text:
Talk:Chip Pickering

Images
The copyright status on the two images (particularly the first, which actually has the caption as part of the image) seems questionable to me. Everyking 11:30, 14 October 2005 (UTC)

Both photos were downloaded from Chip's official house.gov website and are therefore in the public domain. This work is in the public domain because it is a work of the United States Federal Government under the terms of Title 17, Chapter 1, Section 105 of the US Code. Dr. Watson 13:43, 14 October 2005

I edited the first photo, the public domain image of Congressperson Pickering. I cropped the inappropriate wide red border and abbreviated the original text caption, which was overly wordy and too small to read. The resulting 'product' is factually accurate and more aesthetically suited to Wiki's format. I place this image in the public domain. - Leif Oldhart

I suppose it would be obvious that the congressman (being a southern republican) would be the white guy, but I still think the caption might mention which one he is.

What does the cited "fact" that Trent Lott is a 33rd degree Freemason have to do with Chip Pickering? This whole article appears to be biased against Congressman Pickering.

I would agree. I have looked over this article in the course of an academic project, and found numerous instances of extremely biased wording. I will continue to watch this article and revert edits, if necessary, to prevent bias and unsubstantiated accusations. I considered the paragraphs on PAC and Oil money and pressure on drug regulators to be too far gone, and edited those out -- they aren't BAD additions, but someone who isn't a Pickering detractor should probably work on them to make them fair and accurate, not merely campaign propaganda. I would also add that some of the language I removed seems verbatim copy from Jim Giles' website. Wikipedia is not a campaign tool, so stop acting like it is. Sighter Goliant 14:42, 11 September 2006 (UTC)

Image
The image doesn't belong regardless of copyvio issues. The caption is ample demonstration of that. I would like to see any other biography with an image with the caption 'this photo formerly appeared on his website'. Such an image should surely be removed. Allstarecho alleges that is shows the time of his life with in Congress. Frankly, this a rather silly suggestion since we have no idea when this photo was taken, it could have been before he was in Congress for all we know at some theme park. If we want to have a useful photo, we need one that we actually know something about, preferably a rough idea of when and where it was taken, at least if we know it was actually taken while Pickering was a Congressperson, rather then presuming to know when the photo was taken when we clearly don't, and using one added for the sole purpose of a clear BLP violating OR claim of wrongdoing by an editor with a clear grudge. While the internet archive of Pickering's website is somewhat incomplete, it's not that hard to find such a photo, e.g. (4th or 5th image) (5th image)  (2nd image). I'm personally not convinced of the copyright status of any of these images, including the one that keeps getting added back, so I won't be adding any of these myself. Also I frankly couldn't give a damn about some American I've never heard of, who has no bearing in my life, but despire BLP violations. But it should be trivial for someone who actually wants to add such an image, with the same IMHO questionable copyright status, which we can at least caption in a useful way rather then just saying it appeared on his website, which I must repeat again is one of the sillest captions I've seen (even no caption would be better). We have to use free photos yes, and we have to make do with what's available sometimes, but it's not necessary to sink that low. Nil Einne (talk) 09:50, 2 August 2009 (UTC)
 * Deleted image with disparaging filename. Without clarity about copyright status and some reliable sources about the significance and alleged meaning of the image, it should not be re-added. Rd232 talk 10:48, 2 August 2009 (UTC)
 * That's utter ridiculousness. You could have just renamed the file in moving it to Commons where free images belonged. The BLP issues were addressed in doing away with the BLP-vio caption of the image. However, the image was a free image from a .gov web site and should not have been deleted. What has taken place here only speaks of your own POV violation. - ALLST✰R ▼ echo wuz here  20:28, 2 August 2009 (UTC)
 * Considering the copyright status of the image is unclear uploading it to commons would have been inappropriate. I also don't get why this image even matters, as I said there are plenty of other images from the historic site on archive.org, if you for whatever reason are going to claim that all the images there are works of (or on behalf of) the US federal government or otherwise in the public domain, you can at least choose a less contentious image. Nil Einne (talk) 03:18, 26 October 2010 (UTC)

Large edit
I'd like to highlight [//en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Chip_Pickering&diff=642622925&oldid=630339000 this edit.] Some of it looks like improvements, but some of it looks like unexplained removal of content. Yaris678 (talk) 17:04, 15 January 2015 (UTC)

External links modified
Hello fellow Wikipedians,

I have just modified one external link on Chip Pickering. Please take a moment to review my edit. If you have any questions, or need the bot to ignore the links, or the page altogether, please visit this simple FaQ for additional information. I made the following changes:
 * Added archive https://web.archive.org/web/20090806214601/http://www.stennis.gov/spotlights/spotlights_show.htm?doc_id=839904 to http://www.stennis.gov/spotlights/spotlights_show.htm?doc_id=839904
 * Added tag to http://www.radiofreemississippi.net/lobbyist.htm

When you have finished reviewing my changes, you may follow the instructions on the template below to fix any issues with the URLs.

Cheers.— InternetArchiveBot  (Report bug) 10:07, 5 August 2017 (UTC)

No mention of why Pickering resigned from Congress
Howard from NYC (talk) 11:47, 1 June 2022 (UTC) quote: "In January 2009, Pickering retired from the House of Representatives." ... nothing? ... lacks details of his sexual hyjinx and eventual divorce and so on and so forth

title: Talk:Chip Pickering


text:
John Dickinson Stationery

John Dickinson Stationery Limited was a leading English stationery company founded in southwest Hertfordshire. In the 19th century, the company pioneered a number of innovations in papermaking. It became part of Dickinson Robinson Group in 1966; after changes of ownership, the John Dickinson brand was retired in 2008.

History
John Dickinson began his business life as a stationer in the City of London in 1804. But around 1802 he had already started to experiment with papermaking machinery and obtained a first patent for cutting paper in 1807. Two years later Dickinson patented a new continuous mechanized papermaking process. In the same year he gained financial backing from George Longman, whose family controlled the Longman publishing firm, and formed a new company, called Longman & Dickinson. In addition a considerable sum of money was borrowed from the printer and MP Andrew Strahan (1749–1831).

Dickinson bought his first paper mill at Apsley, Hertfordshire (Apsley Mill, a former flour mill) in 1809, and a second nearby (Nash Mill, formerly a mediaeval corn-mill) in 1811; both took water from the Grand Junction Canal (opened in 1800 and now part of the Grand Union Canal) which also provided transport for materials and product. Between 1828 and 1830 he built a third mill at Croxley, also on the canal.

The mill-house at Nash Mill, called Nash House, became the family home of Dickinson and his new wife Ann (née Grover), whose father Harry Grover supported this business development through his Hemel Hempstead Bank (now part of Lloyds Bank) in Hemel Hempstead. Soon Nash Mills was renowned for its production of tough thin paper for Samuel Bagster's "Pocket Reference Bible". A major fire in 1813 was a setback, but, being covered by insurance, enabled redevelopment towards large scale production.

Later in the 19th century, Sir John Evans and his son Lewis Evans (whose elder brother was the archaeologist Sir Arthur Evans) both managed the company. After John Evans had given up his partnership in the company in 1885, it was formally incorporated as John Dickinson & Co. Limited the following year, with a capital of £500,000. At the same time, the company started to concentrate more on the stationery side of the business, since papermaking was no longer profitable. The Apsley plant was reconstructed and concentrated on making envelopes, while paper production was transferred to the more modern Croxley Mill.

John Dickinson & Co. Ltd had their own engineering department at Nash Mills until 1888, when it was gradually transferred to Apsley Mill; by 1903 the department was merely a repair shop. At the end of the 19th century, Nash Mill, which was small and had a reputation for independence, experienced a drop in profitability. Continuous minor changes were implemented until 1926, when it was expanded, remodelled and refurbished. The Lion Brand was adopted as the company logo in 1910.

Basildon Bond
The Basildon Bond brand of stationery was created by Millington and Sons in 1911. The brand is named after Basildon Park, where some of Millington's directors were staying, and they liked the alliteration of "Basildon" and "bond". Millington & Sons was acquired by John Dickinson in 1918, who then took over the Basildon Bond brand. The name "Basildon Bond" was used by comedian Russ Abbot for one of his characters.

Innovations
John Dickinson patented a method of papermaking in June 1809 that rendered his rivals' techniques (principally the Fourdrinier machine) obsolete. In 1850, the company started mechanical envelope manufacturing, with gummed envelopes for the first time. The production of fine rag paper on electrically driven machines was a successful innovation at Nash Mill.

Second World War
The company produced various paper and cardboard products for the war effort, and also branched out into engineering, producing items such as fuel tanks for long range fighter aircraft, 20 mm cannon shells, aircraft fuel pumps, magnetos and spark plugs. The company made the foil strips codenamed Window used by the RAF to blind enemy radar.

Dickinson Robinson Group
Dickinson Robinson Group Ltd (DRG) was formed out of E. S. & A. Robinson Packaging of Bristol and John Dickinson & Co Ltd. in 1966, creating one of the world's largest stationery and packaging companies. In 1989, the asset-stripper Roland Franklin (Pembridge Investments) acquired DRG (by now including the Royal Sovereign group acquired in 1978) in a leveraged buyout worth £900 million.

Fate
Pembridge Investments carved the Dickinson Robinson Group up and sold its parts for a profit to various other companies:
 * In 1990 it sold the paper mills in the group – Nash Mills, Keynsham Paper Mill and Fife Paper Mills – to Sappi of South Africa. These mills were subsequently closed by Sappi as were all other acquisitions (Kymmini Oy, Blackburn Mill and Wolvercote Mill) they had made in the UK.
 * Also in 1990, DRG Stationery was acquired by Biber Holding AG of Switzerland and renamed John Dickinson Stationery. After Biber became insolvent in 1996, John Dickinson Stationery was sold in the same year to Spicers Ltd, then a subsidiary of DS Smith, and moved from Apsley to the village of Sawston, south of Cambridge. In 2005, John Dickinson Stationery was purchased by the French stationery manufacturer Hamelin Group. Rebranded in 2008 as Hamelin Brands, the company moved to Red Lodge, Suffolk.
 * In 1992, DRG Packaging was acquired by Bowater plc (later Rexam).

Frogmore Paper Mill
Just north of the former Apsley Mill site in Hemel Hempstead is Frogmore Paper Mill, the world's oldest mechanised paper mill. It was here that Bryan Donkin first demonstrated the papermaking machine he developed for the Fourdrinier brothers. It is now operated by a conservation and education charitable trust.

