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E-folding

In science, e-folding is the time interval in which an exponentially growing quantity increases by a factor of e; it is the base-e analog of doubling time. This term is often used in many areas of science, such as in atmospheric chemistry, medicine and theoretical physics, especially when cosmic inflation is investigated. Physicists and chemists often talk about the e-folding time scale that is determined by the proper time in which the length of a patch of space or spacetime increases by the factor e mentioned above.

In finance, the logarithmic return or continuously compounded return, also known as force of interest, is the reciprocal of the e-folding time.

The term e-folding time is also sometimes used similarly in the case of exponential decay, to refer to the timescale for a quantity to decrease to 1/e of its previous value.

The process of evolving to equilibrium is often characterized by a time scale called the e-folding time, τ. This time is used for processes which evolve exponentially toward a final state (equilibrium). In other words, if we examine an observable, X, associated with a system, (temperature or density, for example) then after a time, τ, the initial difference between the initial value of the observable and the equilibrium value, ΔXi, will have decreased to ΔXi /e where the number e ≈ 2.71828.

 * $$T_e = \frac{T_d}{\ln(2)} = \frac{t}{\ln({N(t)}/{N(0)})} = \frac{t}{\ln(1+r/100)}$$

 * Te e-folding time
 * N(t) amount at time t
 * N(0) initial amount
 * Td doubling time
 * ln(2) ≈ 0.693 natural logarithm of 2
 * r% growth rate in time t

Example of lifetime as e-folding time
The concept of e-folding time may be used in the analysis of kinetics. Consider a chemical species A, which decays into another chemical species, B. We could depict this as an equation:

 * $${\rm A} \rightarrow {\rm B}$$

Let us assume that this reaction follows first order kinetics, meaning that the conversion of A into B depends only on the concentration of A, and the rate constant which dictates the velocity at which this happens, k. We could write the following reaction to describe this first order kinetic process:

 * $$\frac{d[{\rm A}]}{dt}=-k[{\rm A}]$$

This ordinary differential equation states that a change (in this case the disappearance) of the concentration of A, d[A]/dt, is equal to the rate constant k multiplied by the concentration of A. Consider what the units of k would be. On the left hand side, we have a concentration divided by a unit of time. The units for k would need to allow for these to be replicated on the right hand side. For this reason, the units of k, here, would be 1/time.

Because this is a linear, homogeneous and separable differential equation, we may separate the terms such that the equation becomes:

 * $$\frac{d[{\rm A}]}{[{\rm A}]} = -k \,dt$$

We may then integrate both sides of this equation, which results in the inclusion of the constant e:

\begin{align} & \int_{[{\rm A}]_i}^{[{\rm A}]_f} \frac{d[{\rm A}]}{[{\rm A}]} = \int_{t=0}^t -k \, dt \\[6pt] & \ln[{\rm A}]_f - \ln[{\rm A}]_i = -kt - k(0) \\[6pt] & \ln\frac{[{\rm A}]_f}{[{\rm A}]_i} = -kt \\[6pt] & \frac{[{\rm A}]_f}{[{\rm A}]_i} = e^{-kt} \end{align} $$

where [A]f and [A]i are the final and initial concentrations of A. Upon comparing the ratio on the left hand side to the equation on the right hand side, we conclude that the ratio between the final and initial concentrations follows an exponential function, of which e is the base.

As mentioned above, the units for k are inverse time. If we were to take the reciprocal of this, we would be left with units of time. For this reason, we often state that the lifetime of a species that undergoes first order decay is equal to the reciprocal of k. Consider, now, what would happen if we were to set the time, t, to the reciprocal of the rate constant, k, i.e. t = 1/k. This would yield

 * $$\frac{[{\rm A}]_f}{[{\rm A}]_i} = e^{-k\left(\frac 1 k \right)} = e^{-1} = \frac 1 e \approx 0.37$$

This states that after one lifetime (1/k), the ratio of final to initial concentrations is equal to about 0.37. Stated another way, after one lifetime, we have

 * $$\frac{[{\rm A}]_f}{[{\rm A}]_i} \approx \frac{37}{100} = 37\%$$

which means that we have lost (1 − 0.37 = 0.63) 63% of A, with only 37% left. With this, we now know that if we have 1 lifetime passed, we have gone through 1 "e-folding". What would 2 "e-foldings" look like? After two lifetimes, we would have t = 1/k + 1/k = 2/k, which would result in

 * $$\frac{[{\rm A}]_f}{[{\rm A}]_i} = e^{-k\left(\frac 2 k \right)} = e^{-2} = \frac 1 {e^2} \approx 0.14 = 14\%$$

which says that only about 14% of A remains. It is in this manner that e-folding lends us an easy way to describe the number of lifetimes that have passed. After 1 lifetime, we have 1/e remaining. After 2 lifetimes, we have 1/e2 remaining. One lifetime, therefore, is one e-folding time, which is the most descriptive way of stating the decay.

title: E-folding


text: Category talk:1976 Atlantic hurricane season

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


text: Category talk:1980 Atlantic hurricane season


text: Category talk:1975 Atlantic hurricane season


text: Category talk:1973 Atlantic hurricane season


text: Category talk:1972 Atlantic hurricane season


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Goget

 * The following discussion is an archived debate of the proposed deletion of the article below. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page (such as the article's talk page or on a Votes for Undeletion nomination).  No further edits should be made to this page.

The result of the debate was Keep -- (drini's page| ☎ ) 01:50, 19 October 2005 (UTC)

Goget
delete, blatant commercial advertising. Shouldn't there be a speedy category for such egregious cases? --Trovatore 21:03, 8 October 2005 (UTC)

 * What, you mean like this one? Flexcar unsigned comment by 218.214.34.243, 21:11, 8 October 2005 (UTC); same IP address as author of Goget
 * That one's borderline. Goget is plainly an ad. --Trovatore 21:23, 8 October 2005 (UTC)
 * Im new to wikipedia: do i simply need to make it more factual? Search 'carshare' in google and Newtopwn carshare, our sister site, comes up 6th - i think its relevant. - Nic, author of page
 * I came across this: "Articles about companies and products are fine if they are written in an objective and unbiased style" - so if I change it will it be acceptable?
 * I'll let someone else take this; I'm not sure where the boundaries are. The fact that you're writing about your own company, while probably not per se forbidden, raises strong suspicions that you mainly want to use the article as free publicity for a commercial venture. There must be someone who has more experience with this issue who can comment more authoritatively. --Trovatore 21:44, 8 October 2005 (UTC)
 * Thanks for your time on this - as I said, I am new to Wikipedia - and I have dual motivations. I saw an article about the US companies (contributed by unknown persons) so I figured I could contribute one on what we've done in Australia, seeing as how we were the first ones to do it here. Anyway, I guess I have to leave this one up to the community!
 * Appreciate your honesty, in any case. --Trovatore 21:54, 8 October 2005 (UTC)
 * Keep An interesting and informative article on a cutting-edge and valuable service. Denni ☯ 01:20, 9 October 2005 (UTC)
 * Should every business providing a trendy, valuable service, get an ad on WP? Give them a sentence or two in car sharing, and an external link to their website; if they make some money off of that, great. But we shouldn't have articles promoting particular commercial interests. It reflects badly on the impartiality of the whole encyclopedia. --Trovatore 05:40, 9 October 2005 (UTC)
 * Keep Considering that the author is new to Wikipedia, it seems only fair to ask for some specific changes to be made rather than deleting the article. My suggestion is that the article be rejigged to focus on the generic benefits of carsharing within major Australian cities and a comparison of the Australian approach with precursors in other countries. This approach could readily satisfy the requirements for articles to be written in an objective and unbiased style. It would be a pity if information about this socially-beneficial approach (did I hear anyone mention petroleum crisis?) was excluded because of a suspicion about 'free publicity' being the major motivation for submission. Maybe as suggested, it could be included in the car sharing section under a heading of car sharing in Australia. I'm sure that the material could be revised somewhat by the author to prevent the unfortunate impression of a lack of impartiality. The fact that the author has dual motivations should not prevent him/her being able to produce a revision that focuses upon the social good aspect. Or do we assume that any submission by someone who has mixed motives is intrinsically tainted? That would seem a bit rich. Surely we should judge on the nature of what's finally actually submitted rather than taking an 'original sin' approach - I vote that we ask for the article to be edited so that it is 'balanced' in a manner analogous to that found in the Flexcar article. unsigned comment by 134.7.248.129, 01:06, 10 October 2005
 * Keep. I was bold and rewrote it, stripping it down to a brief and factual article and taking out as much of the advertising as I could.  It was certainly pretty advertising-heavy, but it appears to be a notable service in its area, and car sharing services are becoming much more prominent recently, so I think it's important to have an article on this one.  Bikeable 01:12, 13 October 2005 (UTC)
 * Keep. The revised version from Bikeable seems fine to me - it does a great job of informing about the basic idea without the former problem of the advertising overlay. I'd like the original author to expand the article along these lines (without advertising!) as suggested above to point out how the general car sharing approach has been 'tailored' to the specifics of the Australian context. I think this would be very useful for people in countries where such schemes do not yet exist.Albertus Pictor 00:04, 14 October 2005 (UTC)
 * The above discussion is preserved as an archive of the debate. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page (such as the article's talk page or in an undeletion request). No further edits should be made to this page.

title: Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Goget


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New Order (Indonesia)

The New Order (Orde Baru, abbreviated Orba) describes the regime of the second Indonesian President Suharto from his rise to power in 1966 until his resignation in 1998. Suharto coined the term upon his accession and used it to contrast his presidency with that of his predecessor Sukarno (retroactively dubbed the "Old Order" or Orde Lama).

Immediately following the attempted coup in 1965, the political situation was uncertain, and Suharto's New Order found much popular support from groups wanting a separation from Indonesia's problems since its independence. The 'generation of 66' (Angkatan 66) epitomised talk of a new group of young leaders and new intellectual thought. Following Indonesia's communal and political conflicts, and its economic collapse and social breakdown of the late 1950s through to the mid-1960s, the "New Order" was committed to achieving and maintaining political order, economic development, and the removal of mass participation in the political process. The features of the "New Order" established from the late 1960s were thus a strong political role for the military, the bureaucratisation and corporatisation of political and societal organisations, and selective but brutal repression of opponents. Strident anti-communist, anti-socialist, and anti-Islamist doctrine remained a hallmark of the presidency for its subsequent 30 years.

Within a few years, however, many of its original allies had become indifferent or averse to the New Order, which comprised a military faction supported by a narrow civilian group. Among much of the pro-democracy movement that forced Suharto to resign in the 1998 Indonesian Revolution and then gained power, the term New Order has come to be used pejoratively. It is frequently employed to describe figures who were either tied to the Suharto period, or who upheld the practises of his authoritarian administration, such as corruption, collusion and nepotism (widely known by the acronym KKN: korupsi, kolusi, nepotisme).

Background
Sukarno was Indonesia's founding president, a position he had held since the Republic's formation in 1945. In 1955, the first general parliamentary elections delivered an unstable parliament and from the late 1950s, Sukarno's rule became increasingly autocratic under his "Guided Democracy". Described as the great "dalang", Sukarno’s position depended on his concept of NASAKOM (Nationalism, Religion, Communism) whereby he sought to balance the competing Indonesian Military, Islamic groups, and the increasingly powerful Indonesian Communist Party (PKI). To the resentment of the Military and Muslim groups, this arrangement became increasingly reliant on the PKI, which had become the country’s strongest political party.

Sukarno’s anti-imperial ideology saw Indonesia increasingly dependent on the Soviet Union and China which was met with indignation from Western countries. The cash-strapped government had to scrap public sector subsidies, annual inflation rose to as high as 1,000%, export revenues were shrinking, infrastructure crumbling, and factories were operating at minimal capacity with negligible investment. Sukarno’s administration became increasingly ineffective in providing a viable economic system to lift its citizens out of poverty and hunger. Meanwhile, Sukarno led Indonesia into Konfrontasi, a military confrontation with Malaysia; removed Indonesia from the United Nations; and stepped up revolutionary and anti-Western rhetoric.

By 1965 at the height of the Cold War, the PKI penetrated all levels of government. With the support of Sukarno and the Air Force, the party gained increasing influence at the expense of the Army, thus ensuring the Army's enmity. Muslim clerics, many of whom were landowners, felt threatened by the PKI's rural land confiscation actions. The army was alarmed at Sukarno’s support for the PKI’s wish to quickly establish a "fifth force" of armed peasants and labourers, which was first announced by the PKI to a CBS News journalist. Adding to this desperate and fractious nature of Indonesia in the 1960s, a split within the military was fostered by Western countries backing a right-wing faction against a left-wing faction backed by the PKI.

Overthrow of Sukarno
On 30 September 1965, six generals were killed by a group calling themselves the 30 September Movement, who alleged a right-wing plot to kill the President. General Suharto led the army in suppressing the abortive coup attempt. The PKI were quickly blamed, and the army led an anti-communist purge that killed an estimated 500,000 to a million people. Public opinion shifted against Sukarno in part due to his apparent knowledge of, and sympathy for, the events of 30 September, and for his tolerance of leftist and communist elements whom the army blamed for the coup attempt. Student groups, such as KAMI, were encouraged by, and sided with, the Army against Sukarno. In March 1966, Suharto secured a presidential decree (known as the Supersemar), which gave him authority to take any action necessary to maintain security. Using the decree, the PKI was banned in March 1966 and the parliament (MPRS), government and military were purged of pro-Sukarno elements, many of whom were accused of being communist sympathisers, and replaced with Suharto supporters.

A June session of the now-purged parliament promulgated a parliamentary resolution irrevocable by Sukarno (Tap MPRS no. XXV/MPRS/1966), that confirmed Suharto's ban of the PKI and simultaneously banned "Communism/Marxism-Leninism" (sic; explicitly defined in the resolution's corresponding explanatory memorandum to include "the struggle fundaments and tactics taught by ... Stalin, Mao Tse Tung et cetera"), as well as promulgating other resolutions that elevated the Supersemar into a parliamentary resolution also irrevocable by Sukarno, and stripped Sukarno of his title of president for life. In August–September 1966, and against the wishes of Sukarno, the New Order ended Indonesia's confrontation with Malaysia and rejoined the United Nations. Parliament re-convened in March 1967 to impeach the President for his apparent toleration of 30 September Movement and violation of the constitution by promoting PKI's international communist agenda, negligence of the economy, and promotion of national "moral degradation" via his womanising behaviour. In March 1967, the MPRS stripped Sukarno of his remaining power, and Suharto was named Acting President. Sukarno was placed under house arrest in Bogor Palace; little more was heard from him, and he died in June 1970. In March 1968, the MPRS appointed Suharto to the first of his five-year terms as President.

Consolidation of power

The "New Order" was so called to distinguish and "better" itself from Sukarno's "Old Order". Pancasila was promoted as the national ideology, one that pre-dated introduced religions such as Hinduism or Islam. Suharto secured a parliamentary resolution in 1978 (Tap MPR No. II/1978) which obliged all organisations in Indonesia to adhere to Pancasila as a basic principle; he later secured another parliamentary resolution in 1983 (Tap MPR No. II/1983) which prohibited all organizations from adhering to any principles except Pancasila, a policy known as Pancasila sole principle (asas tunggal Pancasila). He instituted a Pancasila indoctrination program that was mandatory for all Indonesians, from primary school students to office workers. Pancasila, a rather vague and generalist set of principles originally formulated by Sukarno in 1945, was vigorously promoted as a sacrosanct national ideology which represented the ancient wisdom of the Indonesian people even before the entry of foreign-based religions such as Hinduism or Islam. In a July 1982 speech that reflected his deep infatuation with Javanese beliefs, Suharto glorified Pancasila as a key to reaching the perfect life (ilmu kasampurnaning hurip) of harmony with God and fellow mankind. In practice, however, the vagueness of Pancasila was exploited by Suharto's government to justify their actions and to condemn their opponents as "anti-Pancasila".

The Dwifungsi ("Dual Function") policy allowed the military to have an active role in all levels of Indonesian government, economy, and society.

Neutralisation of internal dissent
Having been appointed president, Suharto still needed to share power with various elements including Indonesian generals who considered Suharto as mere primus inter pares as well as Islamic and student groups who participated in the anti-communist purge. