuals meeting, the Congress of Manastir on 22 November 1908, chose the Latin alphabet as a standard script.

Arab politics
The Hauran Druze Rebellion was a violent Druze uprising in the Syrian province, which erupted in 1909. The rebellion was led by the al-Atrash family, in an aim to gain independence. A business dispute between Druze chief Yahia bey Atrash in the village of Basr al-Harir escalated into a clash of arms between the Druze and Ottoman-backed local villagers. Though it is the financial change during second constitutional area; the spread of taxation, elections and conscription, to areas already undergoing economic change caused by the construction of new railroads, provoked large revolts, particularly among the Druzes and the Hauran. Sami Pasha al-Farouqi arrived in Damascus in August 1910, leading an Ottoman expeditionary force of some 35 battalions. The resistance collapsed.

In 1911, Muslim intellectuals and politicians formed "The Young Arab Society", a small Arab nationalist club, in Paris. Its stated aim was "raising the level of the Arab nation to the level of modern nations." In the first few years of its existence, al-Fatat called for greater autonomy within a unified Ottoman state rather than Arab independence from the empire. Al-Fatat hosted the Arab Congress of 1913 in Paris, the purpose of which was to discuss desired reforms with other dissenting individuals from the Arab world. They also requested that Arab conscripts to the Ottoman army not be required to serve in non-Arab regions except in time of war. However, as the Ottoman authorities cracked down on the organization's activities and members, al-Fatat went underground and demanded the complete independence and unity of the Arab provinces.

Nationalist movement become prominent during this Ottoman period, but it has to be mentioned that this was among Arab nobles and common Arabs considered themselves loyal subjects of the Caliph. Instead of Ottoman Caliph, the British, for their part, incited the Sharif of Mecca to launch the Arab Revolt during the First World War.

Armenian politics
In 1908, the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF) or Dashnak Party embraced a public position endorsing participation and reconciliation in the Imperial Government of the Ottoman Empire and the abandonment of the idea of an independent Armenia. Stepan Zorian and Simon Zavarian managed the political campaign for the 1908 Ottoman Elections. ARF field workers were dispatched to the provinces containing significant Armenian populations; for example, Drastamat Kanayan (Dro), went to Diyarbakir as a political organizer. The Committee of Union and Progress could only able to bring 10 Armenian representatives to the 288 seats in the 1908 election. The other 4 Armenians represented parties with no ethnic affiliation. The ARF was aware that the elections were shaky ground and maintained its political direction and self-defence mechanism intact and continued to smuggle arms and ammunition.

On 13 April 1909, while Constantinople was dealing with the consequences of 31 March Incident, an outbreak of violence, known today as the Adana Massacre, shook in April the ARF-CUP relations to the core. On 24 April the 31 March Incident and suppression of the Adana violence followed each other. The Ottoman authorities in Adana brought in military forces and ruthlessly stamped out both real opponents, while at the same time massacring thousands of innocent people. In July 1909, the CUP government announced the trials of various local government and military officials, for "being implicated in the Armenian massacres.". On 15 January 1912, the Ottoman parliament dissolved and political campaigns began almost immediately. After the election, on 5 May 1912, Dashnak officially severed the relations with the Ottoman government; a public declaration of the Western Bureau printed in the official announcement was directed to "Ottoman Citizens." The June issue of Droshak ran an editorial about it.

In October 1912, George V of Armenia engaged in negotiations with General Illarion Ivanovich Vorontsov-Dashkov to discuss Armenian reforms inside the Russian Empire. In December 1912, Kevork V formed the Armenian National Delegation and appointed Boghos Nubar. The delegation established itself in Paris. Another member appointed to the delegation was James Malcolm who resided in London and became the delegation's point man in its dealings with the British. In early 1913, Armenian diplomacy shaped as Boghos Nubar was to be responsible for external negotiations with the European governments, while the Political Council "seconded by the Constantinople and Tbilisi Commissions" were to negotiate the reform question internally with the Ottoman and Russian governments. The Armenian reform package was established in February 1914 based on the arrangements nominally made in the Treaty of Berlin (1878) and the Treaty of San Stefano. The plan called for the unification of the Six Vilayets and the nomination of a Christian governor and religiously balanced council over the unified provinces, the establishment of a second Gendarmerie over Ottoman Gendarmerie commanded by European officers, the legalization of the Armenian language and schools, and the establishment of a special commission to examine land confiscations empowered to expel Muslim refugees. The most important clause was obligating the European powers to enforce the reforms, by overriding the regional governments. During the spring of 1913, the provinces faced increasingly worse relations between Kurds and Armenians that created an urgent need for the ARF to revive its self-defence capability. In 1913, the Social Democrat Hunchakian Party (followed by other Ottoman political parties) changed its policy and stopped cooperating with the CUP, moving out of the concept of Ottomanism and developing its own kind of nationalism.

From the end of July to 2 August 1914, the Armenian congress at Erzurum happened. There was a meeting between the Committee of Progress and Union and the Armenian Revolutionary Federation. Armenian liaisons Arshak Vramian, Zorian and Khatchatour Maloumian and Ottoman liaisons Dr. Behaeddin Shakir, Omer Naji, and Hilmi Bey were accompanied by an international entourage of peoples from the Caucasus. The CUP requested to incite a rebellion of Russian Armenians against the Tsarist regime in Russian Armenia, in order to facilitate the conquest of Transcaucasia in the event of the opening up of the Caucasus Campaign. Around the same time, a representative meeting of Russian Armenians assembled in Tiflis, Russian Armenia. The Tsar asked Armenian's loyalty and support for Russia in the conflict. The proposal was agreed upon and nearly 20,000 Armenians who responded to the call of forming Armenian volunteer units inside the Russian Caucasus Army, of which only 7,000 were given arms. On 2 November, the first engagement of the Caucasus Campaign began (the Bergmann Offensive), and on 16 December 1914, the Ottoman Empire officially dismantled the Armenian reform package.

Ottoman intelligence services detected a plot by Hunchakian operatives to assassinate leading CUP members, and but foiled the plot in a single operation in July 1914. The trials took a year and the participants, named the 20 Hunchakian gallows were executed on 15 June 1915.

Kurdish politics
The first Kurds to challenge the authority of the Ottoman Empire did so primarily as Ottoman subjects, rather than national Kurds. Abdul Hamid responded with a policy of repression, but also of integration, co-opting prominent Kurdish opponents into the Ottoman power structure with prestigious positions in his government. This strategy appeared successful given the loyalty displayed by the Kurdish Hamidiye Cavalry. In 1908, after the overthrow of Sultan, the Hamidiye was disbanded as an organized force, but as they were "tribal forces" before official recognition by the Sultan Abdul Hamid II in 1892, they stayed as "tribal forces" after dismemberment. The Hamidiye Cavalry is often described as a failure because of its contribution to tribal feuds.

Shaykh Abd al Qadir in 1910 appealed to the CUP for an autonomous Kurdish state in the east. That same year, Said Nursi travelled through the Diyarbakir region and urged Kurds to unite and forget their differences, while still carefully claiming loyalty to the CUP. Other Kurdish Shaykhs in the region began leaning towards regional autonomy. During this time, the Badr Khans had been in contact with discontented Shaykhs and chieftains in the far east of Anatolia ranging to the Iranian border, more in the framework of secession, however. Shaykh Abd al Razzaq Badr Khan eventually formed an alliance with Shaykh Taha and Shaykh Abd al Salam Barzani, another powerful family.

In 1914, because of the possible Kurdish threat as well as the alliance's dealings with Russia, Ottoman troops moved against this alliance. Two brief and minor rebellions, the rebellions of Barzan and Bitlis, were quickly suppressed.

In 1914, General Muhammad Sharif Pasha offered his services to the British in Mesopotamia. Elsewhere, members of the Badr Khan family held close relations with Russian officials and discussed their intentions to form an independent Kurdistan.

Yemeni politics
Yemen Vilayet was a first-level administrative division of the Empire. In the late 19th century, the Zaidis rebelled against the Empire, and Imam Mohammed ibn Yahya laid the foundation of a hereditary dynasty. When he died in 1904, his successor Imam Yahya ibn Mohammed led the revolt against the Empire in 1904–1905, and forced them to grant important concessions to the Zaidis. The Ottoman agreed to withdraw the civil code and restore sharia in Yemen. In 1906, the Idrisi leaders of Asir rebelled against the Ottomans. By 1910 they controlled most of Asir, but they were ultimately defeated by Ottoman Army and Hejazi forces. Ahmed Izzet Pasha concluded a treaty with Imam Yahya in October 1911, by which he was recognized as temporal and spiritual head of the Zaidis, was given the right to appoint officials over them, and collect taxes from them. The Ottomans maintained their system of government in the Sunni-majority parts of Yemen.

In March 1914, the Anglo-Turkish Treaty delimited the border between Yemen and the Aden Protectorate. This was the backdrop to the later division in two Yemeni states (up to 1990).

Zionist politics
The World Zionist Organization was established in Constantinople; Theodor Herzl had tried to set up debt relief for Sultan Abdul Hamid II in exchange for Palestinian lands. Until the First World War its activities focused on cultural matters, although political aims were never absent. Before the First World War, Herzl's attempts to reach a political agreement with the Ottoman rulers of Palestine were unsuccessful. But on 11 April 1909, Tel Aviv was founded on the outskirts of the ancient port city of Jaffa. The World Zionist Organization supported small-scale settlement in Palestine and focused on strengthening Jewish feeling and consciousness and on building a worldwide federation. At the start of World War I most Jews (and Zionists) supported the German Empire in its war against the Russian Empire. The Balfour Declaration (dated 2 November 1917) and Henry McMahon had exchanged letters with Hussein bin Ali, Sharif of Mecca in 1915, a shift to another concept (Jewish national home vs. Jewish state) which is explained under Homeland for the Jewish people.

Foreign policy
The interstate system at the beginning of the twentieth century was a multipolar one, with no single or two states pre-eminent. Multipolarity traditionally had afforded the Ottomans the ability to play-off one power against the other. Initially, the CUP and Freedom and Accord turned to Britain. Germany had supported the Hamidian regime and acquired a strong foothold. By encouraging Britain to compete against Germany and France, the Ottomans hoped to break France and Germany's hold and acquire greater autonomy for the Porte. Hostility to Germany increased when her ally Austria-Hungary annexed Bosnia and Herzegovina. The pro-Unionist Tanin went so far as to suggest that Vienna's motive in carrying out this act was to strike a blow against the constitutional regime and assist reaction in order to bring about its fall. Two prominent Unionists, Ahmed Riza Pasha and Dr. Nazim Pasha, were sent to London to discuss options of cooperation with Sir Edward Grey and Sir Charles Hardinge.

"Our habit was to keep our hands free, though we made ententes and friendships. It was true that we had an alliance with Japan, but it was limited to certain distant questions in the Far East. They [Ottoman delegate] replied that Empire was the Japan of the Near East (prompting to Meiji Restoration period which spanned from 1868 to 1912), and that we already had the Cyprus Convention which was still in force. I said that they had our entire sympathy in the good work they were doing in the Empire; we wished them well, and we would help them in their internal affairs by lending them men to organize customs, police, and so forth, if they wished them."

Foreign Minister Tevfik's successor, Mehmed Rifat Pasha was a career diplomat from a merchant family. The CUP, who were predominantly civilian, resented the intrusion of the army into government. The CUP, who seized power from Freedom and Accord in January 1913, were more convinced than ever that only an alliance with Britain and the Entente could guarantee the survival of what remained of the Empire. In June, therefore, the subject of an Anglo-Turkish alliance was reopened by Tevfik Pasha, who simply restated his proposal of October 1911. Once again the offer was turned down.

Sir Louis Mallet, who became Britain's Ambassador to the Porte in 1914, noted that

"Turkey’s way of assuring her independence is by an alliance with us or by an undertaking with the Triple Entente. A less risky method [he thought] would be by a treaty or Declaration binding all the Powers to respect the independence and integrity of the present Turkish dominion, which might go as far as neutralization, and participation by all the Great Powers in financial control and the application of reform." The CUP felt betrayed by what they considered was Europe's bias during the Balkan Wars, and therefore they had no faith in Great Power declarations regarding the Empire's independence and integrity; the termination of European financial control and administrative supervision was one of the principal aims of CUP's policies. Though these imperial powers had experienced relatively few major conflicts between them over the previous hundred years, an underlying rivalry, otherwise known as "the Great Game", had exacerbated the situation to such an extent that resolution was sought. Anglo-Russian Convention of 1907 brought shaky British-Russian relations to the forefront by solidifying boundaries that identified their respective control in Persia, Afghanistan. Overall, the Convention represented a carefully calculated move on each power's part in which they chose to value a powerful alliance over potential sole control over various parts of Central Asia. The Ottoman Empire lied on the crossroads to Central Asia. The Convention served as the catalyst for creating a "Triple Entente", which was the basis of the alliance of countries opposing the Central Powers. Ottoman Empire's path in Ottoman entry into World War I was set with that agreement, which ended the Great Game.

One way to challenge and undermine the army's position was by attacking Germany in the press and supporting friendship with Germany's rival, Great Britain. But neither Britain nor France responded to CUP's advance of friendship. In fact France resented the government's (Porte) desire to acquire financial autonomy.

In early 1914 the Constantinople was concerned with three main goals. The first was improving relations with Bulgaria; the second was to encourage support from the Germans, and the third was to settle negotiations with Europe about the Armenian reform.

With regard to the first, the Ottoman Empire and Bulgaria showed sympathy to one another because they suffered as a result of the territories lost with the Balkan Wars (1912–1913). They also had bitter relations with Greece. They would eventually sign a secret treaty of alliance, and during World War I, fight on the same side.

With regard to the second, there were three military missions active at the turn of 1914. These were the British Naval Mission led by Admiral Limpus, the French Gendarme Mission led by General Moujen, and the German Military Mission led by Colmar Freiherr von der Goltz. The German Military Mission become the most important among these three. The history of German-Ottoman military relations went back to the 1880s. The Grand Vizier Said Halim Pasha (12 June 1913 – 4 February 1917) and Ottoman Minister of War Ahmet Izzet Pasha (11 June 1913 – 3 January 1914) were instrumental in developing the initial relations. Kaiser Wilhelm II ordered General Goltz to establish the first German mission. General Goltz served two periods within two years. In early 1914, the Ottoman Minister of War became the former military attaché to Berlin, Enver Pasha. About the same time, General Otto Liman von Sanders was nominated to the command of the German 1st Army.

With regard to the third, an Armenian reform package was negotiated with the Russian Empire. Russia, acting on behalf of the Great Powers, played a crucial role introducing reforms for the Armenian citizens of the Empire. The Armenian reform package, which was solidified in February 1914 and was based on the arrangements nominally made in the Treaty of Berlin (1878) and the Treaty of San Stefano. According to this arrangement the inspectors general, whose powers and duties constituted the key to the question, were to be named for a period of ten years, and their engagement was not to be revocable during that period.

World War I
The Ottoman Empire entered WWI with the attack on Russia's Black Sea coast on 29 October 1914. The attack prompted Russia and its allies, Britain and France, to declare war on the Ottoman Empire in November 1914. The Ottoman Empire was active in the Balkans theatre and Middle Eastern theatre – the latter had five main campaigns: the Sinai and Palestine Campaign, the Mesopotamian Campaign, the Caucasus Campaign, the Persian Campaign, and the Gallipoli Campaign. There were also several minor campaigns: the North African Campaign, the Arab Campaign and the South Arabia Campaign. There were several important Ottoman victories in the early years of the war, such as the Battle of Gallipoli and the Siege of Kut. The Armistice of Mudros was signed on 31 October 1918, ending the Ottoman participation in World War I.

Mehmet VI (1918–1922)
Just before the end of World War I, Sultan Mehmet V died and Mehmed VI became the new Sultan.

The Occupation of Constantinople took place in accordance with the Armistice of Mudros, ending the Ottoman participation in World War I. The occupation had two stages: the initial occupation took place from 13 November 1918 to 16 March 1920; from 16 March 1920 – Treaty of Sèvres. The year 1918 saw the first time Constantinople had changed hands since the Ottoman Turks conquered the Byzantine capital in 1453. An Allied military administration was set up early in December 1918. Hagia Sophia was converted back into a cathedral by the Allied administration, and the building was returned temporarily to the Greek Orthodox Ecumenical Patriarch.

The CUP members were court-martialled during the Turkish courts-martial of 1919–1920 with charges of subversion of the constitution, wartime profiteering, and the massacres of both Greeks and Armenians. The courts-martial became a stage for political battles. The trials helped Freedom and Accord root out the CUP from the political arena. The fall of the CUP allowed the Palace to regain the initiative once again, though only for less than a year. The British also rounded up a number of members of the Imperial Government and interned them in Malta, only for them to be exchanged in the future for British POWs without further trial. Sir Gough-Calthorpe included only members of the Government of Tevfik Pasha and the military/political personalities.

Discredited members of the Ottoman regime were resurrected in order to form ephemeral governments and conduct personal diplomacy. Thus, Ahmet Tevfik Pasha formed two ministries between November 1918 and March 1919, to be followed by Abdul Hamid's brother-in-law Damat Ferid Pasha who led three cabinets in seven months. Damad Ferid, having served in diplomatic missions throughout Europe during the Hamidian era, and having been acquainted with European statesmen during his tenure as a Liberal politician, was considered an asset in the negotiations for the very survival of the Ottoman state and dynasty.

Partitioning
After the war, the doctrine of Ottomanism lost its credibility. As parts of the Empire were integrated into the world economy, certain regions (the Balkans, Egypt, Iraq, and Hijaz) established closer economic links with Paris and London, or even with British India, than with Constantinople, which became known in English as Istanbul around 1930.

The partitioning of the Ottoman Empire began with the Treaty of London (1915) and continued with mostly bilateral multiple agreements among the Allies. The initial peace agreement with the Ottoman Empire was the Armistice of Mudros. This was followed by the Occupation of Constantinople. The partitioning of the Ottoman Empire brought international conflicts which were discussed during the Paris Peace Conference, 1919. The peace agreement, the Treaty of Sèvres, was eventually signed by the Ottoman Empire (not ratified) and the Allied administration. The result of the Peace Settlement was that every indigenous group of the Empire would acquire its own state.

Treaty of Sèvres
The text of the Treaty of Sèvres was not made public to the Ottoman public until May 1920. The Allies decided that the Empire would be left only a small area in Northern and Central Anatolia to rule. Contrary to general expectations, the Sultanate along with the Caliphate was not terminated, and it was allowed to retain capitol and a small strip of territory around the city, but not the straits. The shores of the Bosphorus and the Dardanelles were planned to be internationalised, so that the gates of the Black Sea would be kept open. West Anatolia was to be offered to Greece, and East Anatolia was to be offered to Armenia. The Mediterranean coast, although still a part of the Empire, was partitioned between two zones of influence for France and Italy. The interior of Anatolia, the first seat of Ottoman power six centuries ago, would retain Ottoman sovereignty.

The idea of an independent Armenian state survived the demise of Ottoman Empire through the Democratic Republic of Armenia, later conquered by the Bolsheviks.

In 1918, Kurdish tribal leader Sharif Pasha pressed the British to adopt a policy supporting autonomous Kurdish state. He suggested that British officials be charged with administering the region. During the Paris Peace Conference, a Kurdo-Armenian peace accord was reached between Sharif Pasha and Armenian representatives at the conference in 1919. The British thought that this agreement would increase the likelihood of independent Kurdish and Armenian states and therefore create a buffer between British Mesopotamia and the Turks.

The Arab forces were promised a state that included much of the Arabian Peninsula and the Fertile Crescent; however, the secret Sykes-Picot Agreement between Britain and France provided for the territorial division of much of that region between the two imperial powers.

The Allies dictated the terms of the partitioning of the Ottoman Empire with the Treaty of Sèvres. The Turkish nationalist Ottoman Parliament rejected these terms, as they did not conform to the Parliament's own conditions for partition, the Misak-ı Millî (National Pact) published in early 1920. No Ottoman assent was possible while Parliament remained intransigent.

Following the Conference of London on 4 March 1920, the Allies decided to actively suppress Turkish nationalist opposition to the Treaty. On 14 March 1920, Allied troops moved to occupy key buildings and arrest nationalists in Constantinople. Parliament met a final time on 18 March 1920 before being dissolved by Sultan Mehmed VI on 11 April 1920. Many parliamentarians relocated to Ankara and formed a new government.

The Allies were freed to deal with the Sultan directly. Mehmed VI signed the Treaty on 10 August 1920. The Imperial Government in Constantinople attempted and failed to convene the Senate to ratify the treaty; its legitimacy was fatally undermined by the Turkish nationalists' refusal to cooperate. The resulting Turkish War of Independence and the subsequent nationalist victory permanently prevented the Treaty from being ratified.

The Turkish War of Independence ended with the Turkish nationalists in control of much of Anatolia. On 1 November 1922 the Turkish provisional government formally declared the Ottoman Sultanate and, with it, the Ottoman Empire to be abolished. Mehmed VI departed Constantinople and into exile on 17 November 1922. The Allies and Turks met in Lausanne, Switzerland to discuss a replacement for the unratified Treaty of Sèvres.

End of the Ottoman Empire
The resulting Treaty of Lausanne secured international recognition for the new Turkish state and its borders. The Treaty was signed on 24 July 1923 and ratified in Turkey on 23 August 1923. The Republic of Turkey was formally declared on 29 October 1923.

The following year on 23 April 1924, the republic declared 150 personae non gratae of Turkey, including the former Sultan, to be personae non-gratae. Most of these restrictions were lifted on 28 June 1938.

title: Dissolution of the Ottoman Empire


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Brad Hodge

Bradley John Hodge (born 29 December 1974) is an Australian cricket coach and former cricketer. He was a right-handed batsman who batted in the middle order, as well as a part-time right-arm off-spin bowler. Hodge was a member of the Australian team that won the 2007 Cricket World Cup.

Hodge was a prolific run-scorer in domestic cricket, holding the records for the most runs (5,597) and most centuries (20) in Australian interstate one-day matches. He is also Victoria's highest ever run-scorer in the Sheffield Shield (10,474 runs). However, his opportunities to represent Australia were limited to 6 Tests, 25 one-day internationals (ODIs) and 15 T20 Internationals.

First-class career
Hodge attended St. Bede's College in Mentone, Victoria. He debuted for the Victorian Bushrangers as a 19-year-old, and was nicknamed "Bunkie" by Dean Jones for the fact that he shared a bunkbed with his brother at the time of his debut.

Hodge played Lancashire League Cricket for Ramsbottom in 2000 and 2001 scoring 1000 runs in each season, breaking the clubs batting record in 2001. His bowling also proved useful.

Hodge has played with County Cricket teams Durham, Lancashire, and Leicestershire – where he made his highest first class score of 302*. During his time at Leicestershire, he was accused of cheating by then-Derbyshire captain, Dominic Cork, by claiming a catch when it appeared that he had stepped over the boundary rope in a Twenty20 match in June 2003. Hodge had actually completed the catch cleanly, before running over to the crowd to celebrate. Hodge denied the accusation and considered taking legal action. Cork was sanctioned by the ECB.

Hodge scored many runs for Victoria, and his consistency came together by the 2000–01 season, where he was consistently overlooked for selection, despite being one of Australia's premier domestic batsmen. He has argued he was the victim of New South Wales selection bias.

On 21 November 2007, playing for Victoria against Queensland, Hodge made his highest Pura Cup score of 286*. He and Nick Jewell had batted undefeated for the entire third day of the game, only the fourth wicketless day's play in the history of the competition.

During the match against Queensland at the MCG on 7 March 2009, he scored 261. During this innings, he became the 6th batsman to pass 10,000 Sheffield Shield runs.

He also became the first to score a century in Australian domestic Twenty20, scoring 106 off 54 deliveries for Victoria against New South Wales at North Sydney, on 21 January 2006.

In December 2009, Hodge announced his retirement from first-class cricket to focus on the one-day and Twenty20 versions of the game. Hodge finished his domestic first-class career as Victoria's all-time leading run-scorer. In January 2012, he retired from one-day cricket to focus exclusively on the Twenty20 game. At the time, he was the leading run-scorer in the 2011–12 Ryobi One-Day Cup.

Hodge captained the Adelaide Strikers in the 2016–17 Big Bash League and while the team struggled, he was a model of consistency and named in the team of the tournament at the age of 42.

Australian career
Hodge was called up as part of Australia's 2005 Ashes squad but was not used throughout the series. He did, however, make a number of catches in the third test as a substitute fielder to get out Kevin Pietersen and Michael Vaughan both off the bowling of Brett Lee. After a long time waiting for an international debut, he finally debuted for the Australian team against the West Indies in November 2005 at Bellerive Oval, Hobart, during the 2005–06 Test Series, becoming the 394th player to wear the baggy green for Australia. He had his baggy green presented to him by Bill Lawry.

Hodge scored his maiden Test century for Australia against South Africa in Perth on 19 December 2005. After ending the third day on 91 not out, Hodge displayed some nervousness in media interviews about reaching his century, but by the end of the innings he managed to finish with an unbeaten score of 203, batting with fluency on day four. This innings was criticised by some Australian fans who felt that captain Ricky Ponting declared too late in allowing Hodge to chase his double century. This criticism came after Australia did not bowl out South Africa in the 4th innings (despite having 120 overs to do so), with the match ending in a draw. Australia were principally thwarted by a resolute Rudolph, who replaced the injured Jacques Kallis.

Hodge later made his One-day International debut, and, after two initial modest scores, he scored a half-century. This earned him a recall for some games against South Africa in the VB Series, although he failed to capitalise and was dropped from the ODI side.

Hodge was dropped after only five tests in the team, and only three tests after scoring his double century against South Africa. The selectors stated that the decision was made on the back of a poor Pura Cup season by Hodge, averaging around 25 for the summer when the team was selected (he finished the season with an average of 33.3). The decision was unpopular amongst Victorian fans, particularly since his replacement, Damien Martyn, had averaged only 23.7 in the same Pura Cup season. He did get back, however, albeit more than two years later, when included in Australia's squad that toured the West Indies in May/June 2008. On 22 May, in what proved to be his final test, he made 67 and 27 with the bat.

Brad Hodge made 99 not out off 86 balls to steer Australia to victory against New Zealand on 4 February 2007, when he was called into the team because Andrew Symonds had pulled out with a torn bicep.

On 18 February 2007, Brad Hodge scored 97 not out off 86 balls as he helped Australia to 4/336 off their 50 overs.

On 18 March 2007, in the World Cup, Hodge scored his maiden one-day century against Holland. He scored 123 off just 89 balls, including 7 sixes and 8 fours and shared a record 4th-wicket partnership of 204 with Michael Clarke, the highest 4th wicket stand in World Cup history.

On 24 March 2007, Hodge was dropped from the Australian ODI side starting 11 in the World Cup, after making a century and being named man of the match in the side's last outing against cricketing minnows, the Netherlands. Andrew Symonds, after recovering from a shoulder injury, was named as his replacement. Hodge later returned to the starting 11 when Shane Watson was injured.

He played for Australia in a Twenty20 against India on 1 February 2008.

In December 2010, Hodge was named in Australia's initial World Cup side for the following year. However, he was not named in the final squad.

In 2012, reflecting on his lack of opportunities to play for Australia, Hodge said: "Selections have puzzled me for a number of years, and continue to puzzle me... I have played the best cricket I can in Test, four-day, one-day, and T20, but for some reason it has not been good enough. That's life."

In January 2012, Hodge announced his decision to retire from One-Day Cricket and also to retire from Victoria. He said in an interview: "I think it's just time to step aside and let some other guys come through; I'm obviously delighted to have played this long. I guess, like anyone in the world, once you've done something for so long, it's hard to let go"

In 2014, Hodge played for Australia in the 2014 ICC World Twenty20 competition.

Later career
In 2022, Hodge was the narrator for Warnie, the posthumous tribute documentary for Shane Warne.

title: Brad Hodge


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Emilio Azcárraga Vidaurreta

Emilio Azcárraga Vidaurreta (2 March 1895, Tampico, Tamaulipas – 23 September 1972, Houston) was a Mexican businessman who built an entertainment conglomerate.

The son of Basque immigrants Mariano Azcárraga and Emilia Vidaurreta, his primary education was in Piedras Negras, Coahuila, middle school in San Antonio, Texas, and high school in Austin.

Early career
Aged 17, he was employed at a shoe store while he studied trade and economics by night.

He obtained distribution rights for a shoe manufacturer in Boston and, at age 23, he created the car distribution company, Azcárraga & Copland.

Radio broadcasting industry
In 1923, Azcárraga obtained a license to distribute radios from the Victor Talking Machine Company. Around the same time his brother Raúl Azcárraga Vidaurreta had created a radio station with Mexico City's newspaper El Universal. While working at the "Mexico Music" division of RCA) he became more interested in the radio broadcasting industry. On 19 March 1930 the radio station XET-AM was founded in Monterrey. And on September 18 Azcárraga created the XEW-AM with Mexico Music Corporation as major stockholder. The station was also part of the NBC division of RCA.

Television industry
Azcárraga Vidaurreta established Estudios Churubusco in the 1940s and created the first TV station in Mexico, Channel 2, in 1951. He became the first president of Telesistemas Mexicanos in 1955. His entertainment conglomerate was composed of 92 different business units by 1969. He died on 23 September 1972, before establishment of Televisa, S.A., a television production company on 1 January 1973.

Family
Emilio married Laura Milmo Hickman.

Emilio Azcárraga and Laura Milmo had three children, including Emilio. In 1899 Patricio Milmo and Sons was established as a bank to invest in such interests as railroads and mines. After the Mexican Revolution the company focused on safer investments, like the then-recently-developing radio industry.

title: Emilio Azcárraga Vidaurreta


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Naval captain

Naval captain may refer to:
 * Captain (naval), the name most often given in English-speaking navies to the rank corresponding to command of the largest ships
 * Captain at sea, a rank equivalent to Captain (naval) in non-English-speaking countries such as Germany and the Netherlands
 * Sea captain, a licensed mariner in ultimate command of the vessel

title: Naval captain