Black n' Red
Black n' Red, a brand of books and pads of paper produced by John Dickinson Stationery Limited, featured a striking black and red design. The front and back covers of such books are black, with the text "Black n' Red" written in red in the bottom right corner of the cover. The spine or bind is also red. These books are now distributed by the Oxford brand within the Hamelin Group.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: John Dickinson Stationery


text:
Auxanometer

An auxanometer (Gr. auxain= "to grow" + metron= "measure") is an apparatus for measuring increase of growth in plants.

In case of an arc-auxanometer (see picture), there is a thin cord fixed to the plant apex on one end and a dead-weight on the other with a pointer indicating against an arc scale. In some forms it passes over a pulley which has a pointer attached to it. When the plant's height increases, the pulley rotates and the pointer moves on a circular scale to directly give the magnitude of growth. The "rate of growth" is a derived measurement obtained by dividing the length of growth measured by the auxanometer, by the time said measurement took. It is also called an arc-indicator. These simple types of auxanometer have been replaced by rotation sensors at the fulcrum point linked to dataloggers with a balancing beam attached to the growing tip/plant apex.

Sensitive auxanometers allow measurement of growth as small as a micrometer, which allows measurement of growth in response to short-term changes in atmospheric composition. Auxanometers are used in laboratory, the field, and the classroom.

title: Auxanometer


text:
Jacob Sturm

Jacob Sturm (21 March 1771 – 28 November 1848) was a leading engraver of entomological and botanical scientific publications in Germany at the end of the 18th and beginning of the 19th century. He was born and lived in Nuremberg and was the only son of engraver Johann Georg Sturm (1742-1793), who trained him in drawing and copperplate engraving.

Sturm became a celebrated insect collector and founded the Nuremberg Society for Natural History. His entomological and botanical plates are very accurately drawn and show minute details and enjoyed a great popularity among naturalists. As most of his works were published in a small format, they could be purchased by a larger public and they were very popular. During this period, Nuremberg was the centre of natural history book production in Germany.

"The book Deutschlands Flora, 1798–1862. 163 parts (in 136 volumes) contains... neat and attractive little engravings, no more than 5 in. by 3½ inches in size... He thus deliberately chose this minute format in order to make a knowledge of the German flora available by pictures to as many as possible and as cheaply as possible. Despite their smallness, they carry a surprising amount of detail. Jacob Sturm learnt his art from his father, Johann Georg Sturm, who was also a Nuremberg engraver" (Blunt & Stearn pp. 258–260). His sons Johann Heinrich Christian Friedrich Sturm and Johann Wilhelm Sturm also contributed to his works.

Some works illustrated by Jacob Sturm

 * la Deutschlands Flora in Abbildungen nach der Natur mit Beschreibungen (de 1796 à 1862) avec 2 472 gravures illustrant des textes de Johann Christian Daniel von Schreber, David Heinrich Hoppe, Heinrich Gottlieb Ludwig Reichenbach (1793–1879) et d’autres ;
 * la traduction en allemand de l’Entomologie de Guillaume-Antoine Olivier (1756–1814) par Johann Karl Wilhelm Illiger (1775–1813), Abbildungen zu Karl Illigers Uebersetzung von Oliviers Entomologie (1802–1803, Nuremberg) ;
 * Beschreibung der Gräser nebst ihren Abbildungen nach der Natur de J.C.D. von Schreber (1766–1779, Leipzig) ;
 * Deutschlands Insectenfaune et Kritische Revision der Insectenfaune Deutschlands... de Georg Wolfgang Franz Panzer (Nuremberg, 1805–1806) ;
 * Catalecta Botanica quibus Plantae Novae et Minus Cognitae Describuntur atque Illustrantur d’Albrecht Wilhelm Roth (1757–1834) (trois volumes, Leipzig, 1797–1806) ;
 * Versuch einer geognostisch-botanischen Darstellung der Flora der Vorwelt (Leipzig, 1820–1838) et Revisio Saxifragarum Iconibus Illustrata (Regensberg, 1810–1822, Leipzig, 1831) du comte Kaspar Maria von Sternberg ;
 * System der Pilze und Schwämme (Wurbzerg, 1816) et Bryologia Germanica, oder Beschreibung der in Deutschland und in der Schweiz wachsenden Laubmoose (Nuremberg, 1823–1831) de Christian Gottfried Daniel Nees von Esenbeck ;
 * Caricologia Germanica, oder Beschreybungen und Abbildungen aller in Deutschland wildwachsenden Seggen (Nüremberg, 1835) de D.H. Hoppe.

title: Jacob Sturm


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Thomas Corsu-Fieru

 * The following discussion is an archived debate of the proposed deletion of the article below. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page (such as the article's talk page or on a Votes for Undeletion nomination).  No further edits should be made to this page.

The result of the debate was Delete --Gareth Hughes 13:48, 22 October 2005 (UTC)

Thomas Corsu-Fieru
The article appears to be a hoax, or at best unverifable. Naturenet | Talk 11:32, 14 October 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete Hoax, unverifiable. Does the name mean something like Proud Corsican in Corsican?   Dl yo ns 493   Ta lk  12:28, 14 October 2005 (UTC)

 * The above discussion is preserved as an archive of the debate. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page (such as the article's talk page or in an undeletion request). No further edits should be made to this page.


text:
Leonora Christina Ulfeldt

Leonora Christina, Countess Ulfeldt, born "Countess Leonora Christina Christiansdatter" til Slesvig og Holsten (8 July 1621 – 16 March 1698), was the daughter of King Christian IV of Denmark and wife of the Steward of the Realm, the traitor Count Corfitz Ulfeldt. Renowned in Denmark since the 19th century for her posthumously published autobiography Jammers Minde, written secretly during two decades of solitary confinement in a royal dungeon, her intimate version of the major events she witnessed in Europe's history, interwoven with ruminations on her woes as a political prisoner, still commands popular interest and scholarly respect, and has virtually become the stuff of legend as retold and enlivened in Danish literature and art.

Birth and family
Christian IV is believed to have fathered fifteen children by his second wife, Kirsten Munk, at least three of whom were born before the couple married in 1615, and eight of whom lived to adulthood. The Munks were noble courtiers, and Kirsten's formidable mother, née Ellen Marsvin, obtained the King's signed promise to marry the girl before yielding her to the King's passion. The marriage was morganatic and Leonora Christina was not a princess, sharing rather the title of Countess af Schleswig-Holstein bestowed upon her mother in 1629 (distinct from the title borne by the Dukes of Schleswig-Holstein, dynastic kinsmen of the Danish kings who possessed actual domains in the Schleswig and Holstein provinces, some of whom also exercised sovereignty there ).

Nonetheless, she grew up with her parents in Copenhagen's royal palace (across the courtyard from the tower where she would eventually be imprisoned) on familiar terms with her three elder half-brothers – including the future King Frederick III – sons of the late Queen Anne Catherine of Brandenburg. She was raised under the supervision of the royal governess Karen Sehested. The King accused his wife of betraying him with another man and divorced her in 1630, having already taken a mistress, Vibeke Kruse, his wife's servant. Although Vibeke Kruse proceeded to bear the King a new brood of children who would become the bitter rivals of Kirsten Munk's children, Leonora Christina seems to have retained her father's favor.

Leonora Christina's marriage was part of Christian IV's strategy to consolidate his dynasty's power. Since 1448 the House of Oldenburg had been Denmark's ruling dynasty, father-to-son. Although hereditary monarchs de facto, until 1660 each successor became king de jure only through election by the Rigsråd. Upon the death of a king, that body would negotiate fresh limitations upon the royal authority, only ratifying the nominee's accession to the throne in return for concessions of rights and privileges. Tradition upheld the King's impartiality and dignity among the nobility by not permitting members of the royal family to marry his subjects, reserving princesses for foreign alliances. But the morganatic status of Leonora Christina and her sisters rendered them useful domestic tools of state, so Christian IV sought to bind the loyalty of powerful or promising nobles by bestowing upon them the hands of these semi-royal daughters, endowed with rich dowries. Six such marriages were arranged. Thus in 1636 the fifteen-year-old Leonora Christina was married to the thirty-year-old Corfitz Ulfeldt, son of the late Chancellor Jacob Ulfeldt, to whom she had been engaged since the age of nine. Though the marriage failed to ensure Ulfeldt's loyalty to the Crown, the young Countess would remain loyal to her husband even beyond his death, accompanying or following him on his every misadventure, and refusing to speak posthumous ill of him even to purchase her freedom.

Travels and adventures
She shared in his renown and initial successes, both at home and abroad. He held the lordships of Egeskov, Hirschholm Urup, Gradlitz and Hermanitz. In 1641 he was made a count (Reichsgraf) by the Holy Roman Emperor Ferdinand III. During most of the 1640s her husband's power and stature grew and she was, in many ways, the first lady of a Danish court that had no queen. Her marriage to Ulfeldt seems to have been a happy one, at least compared to the marriages of her sisters.

At the accession to the throne in 1648 of her half-brother, the couple's position was threatened by the resentment of her husband's dominance by Frederick III and, especially, by his queen, Sophie Amalie of Brunswick-Lüneburg, who now became Leonora Christina's relentless enemy. This situation might have been caused both by Leonora's inability to give up her leading position in the court, and by some forms of malice to which she exposed the queen.

At Ulfeldt's disgrace in 1651 (he was rumoured to have been associated with a plot to poison the royal family), she followed him to Amsterdam and Stockholm. They became fugitives, often wandering about to elude capture. She sometimes spent weeks disguised as a man, once fending off arrest from Danish pursuers at gunpoint, and another time the caresses of an infatuated barmaid, the latter proving the more difficult escape. At her insistence, she shared Ulfeldt's exile and expeditions, while he engaged in intrigues with Denmark's enemies for some years, hoping either to return to Copenhagen in power or to humiliate those who held power there. Despite having been made Count of Sölvesborg in Sweden for treasonous services, he was discovered engaged in double treachery and, in 1659, imprisoned. His wife publicly defended him. They escaped separately to Copenhagen where he was promptly arrested, and she shared his harsh imprisonment in the castle Hammershus on the isle of Bornholm 1660–1661, until they ransomed themselves by deeding over most of their properties.

When Ulfeldt was again being sought for treason by the Danes, Leonora Christina went to England to solicit repayment from King Charles II of money her husband had loaned him during his exile. The King repaid his debt by welcoming the Countess (his cousin) to his table, then having her arrested as she boarded a ship to leave England, whereupon he turned her over to Denmark in 1663.

Imprisonment
She was taken to a holding cell, and thrice cross-examined by court officials, but refused to attest to any crimes on her husband's part, or to join her signature to his abandoning their family's lands in return for her freedom. Finally she consented to the forfeiture upon the promise that Ulfeldt would be set free. But she was betrayed, he was condemned and a writ was issued for his execution and the exile of their children. Once again he escaped, and joined his children abroad, although she was not at first told this and was compelled to watch as he was burned in effigy. She was never to see her husband again, and there is no evidence that he sought her freedom or reunion with her prior to his death.

For the next twenty-two years she remained in the custody of the Danish state, incarcerated without charge or trial in Copenhagen Castle's infamous Blue Tower (Danish, Blåtårn). She lived under meagre and humiliating conditions for the daughter of a king, and was for years deprived of almost all comforts. During these years she perforce showed great stoicism and ingenuity. She wrote that her cell was small, filthy, foul, infested with fleas, and that the rats were so numerous and hungry that they ate her night candle as it burned. She learned to piece together pages for writing from the wrappers on the sugar that she was given, and to make ink for her fowl's quill by capturing the candle's smoke on a spoon. Slowly she adjusted to her plight, ceased longing for revenge or death, and developed a mordant humor. She studied the vermin who were her only companions, recording her observations and conjectures about their instincts. When she heard that her husband had died abroad, she marvelled that she felt only relief that he had finally eluded his persecutors.

The few human interactions she was permitted were equally humiliating, when not dangerous. The tower warden was wont to visit her at night when he was drunk, and she was saved from his advances on one occasion only because he slumbered off in mid-embrace. Maid servants were sent to clean her cell and watch her from an outer room, sending reports on her words and pastimes to the Queen. But such women as worked in prisons were apt to be hard and insolent. Leonora Christina fended off harassment from one serving wench only by threatening to kill her with her bare hands.

She only received less harsh treatment and more amenities following the death of Frederick III early in 1670. The new king, Christian V, sent his ministers to solicit his mother's consent to free the prisoner. But, if Leonora Christina's account is to be believed, the Queen Dowager rejected their entreaties with rebuke.

When a group of ladies of rank visited her incognito for their amusement one evening, she immediately recognized one of them as "Lady Augusta of Glucksburg", who had been wed in Copenhagen in June 1651 to her cousin Ernest Günther, Duke of Schleswig-Holstein-Sonderburg-Augustenburg). She deduced that the others were her nephew's Queen, Charlotte Amalie of Hesse-Kassel (or Hesse-Cassel), and his sister Anne Sophie, wife of the Electoral Prince Johan Georg of Saxony. They shed tears of pity once they saw her plight (except Augusta, whom Leonora Christina believed later reported the interview to the Queen Dowager). The Queen's mother, the Landgravine Hedwig of Hesse-Kassel, also paid her a clandestine visit while sojourning from Germany, and wagered with the King for the captive's liberation if the Queen's firstborn child was a son. But when the King's mother arrived for the prince's christening, she threatened to leave the court immediately unless Frederick reneged on his promise. The dowagers quarreled over the matter before the King, but the Blue Tower's gates remained shut.

Eventually the King had Leonora Christina moved to more spacious quarters in the tower, installed a stove against the cold of Copenhagen winters, and commanded that her window be opened. The Queen loaned her silk worms, which Leonora Christina eventually returned in a casket on which were embroidered in silk a plea that "Leonora's bonds be loosed". She was now allowed pen and paper, and received a gift from her nephew of two hundred rigsdalers, most of which would be spent on foreign books. It was at this time that she began to write in earnest, intending that her children might one day read her words.

Queen Dowager Sophie Amalie died in February 1685. On the morning of 19 May 1685 Leonora Christina was informed that a royal order had been issued by Chancellor Frederick von Ahlfeldt (he who had reluctantly escorted her into the Tower) for her release. But she refused the guard's offer to unlock her cell until, at 10 o'clock that night, denied a final private audience with the Queen and fetched by Sophie Amalie Lindenov, the daughter of her long-dead sister Elisabeth Augusta Lindenov, the destitute Countess left the Blue Tower forever under cover of darkness and a veil, denying even a glimpse of her face to the curious crowd that had gathered in the courtyard (the Queen and her ladies watched from the palace balcony). For them Leonora Christina had already entered into legend — a royal adventuress who had been first regaled then held captive by the kings of England, Sweden and Denmark. She was sixty-three years old, and had spent twenty-one years, nine months and eleven days in the Tower. She lived her last years quietly on the grounds of Maribo Abbey on the island of Lolland where she occupied her time editing her prison notebooks.

Literary contribution
During her imprisonment and for the twelve years she lived afterwards, she composed the book that made her famous, Jammers Minde (literally, "A Memory of Lament"), which was, however, only published in 1869. Now regarded as a classic of 17th century Danish literature, it explores her prison years in detailed and vivid prose, recounting her crises, confrontations, humiliations, self-discipline, growing religious faith and serenity, together with descriptions of hardships she endured or overcame.

She also wrote in French an account of her happy youth, La Lettre à Otto Sperling (Letter to Otto Sperling), completed in 1673 and smuggled out of the Tower. Seeking the inspiration to endure her ordeal, she had sought out and translated tales of women in adversity. Heltinders Pryd (Praise of Heroines), was penned in 1683 as a compilation of biographical sketches describing the different kinds of courage and endurance summoned by women whose struggles left an imprint on history. In the process she became something of a proto-feminist from the perspective of some later literary and political critics.

Leonora Christina's fate, and especially her memoir, have made her a national cultural heroine in Scandinavia. She has sometimes been portrayed as of saintly stature, both poets and prelates hailing her as the ideal Danish woman: loyal, patient, resolute, and resourceful. Kristian Zahrtmann (1843–1917) has memorialized her story in a series of 18 monumental paintings, the first of which was shown in 1871. These were published as illustrations to her book in an 1890 edition, and released as individual prints in a 1907 edition.

Only recently have sceptics focused on other perceived aspects of the Countess's personality: arrogance, stubbornness, blind devotion to an unworthy husband, and a disingenuous cleverness seen as taking the literary form of a tendency toward self-absorption and self-absolution that somehow never casts her in a negative light. For all these flaws, real or imagined, the saga of the prisoner of the Blue Tower — the fall of a mighty woman and her rise from despair to an even greater intellectual and spiritual might, as told against the backdrop of Europe during the Reformation – remains deeply compelling, even inspiring, as much to artists and the devout as to historians, patriots and feminists.

Children and descendants
Leonora Christina and her husband Corfitz Ulfeldt had ten children:
 * Christian Ulfeldt (5 December 1637 – 29 July 1688)
 * Anna Katrine Ulfeldt (18 March 1639 – 27 May 1707), wife of the Flemish noble Vigilius de Cassette
 * Jakob (1640–1642)
 * Ellen Ulfeldt (October 1643 – 11 December 1677), unmarried
 * Ludwig (1644–1668)
 * Corfitz Ulfeldt (1645 – 8 August 1688)
 * Leo Belgicus (born October 1646, buried 16 March 1651)
 * Leonora Sophie Ulfeldt (1647 – 15 August 1698), wife of the noble Lave Beck
 * Otto (1648–1651)
 * Leo Ulfeldt (22 March 1651 – 11 April 1716), Austrian field marshal (Feldmarschall)

Through her youngest son, Austrian field marshal and Count Leo Ulfeldt (1651–1716), her descendants not only include some of the most influential German and Slavic noble families of Europe, but also: King Simeon II of the Bulgarians (born 1937), King Michael of Romania (1921–2017), Prince Hans Adam II of Liechtenstein (born 1945), Emperor Karl I of Austria-Hungary (1887–1922), King Peter II of Yugoslavia (1923–1970), King Manuel II of Portugal (1889–1932), King Frederick Augustus III of Saxony (1865–1932), Marie Christine, Princess Michael of Kent, (born 1945), Christoph, Cardinal von Schönborn (born 1945), Maximilian, Duke of Hohenberg (1902–1962), Johannes, Prince of Thurn and Taxis (1926–1990), Prince Aimone, Duke of Apulia (born 1967) and the Earls of Clanwilliam.

Also notable among her descendants was Isabelle, comtesse de Paris (1911–2003), whose life, aside from imprisonment, resembled Leonora Christina's in several respects: Daughter of a morganatic union, she lived in exile with and remained staunchly faithful to a faithless husband, signed away valuable property for his sake, wrote biographies of historically significant women, and penned a memoir (Tout m'est Bonheur, 1978) that celebrated life's blessings in the face of life's travails.

Other sources

 * Leonora Christina: Jammers Minde (publ. 1869, 1885, 1931)
 * S. Birket Smith: Leonora Christina Grevinde Ulfeldts Historie I–II, Copenh. 1879–1881.
 * Léonore Christine (1985) Souvenirs de misère (traduit du danois par Eric Eydoux, Paris, Aubier-Unesco)
 * Eric Eydoux (1975) Les grandes heures du Danemark, (Paris, Plon-Perri)

title: Leonora Christina Ulfeldt


text:
Varzob

Varzob (Варзоб) is a settlement in Varzob District, Districts of Republican Subordination, Tajikistan, in central Asia. It is the administrative center for the Varzob District.

Geography
Varzob is located on the left (east) bank of the river Varzob, about 25 km north of Dushanbe. The village of Begar lies about 2.5 km north of Varzob on the right bank of the river, and the village of Varzobkala lies just .75 km south of Varzob on the right bank of the river.

There are seven rivers in the area: the Varzob, the Simiganj, the Sioma, the Seer, the Vakhsh, the Amoo, and the Sorhob.

title: Varzob


text:
Junnar

Junnar (Marathi pronunciation: [d͡ʒunːəɾ]) is a city in the Pune district of the Indian state of Maharashtra. The city has history dating back to the first millennium. The nearby fort of Shivneri was the birthplace of Maratha king Shivaji, the founder of the Maratha Empire. Junnar was declared the first tourism taluka in Pune district by the government of Maharashtra on 9 January 2018.

History
Junnar has been an important trading and political centre for the last two millennia. The town is on the trade route that links the ports of western India or more specifically of Konkan with Deccan interiors. The first mention of Junnar comes the Greco-Roman travellers from the first millennium,  The Indo-Scythian Western Satraps ruled at Junnar during the 2nd century CE as shown by their cave inscriptions in the area of Junnar, at Manmodi Caves. "Yavana" Greeks also left donative inscriptions in the 2nd century CE at Lenyadri and Manmodi Caves. According to Damodar Kosambi, the real name of Junnar may have been Tagara. In his opinion, the name Junnar may be the contracted form of Jirnanagar (Old city).

In the 1400s, the Russian traveler, Afanasy Nikitin spent many months in Junnar during the monsoon season. He describes vividly the life in the Bahamani-ruled area around Junnar. After the collapse of the Bahamanis, the breakaway state of Nizam Shahi had Junnar as their first capital in the 1490s. Later in early 1600s, Malik Ambar the Nizam Shahi general again moved his capital there. The father of Shivaji, Shahaji Raje Bhonsale worked for Malik Ambar early in his career. Shivaji was born at the nearby Shivneri fort.

Geography

Junnar has an average elevation of 689 metres (2,260 feet). The Kukadi River flows to the north.

Teak Forest
The Junnar area has been historically famed for its teak forest. The Shaniwar Wada, the de facto seat of government of the  Maratha Empire in Pune was completed in 1732 by Peshwa Bajirao I.Teak from Junnar was used extensively in its construction.

Demographics
India census, Junnar had a population of 24,740. Males constitute 52% of the population and females 48%. Junnar has an average literacy rate of 77%, higher than the national average of 59.5%: male literacy is 81%, and female literacy is 72%. In Junnar, 12% of the population is under 6 years of age.

Transport
State Transport buses run between Pune and Junnar from Shivajinagar ST stand from 06:30 AM every hour. Also bus facility available from Mumbai (kalyan) for every 10–30 minutes from 05:20 AM till 12:30 AM. Same is the case from Ahmednagar and Nashik. Transportation from Ahmednagar and Mumbai takes a route of NH 222 while from Pune and Nashik will take a route of NH 50.

Junnar Tourism
Junnar area is dotted with historic places including Shivneri, the birthplace of the Maratha king Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj, the cave temple at Lenyadri, Kulswami khandoba temple wadaj, One of the famous temple of Lord Ganesha Ozar, and the walled town of Junnar itself. Also Junnar has historical underground water chain which it exists at Sayyed Wada (Nehr e Hussaini hauz) Junnar in the remembrance of Karbala. This water reservoir exist today.

Shivneri Fort
Shivneri, the birthplace of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj

Jivdhan Fort
Jivdhan, Jivdhan (or Jeevdhan) is a hill fortress situated 1 km near the modern day town of Ghatghar in Junnar Taluka of Pune district in Maharashtra, India.

Hadsar Fort
Hadsar, fort is among the many forts in Junnar region of Pune district which were meant for protection of the ancient commercial trade route from Mawal region to Kalyan via Naneghat. There is a marvelous sculpture design of the bastion and the fort entrance, which is not seen elsewhere. They are all carved from a single rock.

Cave temples
Surroundings of Junnar are very rich with ancient cave temples. In total there are more than 220 individual rock-cut caves located in four hills around Junnar. Junnar has the largest and longest cave excavations in India. The most famous among the caves is the Lenyadri complex. It represents a series of about 30 rock-cut mostly Buddhist caves. Cave 7 is a famous Hindu temple dedicated to the god Ganesha. It is one of the Ashtavinayak shrines, a set of the eight prominent Ganesha shrines in Maharashtra. Twenty-six of the caves are individually numbered. The caves face to the south and are numbered serially from east to west. Caves 6 and 14 are chaitya-grihas (chapels), while the rest are viharas (dwellings for monks). The latter are in the form of dwellings and cells. There are also several rock-cut water cisterns; two of them have inscriptions. The layout of the caves, in general, are similar in pattern and shape. They generally have one or two sides with two long benches for occupants' use. The caves date from between the 1st and 3rd century AD; the Ganesha shrine situated in Cave 7 is dated to the 1st century AD, though the date of conversion to a Hindu shrine is unknown. All of the caves arise from Hinayana Buddhism.

The caves of Junnar are grouped according to the following classification:
 * Tulja Leni or Tuljalena, on the Tuljabai hill, 4 km west of Junnar.
 * Shivneri group or Sivaneri group, 3 km southwest of Junnar.
 * East facing group (1, 2, and 3)
 * West facing group
 * South facing group

 * Manmodi group, on Manmodi hill, 3 km south of Junnar.
 * Bhimasankar group
 * Amba-Ambika group
 * Bhutalinga group

 * Lenyadri or Ganesh lena group, 5 km north of Junnar.

About 20 km to the northwest of Junnar, the Naneghat caves can also be seen.

Saudagar Gumbaz
The monument is located in Hapusbaug village, 10 km away from Junnar. It was built in the 17th century, and is considered the finest building from the islamic era of the town. The tombs has a double-storied facade with a single large space.It is an example of an early post-Bahmani type architecture. It is on the List of Monuments of National Importance in Maharashtra.

Yavana Inscriptions
Several inscriptions related to donations by Yavanas (Indo-Greeks) have been found at the Junnar caves. These inscriptions are located in the Shivneri Caves: At Manmodi Caves, another Yavana donor named Chanda dedicated a hall front to the Samgha.
 * One inscription mentions the gift of two cisterns to the monks by a Yavana donor named Irila.
 * Another inscription mentions the gift of a dining hall to the samgha by a Yavana donor named Chita.

Similar donations by Yavanas can be found at the Nasik Caves and the Great Chaitya of the Karla Caves.

Agritourism
Agritourism or agrotourism, as it is defined most broadly, involves any agriculturally based operation or activity that brings visitors to a farm or ranch. Few popular such venture, "Parashar Agri & Village Tourism centre", is situated in village Rajuri of Junnar Taluka, and other Rashmigreenland Agri Tourism Center, located at the foothills of Leynadri temple, Golegaon, Junnar.

An emerging group of youth from junnar are trying new trends into the business of agrotourism. Arranging Treks, tours, leaving in countryside, tents under the sky are features you can try out here with them. Easy accessible from Pune, Mumbai and Nashik.

Leopard
There have been numerous cases of leopards attacking people and livestock in Junnar in recent years with many fatalities. According to field studies, carried out in Junnar, the man-leopard crisis has been brought about not only by development but by the recent translocations of the leopards. The problem is most acute in areas bordering Junnar Forest Division where sugarcane plantations provide a good hiding place for leopards. There is a leopard rescue centre located at Manikdoh for this cause also Manikdoh dam one of bigger dam is situated Near Junnar.

title: Junnar


text:
Seatearth

Seatearth is a British coal mining term that is used in the geological literature. As noted by Jackson, a seatearth is the layer of sedimentary rock underlying a coal seam. Seatearths have also been called seat earth, "seat rock", or "seat stone" in the geologic literature. Depending on its physical characteristics, a number of different names, such as underclay, fireclay, flint clay, and ganister, can be applied to a specific seatearth.

Underclay
Underclay is a seatearth composed of soft, dispersible clay or other fine-grained sediment, either immediately underlying or forming the floor of a coal seam. Underclay typically contains fossil roots and exhibits noticeably developed soil structures. It has often been altered by weathering. Underclays, which occur within carboniferous coal measures, commonly contain Stigmarian roots. Synonyms for underclay included seat clay, root clay, thill, warrant, coal clay, and warrant clay

Underclays typically show considerable evidence of having been altered by plant activity and soil-forming processes and are either in whole or in part buried soils, called paleosols. As documented in various detailed studies,   underclays and seatearths typically exhibit features characteristic of soil profile development. Depending on the specific underclay, these soil features can include some combination of pedogenic slickensides, pedogenic ped structures, illuviated clay pore fillings, different types of pedogenic microfabrics, rhizocretions, caliche nodules, root moulds, and soil horizons. In the better-developed paleosols, significant alteration of the mineralogy, i.e. leaching and translocation of alkali and alkaline earth elements and the kaolinitization of smectites and hydroxy-interlayer vermiculite, will have occurred. In poorly developed paleosols, as seen in the soil profiles of modern poorly developed soils, called "Inceptisols", of modern river deltas and floodplains, there might not exist any noticeable alteration of the underclay.

These studies demonstrate that a paleosol, which is either developed in or comprises an underclay, largely reflects the effects of plants and other soil-forming processes on the underclay while it formed the ground surface prior to being buried by organic sediments. Plant growth, waterlogging, and other processes that occurred during the development of a mire or swamp, in which a layer of peat accumulated that later became the overlying coal, modified the paleosol to create an underclay.

Fire clay
Underclay, which consists of siliceous refractory clay rich in hydrous aluminium silicates, is also called fireclay. Just as not all underclays are fireclays, not all fireclays are underclays. Within carboniferous and other coal-bearing strata, fireclay quite commonly comprises many underclays. The alteration of sediments by weathering, plants, and other soil processes comprising underclay resulted in the formation of the vast majority of fireclay that comprises underclay.

Flint clay
Another clay associated with coal beds is a smooth, flint-like refractory clay or mudstone composed predominantly of kaolin, called "flint clay". Flint clay breaks with a pronounced conchoidal fracture and resists slaking in water.

Flint clay can be either detrital or authegenic in origin. Detrital flint clays consist of kaolinite-rich sediments eroded and transported from uplands deeply weathered under tropical climates and redeposited within the coastal plains, in which coal-bearing strata accumulated. Authegenic flint clays consist of sediments altered in place after deposition as beds within acid, such as peat, accumulating within swamps and mires.

Flint clays associated with coal typically occur as thin, laterally continuous layers (bands), called "tonsteins", found within coal beds. In the case of tonsteins found within coal, the formation of flint clays resulted from the alternation of glass comprising volcanic ash by acidic waters after it accumulated as thin beds within peat swamps or mires.

Ganister
Like fireclays, ganisters are found within carboniferous and other sedimentary strata independent of coal beds. Thus, as in the case of fireclays, not all ganisters are seatearths. Ganisters are indurated, fine-grained quartzose sandstones that can be used in the manufacture of silica brick. They are cemented with secondary silica and have a characteristic splintery fracture.

As defined, ganisters can be created by either the cementation of quartzose by surficial soil-forming processes to form silcrete, or by diagenetic cementation within the subsurface. Detailed studies of ganisters, which occur either as seatearths or elsewhere within coal-bearing strata, have found them to be ancient paleosols, which are equivalent in both physical characteristics and origin to modern silica-cemented soils, called silcretes. Modern formation of ganisters has been observed in the Okavango Delta of Botswana.

title: Seatearth


text:
User:Billie Bouillabaisse

Who I am
'Billie Bouillabaisse' is my occasional, alternative Wikipedia login that I use whenever I don't want to use my usual login.

title: User:Billie Bouillabaisse


text: User talk:81.218.84.242

title: User talk:81.218.84.242


text:
The World Game

The World Game was an Australian football (soccer) television show broadcast on the SBS network, as well as a dedicated associated website. The show debuted in September 2002 and was the only Australian TV program dedicated to both football news and issues within Australia as well as around the world. Its popularity led to the launch of an associated website the following year. The TV show was dropped in 2019, whilst the website closed in 2021, and merged with the core SBS Sport website.

Main presenters

 * Les Murray (2002–2014)
 * Lucy Zelić (2015–2019)

Chief analyst

 * Johnny Warren (2002–2004)
 * Craig Foster (2004–2019)

Analysts and panelists

 * Francis Awaritefe
 * Stephanie Brantz
 * Mieke Buchan
 * Branko Culina
 * Liz Deep-Jones
 * Simon Hill (now at 10 Sport)
 * Zeljko Kalac
 * Scott McIntyre (sacked from SBS after controversial ANZAC Day tweets)
 * Paul Okon
 * Andrew Orsatti (now Communications Director and Spokesman at FIFPro)
 * Anthony Peridis
 * Tony Palumbo
 * Rale Rasic
 * Tim Vickery
 * David Zdrilic
 * Ned Zelic

Guest appearances

 * Michael Bridges
 * Patrick Zwaanswijk
 * David Basheer

History
The show first aired in 2002, succeeding the long-running On the Ball, and started out as a live 6-hour show, airing on Sunday afternoons. It was then shortened to a 3-hour show a few years later. Its popularity caused the brand to later grow to comprise a popular website as well as other digital content. Its original presenter was the late Les Murray, which was already the face of SBS' popular FIFA World Cup coverage, and did so for over 30 years before his retirement in 2014. The show's chief football analyst was the late Johnny Warren until his death in 2004. Murray and Warren were Australia's pre-eminent soccer commentary team, becoming very famous being the hosts of On the Ball, and well known to soccer fans as "Mr and Mrs Soccer"; as a result, they were held over as presenters of the new show. After Warren's death, ex-Socceroo Craig Foster took over as the chief football analyst.

From 2 August 2010, the show was moved to Monday nights, on SBS Two live at 9.30pm AEST, and is repeated soon after on SBS One at 11.00pm AEST. This allowed for wider coverage of the football events from the weekend prior. The show was also shortened to one-hour episodes.

At the same time, they show added a new number of contributors: Tony Palumbo, a seasoned journalist with the Italian migrant press in Australia, assists in providing some insights on major European leagues, primarily the English Premier League and Italian Serie A. Some footage is provided from Spain's La Liga, France's Ligue 1, Scotland's Scottish Premier League, South America's Copa Libertadores and Germany's Bundesliga. UEFA Champions League, UEFA Cup, other cup games and internationals (European Championship) also get game footage; mainly the Champions League. Former Sydney FC coach Branko Culina is a regular contributor on discussion relating to Australian football. On 1 November 2012 SBS bought the rights to show one live A-League game per week, with the remainder going to pay TV provider Fox Sports. They will also broadcast the Socceroos' World Cup qualifiers on one-hour delay with Fox Sports showing them live.

From August 2013, the show was retooled as a half-hour weekly Monday night show airing on SBS One. The new format now offers a wide coverage of Australian and international football events from the week prior, augmented with analysis and reaction from the show's experts..

After a brief hiatus in 2014–15, the show was once again retooled for the 2015–16 season, as a one-hour talk show edition on Sunday afternoon at 1pm. Due to Murray's retirement, Lucy Zelic took over as the programme's new presenter, with Foster remaining as chief analyst.

In 2019, after 17 seasons, the TV show was quietly dropped, and the brand was transitioned to focus on their digital platforms, but the show's podcast remained, broadcast through The World Game website. In 2021, as part of a streamlining of their digital operations, SBS announced that it was shutting down The World Game website, merging all soccer content within the SBS Sport website. As the site was the only soccer website which catered to Australian fans, the move received heavy backlash. SBS would still provide soccer coverage using The World Game brand, including the 2022 FIFA World Cup, on the SBS TV channel and through the SBS On Demand streaming platform.

Guests on the program have included Ledley King, Scott Jamieson, Shane Smeltz, Kevin Muscat, Corey Gameiro, Nick Montgomery, Marcos Flores, Vítor Saba, Luke Casserly and Archie Thompson.

Special editions
The World Game team responsible for the weekly regular show, also present major football events including the FIFA Club World Cup, FIFA Beach Soccer World Cup, UEFA European Football Championship, UEFA Champions League, UEFA Europa League and major European Cup finals including The FA Cup, DFB Pokal and Copa del Rey. A pre-match preview, half time and post-match review is typically given by the various presenters.

Website
The World Game website was a popular football news website run as an adjunct to the TV program. At one point, it used to include a forum called The World Game Forum, which has since ceased activity. Commonly referred to by the abbreviation TWGF, the forum was one of the more popular football forums in Australia. It had over 18,000 members, who have contributed to over 800,000 articles. The website was first established in July 2002, and closed in April 2021 as part of SBS's streamlining of their digital operations. It was then merged within the SBS Sport website.

Podcast
The World Game Podcast started 6 June 2011. The podcast sees a variety of guests talk the week in Australian and international football.

App
The World Game app, available from the iTunes Store, was SBS’s first mobile application. It received more than 25,000 downloads in its first week of release. The app provided a live score and result service with the addition of video highlights, news and content from The World Game team.

Awards
In 2008, the program was nominated for a Logie Award in the 'Most Popular Sports Program' award category. It lost out to The AFL Footy Show.

title: The World Game


text:
Category:Empire of Japan

 * Empire of Japan (1868–1947).
 * This category collects all articles on Japanese history from the Meiji Restoration in 1868, through World War I and Japan in World War II, to the enactment of the 1947 constitution of modern Japan.
 * The Meiji period (1868−1912), Taishō period (1912−1926), and first two decades of the Shōwa period (1926−1945) occurred during the empire's era.

title: Category:Empire of Japan


text:
Robert W. Lyon

Robert W. Lyon (May 22, 1842 – October 9, 1904) was Mayor of Pittsburgh from 1881 to 1884.

Early life
Mayor Lyon was born in Butler County, Pennsylvania north of Pittsburgh in 1842. He joined the 102nd Pennsylvania Volunteers during the American Civil War. When he came home from war Lyon made a small fortune in the petroleum industry.

Pittsburgh politics
Mayor Lyon won election in 1881 and was best known as "the working man's mayor." He guided city hall into the completion of the Smithfield Street Bridge and the successful annexation of the Garfield neighborhood. The AFL, forerunner to the AFL-CIO, was founded in Pittsburgh under his administration.

In 1884, he went to work in a steel mill and worked in county government until his death in 1904. He was buried in Calvary Cemetery in the west suburb of McKees Rocks.

Personal life
Lyon married Harriet Barclay (1841-1899) and they had 7 children.

title: Robert W. Lyon


text:
Veracocha

Veracocha is the alias used for the trance music collaboration between Dutch producers Vincent de Moor and Ferry Corsten, both of whom have had solo success under their own names, and using various other pseudonyms.

The only track issued under the Veracocha alias was "Carte Blanche", which was released on the Deal Records label in Netherlands then on the Positiva label in the UK in 1999, and reached number 22 in the UK Singles Chart. The song has since been remixed and re-released on many occasions. A track entitled "Drafting" was on the B-Side of the original release.

Veracocha also remixed "Ayla" by Ayla (the German DJ and producer Ingo Kunzi).

In 2008, the track was re-released with new mixes by Cosmic Gate and Manuel De La Mare. In 2023, the track was re-released as 'Dirty South & Ferry Corsten - Carte Blanche'.

title: Veracocha


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Stian Langli

 * Delete looks like a vanity page or on someone who is obscure. Idleguy 11:38, 14 October 2005 (UTC)


text:
Talk:Freeform gameplay

Should this be merged with Emergent gameplay?--DooM Drat 11:41, 14 October 2005 (UTC)

I feel it ought to be deleted instead. Maybe one day someone will make a serious article on the topic, but this stub is devoid of any useful information. I get the impression the article was created by some Elder Scrolls fanboy who felt the desire to point out this "special feature" of the series. Or rather, to point out how special this feature supposedly is.

I also don't believe it fits into the article about emergent gameplay. If anything, you could add a paragraph to the Gameplay article about what Freeform Gameplay is, but there really isn't a good description in this atrocity. -- Kreydon 20:42, 28 November 2005 (UTC)

title: Talk:Freeform gameplay


text: Category:Japanese war crimes

title: Category:Japanese war crimes


text:
Simiganj

Simiganj (Симигандж; Симиганҷ) is a village and jamoat in Tajikistan. It is part of the city of Vahdat in Districts of Republican Subordination. The jamoat has a total population of 35,473 (2015). The river Simiganj flows through the town.

title: Simiganj


text:
British Rail Class 46

The British Rail Class 46 is a class of diesel locomotive. They were built from 1961 to 1963 at British Railways' Derby Works and were initially numbered D138–D193. With the arrival of TOPS they were renumbered to Class 46. Along with the similar Class 44 and 45 locomotives, they became known as Peaks.

Fifty-six locomotives were built. The first was withdrawn in 1977 and all were withdrawn by the end of 1984.

Overview
The Class 46 design was structurally the same as the preceding Class 45 build, and had the same Sulzer engine, but differed in the fitment of a Brush generator and traction motors, in place of the Crompton Parkinson equipment fitted to the Class 45. Along with the other Sulzer class 44 and 45 designs they are often referred to as "Peaks", so named because the Class 44s were named after mountains.

The British Transport Commission decided to cancel the final twenty Class 46 locomotives then on order and invited bids for twenty locomotives of a new Type 4 specification using the Brush electrical equipment intended for the cancelled order. Brush won the contract with what became the Class 47.

In common with the other classes of Peak diesel which had the same design, Class 46 locomotives were prone to cracking of the bogie castings. This was due to the stresses of negotiating sharp curves with a bogie of such length, and also because the buffing gear was mounted on the bogie itelf and not on the main frame of the locomotive.

Liveries
All Class 46s were delivered in BR Green with a broad horizontal grey stripe on the lower bodyside and small yellow warning panels on the ends. From the late 1960s all were repainted into the corporate image Rail Blue, although repaints carried out at BR depots between works visits did vary and at least D138 (later 46 001) was recorded in Rail Blue with full yellow ends, but retaining the grey stripe on the lower body side.

Naming
Unlike the earlier Peak designs, many of which were named, only one class 46 was so graced: D163 (later 46 026) carried the name Leicestershire and Derbyshire Yeomanry from new. This engine was nicknamed "The Lady" by both staff and rail fans alike. This name is now carried by the preserved Class 45 number D123 / 45 125.

Operation
Whilst seeing intermittent use on freight trains, Class 46s were regular performers on passenger turns, particularly North East-South West, Trans-Pennine and secondary North East-London trains, and depot allocations reflected this with locos at Gateshead and Plymouth in 1977 giving a typical spread. Long-distance freight workings were common, particularly "clay hoods" carrying china clay from Cornwall to the Stoke-on-Trent area.

For a period around 1980 several Class 46 locomotives were placed into store at Swindon Works. Some were only stored for a few months, but most were reinstated to operational use by the end of 1981.

In the 1980s the remaining locomotives were concentrated at Gateshead depot, and the final booked passenger workings for the class were the dated summer Saturday services Bradford - Weymouth (between Bradford and Birmingham New Street), Newcastle - Plymouth, Newcastle - Blackpool North, and York - Blackpool North. Final official withdrawal of the last 5 locmomotives was on 25 December 1984.

Beyond the operational life, two Class 46s were transferred to departmental stock in December 1984. 46 035 became 97 403 and was named 'Ixion'. It was used for tests into adhesion and had a large red panel painted on the sides in the then-standard departmental livery. 46 045 was renumbered 97 404 and was retained as a source of spare parts for 97 403 as required.

Disposal of Class 46s was almost exclusively carried out at BR works, with Swindon Works doing much of the work along with Derby Works and Doncaster Works. The two exceptions were 46 027 which was cut up at Vic Berrys scrapyard in Leicester, and 46 009 whose final demise is described below.

Nuclear flask crash test
On 17 July 1984, 46 009 (formerly D146), hauling three Mark 1 coaches, was deliberately crashed into a "Flatrol" wagon loaded with an empty nuclear waste flask and lying on its side. 46 009 had been adapted so that it could be operated remotely, and also had a camera mounted on the nose to record the impact. At the point when the locomotive hit the flask it was travelling at about 100 mph, and the resulting impact was recorded and later broadcast publicly. The test was carried out on the Old Dalby Test Track and was organised by the CEGB. The test was intended to demonstrate to the public that there would be no leak of radioactive material in the event of a rail accident involving a train carrying a nuclear waste flask.

46 009 was scrapped on site at Old Dalby later the same month by Vic Berry of Leicester. Sister locomotive 46 023 had been the standby locomotive in case 46 009 failed. The flask that was used in this test is on display outside Heysham 1 power station training centre.Images

Preservation
Three of the class have been preserved: 46 010 (formerly D147) at the Nottingham Heritage Railway, 46 035 Ixion (formerly D172) at Peak Rail owned by the Waterman Railway Trust, and D182 (46 045) which is owned by the Peak Locomotive Company at the Midland Railway – Butterley

In February 1994, D172 became the first privately owned ex-BR diesel to be certified for main line operation.

title: British Rail Class 46


text:
Talk:Stratham, New Hampshire

Notable Inhabitants
I re-inserted some details for this section back in the article. I feel because this is a small community, and there is so little non-census non-stat content in this article; this content is worthwhile, in telling people about the place. The best part of the article is the single paragraph in history. The rest is pretty weak, and looks like a computer generated it. I feel mentioning people (and why they're notable) gives a little life to the article. If more good content is added, than I would support trimming the detail. I would also support removing a couple names I added, if even more notable people can be put in their place. --rob 11:49, 14 October 2005 (UTC)

Selectmen
I've deleted the two extra selectmen. The "official" site works, though the front page is broken. But you can see the rest of the site once you get past that front page. And the selectmen's names haven't changed there.

The other thing that makes me suspicious of the "new" names is that towns *usually* don't change from 3 members to 5. It does happen, and Stratham may have grown to that point, but it's not an every-day occurrence.

I've sent an email to the town offices to confirm. -- SatyrTN (talk | contribs) 16:32, 19 October 2007 (UTC)

 * I'm wrong. http://www.seacoastonline.com/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=/20071019/NEWS/710190384/-1/TOWN0408 -- SatyrTN (talk | contribs) 16:43, 19 October 2007 (UTC)

title: Talk:Stratham, New Hampshire


text:
Babia

Babia may refer to:
 * Babia (beetle), a genus of leaf beetles
 * Babia, Poland, a village in west-central Poland
 * Babia, Spain, a Spanish comarca in province of León
 * Babia, Congo, a village in Democratic Republic of the Congo
 * Babia 93, a 1993 album by Sajjad Ali
 * "Babia" (song), a track from that album
 * Babia Góra or Babia hora, a mountain on the Polish–Slovak border
 * Babia Góra National Park
 * Babia Góra, Podlaskie Voivodeship, a village in north-east Poland

title: Babia


text:
Crime in Sweden

Crime in Sweden is defined by the Swedish Penal Code (brottsbalken) and in other Swedish laws and statutory instruments.

According to the Swedish National Council for Crime Prevention, the number of reported crimes in Sweden has increased when measured from the 1950s, consistent with other Western countries in the postwar era, which they say can be explained by a number of factors, such as statistical and legislative changes and increased public willingness to report crime.

Legal proceedings
When a crime has been committed the authorities will investigate what has happened, this is known as the preliminary investigation and it will be led by a police officer or prosecutor. The Swedish police and the prosecution service are required to register and prosecute all offences of which they become aware. The prosecutors are lawyers employed by the Swedish Prosecution Authority, a wholly independent organization not dependent on courts or the police, and not directed by the Ministry of Justice (any ministerial interference is in fact unconstitutional).

The prosecutor are obliged to lead and direct the preliminary investigations of a crime impartially and objective, make decisions on prosecution issues, and appear in court to process actions in criminal cases. Suspects are entitled to a public defense counsel, either during the preliminary investigation stage or during the trial. The suspect is entitled to examine the material gathered by the prosecutor, and is allowed to request the police to conduct further investigation, if he or she considers this to be necessary. A preliminary investigation supervisor decides whether or not these measures can be carried out.

In the case of less serious crimes, if the suspect admits that he/she has committed the offence and it is clear what the punishment should be, the prosecutor can pronounce a so-called order of summary punishment. A preliminary investigation not discontinued may result in the prosecutor deciding to prosecute a person for the crime. This means that there will be a trial at the District Court. The person who has been convicted, the prosecutor and the victim of the crime can appeal against the District Court judgement in the Court of Appeal.

Confidence in the criminal justice system
Six out of ten respondents surveyed in the SCS 2013 said they had a high level of confidence in the criminal justice system as a whole, and the police enjoyed similarly high confidence levels. Of the crime victims, a little over half of all surveyed (57%) stated that their experience of the police was generally positive, and nearly one in seven stated that the experience was negative.

Corruption
In general, the level of corruption in Sweden is very low. The legal and institutional framework in Sweden are considered effective in fighting against corruption, and the government agencies are characterized by a high degree of transparency, integrity and accountability.

Since 2015, corruption levels have been rising and the country has steadily fallen in international anti-corruption rankings. Research conducted by Linköping University hinted at a risk of underestimated corruption levels in the country.

Crime statistics

Sweden began recording national crime statistics in 1950, and the method for recording crime has basically remained unchanged until the mid-1960s, when the Swedish police introduced new procedures for crime statistics, which have been presented as a partial explanation for the historical increase in crime reports. In 1974, the Swedish National Council for Crime Prevention (Brottsförebyggande rådet, abbreviated Brå) became the government agency tasked with producing official statistics and disseminating knowledge on crime. In the early 1990s a new crime reporting system was implemented, which meant that the manual controls became less frequent, resulting in an additional increase in the number of reported crimes.

In January 2017, the Löfven cabinet denied the request from member parliament Staffan Danielsson to update the BRÅ statistics on crime with respect to national or immigration background of the perpetrator, as had previously been done in 1995, 2005 but the 2015 was overdue.

According to a 2013 Swedish Crime Survey (SCS) by the Swedish National Council for Crime Prevention, exposure to crime decreased from 2005 to 2013. Since 2014, reports from the Swedish National Council for Crime Prevention say that there has been an increase in exposure to some categories of crimes, including fraud, some property crime and sexual offences according to the 2016 SCS. Crimes falling under threats, harassment, assault and robbery continued to climb through 2018. The increase in reports of sexual offenses is, in part, due to campaigns to encourage reporting, combined with changes to the laws that broadened the legal definition of rape.

The figures for fraud and property damage (excluding car theft) are in contrast with the numbers of reported crimes under such categories which have remained roughly constant over the period 2014–16. The number of reported sexual offences clearly reflect the figures in the 2016 SCS, and car related damages/theft are also somewhat reflected. The number of convictions up to 2013 has remained between 110,000 and 130,000 in the 2000s — a decrease since the 1970s, when they numbered around 300,000 — despite the population growth.

In November 2023, The Guardian published five charts suggesting that violence is linked with poverty, inequality, and narcotics.

International comparison
Comparisons between countries based on official crime statistics (i.e. "crime reports") require caution, since such statistics are produced differently in different countries. Legal and substantive factors also influence the number of reported crimes. For example:

 * Sweden applies a system of expansive offence counts for violent crimes, meaning the same crime may be recorded several times, such as in the case of a spousal rape or gang rape. Many other countries employ more restrictive methods of counting.
 * In Sweden, crime data is collected when the offence in question is first reported, at which point the classification of the offence may be unclear. It retains this classification in the published crime statistics, even if later investigations indicate that no crime has been committed.
 * The Swedish police and the prosecution service are required to register and prosecute all offences of which they become aware. This can be assumed to lead to a more frequent registration of offences than in systems where the classification of offences is negotiable on the basis of plea bargaining.
 * Willingness to report crime also affects the statistics. A police force and judicial system enjoining a high level of confidence and a good reputation with the public will produce a higher propensity to report crime than a police force which is discredited, inspires fear or distrust.

Large-scale victimisation surveys have been presented as a more reliable indicator on the level of crime in a given country.

Offences against the person
The level of exposure to offences against the person has decreased somewhat since 2005 (down from 13.1% to 11.4%), according to SCS 2013. Crimes in this group includes assault, threat, sexual offences, mugging, fraud or harassment. In the recently published SCS 2016, exposure to offences has increased to levels as seen prior to 2005, with 13.3% of the people surveyed reporting that they had been victim to one or more of the aforementioned crimes.

Around one in four (26%) surveyed report having experienced these crimes in 2015.

Assault
While the number of reported assaults has been on the increase, crime victim surveys show that a large part of the increase may be due to the fact that more crimes are actually reported. According to the 2013 SCS, the proportion who stated that they have been the victims of assault has declined gradually, from 2.7 per cent in 2005 to 1.9 per cent in 2012. The proportion who are anxious about falling victim to assault has also decreased, from 15 per cent in 2006 to 10 per cent in 2013. This is supported by medical services reporting unchanged levels of incoming patients with wounds derived from assault or serious violent crime. Studies have also shown that police are increasingly likely to personally initiate reports of assault between strangers, which contributes to more cases involving assault being reported.

In the recently published 2016 SCS 2.0 per cent of the population (ages 16–79) were exposed to assault. Over time, exposure to assault has decreased somewhat, and the percentage of victims has declined by 0.7 percentage points since the survey was first conducted in 2005, reaching its lowest point in 2012 and rising slightly since then. The primary reduction has been among young men.

Exposure to assault is more common for men than women, and most common in the 20–24 age bracket. Assault is most common in a public place and in most cases the perpetrator is unknown to the victim.

Sweden has a high rate of reported assault crime when compared internationally, but this can be explained by legal, procedural and statistical differences. For example, the Swedish police applies a system of expansive offence counts for violent crimes, meaning the same crime may be recorded several times. The 2005 European Crime and Safety Survey (2005 EU ICS) found that prevalence victimisation rates for assaults with force was below average in Sweden.

Threats
In 2015, 5.0 per cent were exposed to threats. The percentage of persons exposed to threats remained at a relatively stable level between 2005 and 2014.

Exposure to threats is more common among women than men, and most common in the 20–24 and 25–34 age brackets.

Murder and homicide
The number of cases of lethal violence [Murder, manslaughter, and assault with a lethal outcome) in Sweden remained at a relatively constant level over the period of 2002 to 2016 — on average 92 cases per year.

Since 2015 there has been an increase in the number of cases of lethal violence and the figure in 2017 was the highest in Sweden since 2002.

Studies of lethal violence in Sweden have shown that more than half the reported cases were not actually cases of murder or manslaughter. This is because the Swedish crime statistics show all events with a lethal outcome that the police investigate. Many of these reported crimes turn out to be, in reality, suicides, accidents or natural deaths. Despite this statistical anomaly, Sweden has an internationally low murder and homicide rate, with approximately 1.14 reported incidents of murder or manslaughter per 100,000 inhabitants as of 2015. The number of "confirmed cases of lethal violence" has fluctuated between 68 and 112 in the period of 2006–2015, with a decrease from 111 in 2007 to 68 in 2012, followed by an increase to 112 in 2015 and a decrease to 106 in 2016. Around 75% of those murdered are men. Most cases (71% in 2015) were reported in one of the major metropolitan regions of Stockholm, Väst and Skåne. The largest increase in 2015 was seen in the Väst region, where the number of cases has increased from 14 cases in 2014 to 34 cases in 2015.

In 2016 ten out of the 105 murder cases were honor killings, representing roughly 10% of all murder cases and a third of all murders of women in Sweden.

In May 2017 a survey by Dagens Nyheter showed that of 100 suspects of murder and attempted murder using firearms, 90 had one parent born abroad 75% were born in the 90s.

According to a comparison of crime statistics from the Norwegian National Criminal Investigation Service (Kripos) and the Swedish National Council for Crime Prevention (Brå) done by Norwegian daily newspaper Aftenposten, the murder rate of Sweden has since 2002 been roughly twice that of neighbour country Norway.

Stabbings
Knife violence is more common in close relationships, in homes and among socially vulnerable. The number of people treated for knife violence increased by 25% between 2015–2019. Among young people, knife violence has decreased successively since the beginning of the 90s, and remained at the same level between 2015–2020.

Gun violence
Gun violence in Sweden (Swedish: skjutningar or gängskjutningar) increased steeply among males aged 15 to 29 in the two decades prior to 2018, in addition to a rising trend in gun violence there was also a high rate of gun violence in Sweden compared to other countries in Western Europe.

Hand grenade attacks and bombings
As of 2019, Sweden is experiencing an unprecedented number of bombings and explosions, though comparisons with previous years are difficult since the criminal use of explosives was not a separate crime category until 2017. In 2018 there were 162 explosions, and in the first nine months of 2019 97 explosions were registered, usually carried out by criminal gangs.

The number of hand grenade detonations in particular has been unusually high, especially in 2016. According to criminologists Manne Gerell and Amir Rostami, the only other country that keeps track of hand grenade explosions is Mexico. While Mexico has a murder rate 20 times that of Sweden, on the specific category of grenade explosions per capita the two countries may be comparable. According to Swedish police commissioner Anders Thornberg "No international equivalent to Sweden's wave of bombings". These attacks occurs in both rich and low-income places. Swedish police do not record or release the ethnicity of convicted criminals, but Linda H Straaf head of intelligence at National Operations Department says they are from poor areas and many are second- or third-generation immigrants.

While Swedish media sometimes are accused of not covering the topic enough, a 2019 study by polling company Kantar Sifo found that law and order was the most covered news topic on Swedish TV and radio and on social media.

In 2018, a New York Times article said that gang violence was becoming more frequent, in part because of an increase in weapons flowing over the border with neighboring Denmark.

In 2019, Denmark, worried about the bombings in Sweden, introduced passport controls for the first time since the 1950s.

While gun homicides were on the rise in the 2011-2018 time span, according to a study at Malmö University the number of hand grenade attacks had shown a strong increase in the same period and a total of 116 hand grenade detonations were recorded. The number of hand grenade attacks increased from two in 2011 to 39 in 2016 where the latter was a record year. Of the hand grenade attacks, 28% are directed towards individuals and the remainder towards police stations and other buildings. Two people have been killed and about ten have been injured.

In January 2018, a 63-year-old man was killed when he found a grenade on his way to a supermarket with his wife. Thinking it was a toy, he picked it up and was killed when it detonated. In 2016 an 8-year-old boy was killed when a hand grenade was thrown into an apartment in Biskopsgården as part of crime gang warfare.

Criminologists in Sweden don't know why there was a strong increase and why Sweden has a much higher rate than countries close by.

Sex crimes
A long-standing tradition of gender equality policy and legislation, as well as an established women's movement, have led to several legislative changes and amendments, greatly expanding the sex crime legislation. For example, in 1965 Sweden was one of the first countries in the world to criminalise marital rape, and Sweden is one of a few countries in the world to criminalize only the purchase of sexual services, but not the selling.

The rate of exposure to sexual offences has remained relatively unchanged, according to the SCS, since the first survey was conducted in 2006, despite an increase in the number of reported sex crimes. This discrepancy can largely be explained by reforms in sex crime legislation, widening of the definition of rape, and an effort by the Government to decrease the number of unreported cases. In SCS 2013, 0.8 percent of respondents state that they were the victims of sexual offences, including rape; or an estimated 62,000 people of the general population (aged 16–79). Of these, 16 percent described the sexual offence as "rape" — which would mean approximately 36,000 incidents of rape in 2012.

According to the 2016 SCS 1.7 percent of persons stated that they had been exposed to a sexual offence. This is an increase of more than 100 percent compared to 2012 and a 70 percent compared to 2014, when 1.0 percent of persons stated exposure. Exposure to sexual offences is significantly more common among women than men, and most common in the 20–24 age bracket. Sexual offences are most common in a public place and in most cases the perpetrator is unknown to the victim.

A frequently cited source when comparing Swedish rape statistics internationally is the regularly published report by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) — although they discourage this practice. In 2012, according to the report by UNODC, Sweden was quoted as having 66.5 cases of reported rapes per 100,000 population, based on official statistics by Brå. The high number of reported rapes in Sweden can partly be explained by differing legal systems, offence definitions, terminological variations, recording practices and statistical conventions, making any cross-national comparison on rape statistics difficult.

According to a 2014 study published by the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA), approximately one third of all women in the EU were said to have suffered physical and/or sexual abuse. At the top end was Denmark (52%), Finland (47%) and Sweden (46%). Every second woman in the EU has experienced sexual harassment at least once since the age of 15. In Sweden that figure was 81 percent, closely followed by Denmark (80%) and France (75%). Included in the definition of "sexual harassment" was — among other things — inappropriate staring or leering and cyber harassment. The report concluded that there's a strong correlation between higher levels of gender equality and disclosure of sexual violence.

In its 2018 report, Nationella trygghetsundersökningen 2018 (tr: "national survey of safety 2018") the Swedish National Council for Crime Prevention stated that there had been an increase in the self-reported number of victims of sexual crime from 4.7% in 2016 to 6.4% in 2017. In the 5 preceding years there were escalating levels compared to the 2005–2012 period where the level was relatively stable. The increase in self-reported victimization was greater among women than among men, while the number of male victims remained largely constant over the timespan (see graph). The questionnaire polls for incidents which would equate to attempted sexual assault or rape according to Swedish law.

In August 2018, SVT reported that rape statistics in Sweden show that 58% of men convicted of rape and attempted rape over the past five years were immigrants born outside of the European Union: Southern Africans, Northern Africans, Arabs, Middle Easterns, and Afghans. Swedish Television's investigating journalists found that in cases where the victims didn't know the attackers, the proportion of foreign-born sex offenders was more than 80%. The number of rapes reported to the authorities in Sweden significantly increased by 10% in 2017, according to latest preliminary figures from the Swedish National Council for Crime Prevention. The number of reported rape cases was 73 per 100,000 citizens in 2017, up 24% in the past decade. Official numbers show that the incidence of sexual offences is on the rise;  the Government has declared that young women are facing the greatest risks and that most of the cases go unreported.

Robbery
The rate of exposure to muggings has remained relatively unchanged since 2005, according to the SCS, with 0.9 per cent of respondents stating they were the victim of such a crime in 2015. There were 99 robberies recorded by police per 100,000 population in 2015. The prevalence victimisation rates for robbery was slightly above the EU-average in 2004, and lower than countries such as Ireland, Estonia, Greece, Spain, the United Kingdom and Poland.

Starting in 2015, there was a rising trend in robberies where self-reported victimisation rate rose to close to around 1.5 per cent in 2019 among people aged 16-84.

Adolescent victims
A study published in 2000 by Brå on adolescent robberies in Stockholm and Malmö found that muggings had increased in the 90s, with approximately 10 per cent of the boys and 5 per cent of the girls aged 15–17 having been the target of a mugging. Desirable objects are mainly money and cell phones, with an average value of around SEK 800. Only half of the crime was reported to the police, and foreign-born youths were overrepresented in the offenders demographic. Follow-up studies have shown the level remaining unchanged between 1995 and 2005.

Harassment
The percentage of persons exposed to harassment in 2015 was 4.7 per cent. This is an increase as compared with 2014, when 4.0 per cent stated that they had been exposed. Between 2005 and 2010, the percentage of exposed persons gradually declined from 5.2 per cent to 3.5 per cent. Thereafter, the percentage increased between 2011 and 2015 towards the same level as when the survey was commenced (when the percentage of exposed persons was 5.0%). Exposure to harassment is more common for women than men, and most common among the youngest in the survey (in the 16–19 age bracket). It is most common for the perpetrator to be unknown to the victim.

There might be a correlation between rise in harassment by an unknown perpetrator due to the general rise of harassment in various online communities, but nothing conclusive. Most harassment reported is either women harassing women or men harassing men, the smallest portion of reported cases are men harassing women.

Property offences
The SCS indicate that 9.2 per cent of households fell victim to some type of domestic property offence, which is a reduction since 2006 (when the percentage was 12.6). Crimes in this group includes theft, theft from a vehicle, bicycle theft or residential burglary. Around half of the domestic property offences reported in the SCS 2013 are stated as having been reported to the police, and the overwhelming majority of crime victims state that this happened only once in 2012.

Theft of personal property and pickpocketing are among the lowest in Europe, as is car theft and theft from a car.

Burglary
Sweden had the lowest prevalence victimisation rate for burglary in Europe, according to the 2005 EU ICS, and the rate of exposure to residential burglary has remained relatively unchanged since 2006. In SCS 2013, 0.9 percent of households stated that they were the victims of burglary in 2012. Sweden had 785 cases of reported burglary per 100,000 population in 2012, which is a reduction from the previous year by 6 percent. The majority of burglaries in Sweden are committed by international gangs from Eastern European countries like the Balkans, Romania, Poland, the Baltic countries, and Georgia. The total number of burglaries in southern Sweden were 5871 in 2015 and 4802, the reduction was attributed to border checks introduced in November 2015 due to the ongoing European migrant crisis and police having manage to catch a number of gangs in 2016. The third reason for the reduction was community cooperation.

Burglary perpetrators
Since Police in Sweden have a low conviction rate for burglaries, there is also corresponding ignorance about who the burglars are.

The Swedish National Council for Crime Prevention received responsibility for compiling statistics in 1994, at which time the two main categories of offenders were youth and drug addicts. This pattern changed into one where the main category of offenders were organised gangs, some of which were composed of foreigners travelling to Sweden in order to commit crime and then return to their home countries again. In the Stockholm area police estimated in 2014 that a third of all burglaries were done by foreign nationals. In 2015 police were reported as estimating that foreign gangs comprising 1500 individuals were organized with some members living Sweden to coordinate thefts: a third of these gangs are from Lithuania, a fifth from Poland and the rest from Georgia, Belarus, Romania and Bulgaria. In 2017 police were reported as estimating that about half of the annual 20,000 burglaries, including failed attempts, were committed by gangs from the Balkans, Romania, the Baltic states and Georgia.

Fear of violence
According to a survey by the Swedish Agency for Youth and Civil Society (MUCF), performed in 2018, and released in April 2019, 70% of men and 36% of women in the ages 16–29 years old were afraid of being subjected to violence when they are outside. In 2013 the percentages were 26% for men and 32% for women.

According to the 2017 EU-SILC survey, Sweden was one of the countries in Europe where the highest share of the population experience problems with crime, violence or vandalism in the area they live.

Criminal sanctions
Sanctions under the Swedish Penal Code consist of fines and damages, imprisonment, conditional sentences, probation, being placed in special care and community service. Various sanctions can be combined. A basic premise in the Penal Code is that non-custodial penalties are more desirable than custodial, and the court has considerable latitude when choosing a criminal sanctions, paying special attention to measures chiefly aimed at rehabilitating offenders.

Fines and damages
A person who has committed a crime may be ordered to pay damages to the victim. Such damages can relate to compensation for destroyed clothing, a broken tooth, costs for medical care, pain and suffering, or personal violation. A person sentenced for an offence that could lead to imprisonment must pay SEK 800 to the Crime Victim Fund. Fines are determined in money, or as day fines. In the case of day fines, two figures are given, for example "40 day fines of SEK 50" (i.e. SEK 2,000). The first figure shows how serious the court has considered the offence and the latter figure depends on the financial situation of the accused.

Conditional sentences, probation and community service
Conditional sentences are primarily intended when a person commits a one-off crime and there is no reason to fear that he or she will re-offend. Probation can be applied to crimes for which fines are considered insufficient. Like a conditional sentence, it is non-custodial, but it is relatively intrusive.

If a conditional sentence is imposed there will be a probationary period of two years. During this period, the person must conduct himself in an acceptable manner. The conditional sentence may be combined with day fines and/or an obligation to perform community service. There is no check made as to whether the person sentenced has conducted himself in an acceptable manner; but if the person is found to conduct himself in an unacceptable manner, the court may issue a warning, change a provision, or decide that the conditional sentence should be replaced by another sanction.

A person who has been sentenced to probation is subject to a probationary period of three years. During this period, the person must conduct himself in an acceptable manner. A probation officer is appointed, who will assist and support the person sentenced. The court may specify rules about medical care, work and housing during the probationary period. The probation may be combined with day fines, imprisonment, an obligation to undergo care according to a predetermined treatment plan and/or to perform community service.

Community service is an obligation to perform certain unpaid work during a particular time. A person sentenced to community service serves his sentence through working, for example, for an association or a not-for-profit organisation.

Prison and electronic monitoring
A person who has been sentenced to at most six months imprisonment has the opportunity to serve the sentence in the form of intensive supervision with electronic monitoring. The person sentenced will serve the penalty at home and may only leave home at certain times, for example, to go to work. Compliance with these times is checked electronically.

A person who has been sentenced to prison will receive an order from the Swedish Prison and Probation Service to attend an institution. It is possible to start serving the penalty immediately after the judgement has been made, and in certain cases, the person sentenced can get a postponement up to one year. A sentence of imprisonment can, in certain cases, be enforced by the Prison and Probation Service with the use of an ankle monitor outside the institution.

Prison sentences may not be less than 14 days and may not exceed ten years (18 years for some offences) or life imprisonment. A person sentenced to life imprisonment can apply for a determined sentence at the Örebro Lower Court. A prisoner has to serve at least 10 years in prison before applying and the set sentence cannot be under 18 years. However, some prisoners may never be released, being considered too dangerous.

Young offenders
According to the Penal Code, persons under 15 who have committed a crime cannot be sentenced to any sanction. If the under age offender is in need of corrective measures due to the crime, it is the responsibility of the National Board of Health and Welfare to rectify the situation, either by ordering that he be put into care in a family home or a home with special supervision.

As a rule, offenders between 15 and 17 are subject to sanctions under the Act on Special Rules for the Care of the Young (SFS 1980:621) instead of normal criminal sanctions. An offender aged 15 and 17 years old, who have committed serious or repeated crimes, and is sentenced to prison or closed juvenile care usually serves time in a special youth home run by the National Board of Institutional Care. A person under 18 years is only sentenced to prison during exceptional circumstances. In less serious cases, fines are levied.

For offenders between 18 and 19 years of age, measures in accordance with the Act on Special Rules for the Care may only be used to a limited extent. A person over 18 but under 21 can be sentenced to prison only if there are special reasons for this, with regard to the crime, or for other special reasons. A person who is under 21 when a crime was committed may receive milder sentencing than that normally stipulated, and may never be sentenced to life imprisonment if the crime was committed before Jan 2 2022.

There are no age limits for the application of conditional sentences.

Incarceration rate
Sweden had an incarceration rate of 66 persons per 100,000 inhabitants in 2013, which is significantly lower than in most other countries. By comparison, the EU average incarceration rate in the period 2008–2010 was 126 persons per 100,000.

In 2012, approximately 12,000 prison terms were handed down—a level comparable to the one in the mid-1970s. The number of people sentenced to prison went down in the nine-year period of 2004–2013, but the average sentence length (approximately 8.4 months) has not been affected.

Image in media
There has been debate in the media about the crime rate in Sweden, and further debate about how crime has been affected by the accumulated immigration and refugee influx. Some international media have claimed that the refuge immigrants in Sweden created dangerous neighborhoods that are now "no-go zones" for Swedish police. Several pieces by Norsk rikskringkasting, the state-run media channel in the neighboring country Norway have described the "no-go zones" as areas in which ambulances, the fire brigade and police are routinely attacked, with reporter Anders Magnus in 2016 threatened and hurled rocks at by masked men when he tried to make interviews in Husby. Norwegian minister of immigration and integration Sylvi Listhaug and opposition politician Bård Vegard Solhjell said that they were "shocked" by the emergence of no-go zones in Sweden.

Another incidence of foreign journalists attacked in a Stockholm suburb includes the Australian team of Liz Hayes from CBS's 60 minutes in Rinkeby in 2016, working with anti-immigration activist Jan Sjunnesson, in which a member of the crew was allegedly dragged into a building during filming and punched and kicked by several people. In 2017, independent investigative journalist Tim Pool was escorted out of Rinkeby by police, "as many men were getting agitated by our presence". However, Swedish police authorities claimed that Pool was not formally escorted out of the area, as no police report on the incident was filed. After his visit to Sweden, Pool concluded that Sweden "has real problems".

Swedish-Kurdish economist Tino Sanandaji said that, due to fear of being perceived as racists, it has been taboo in Sweden to describe the situation in vulnerables areas due to their having a high fraction of immigrants.

In February 2017, UKIP British politician Nigel Farage defined the Swedish city of Malmö as the "rape capital of Europe", and linked a high number of rapes in Sweden to the immigrants and asylum seekers from Africa and the Middle East; he was subsequently criticized by the BBC because, at the time, there were no data available on the ethnicity of the attackers.

In November 2020, Swedish crime trends were used as an example not to follow by the Finns Party who claimed both Sweden and Finland's problem with youth crime were the result of failed immigration policies. Interior minister Maria Ohisalo instead maintained that the problems were due to "inequality".

title: Crime in Sweden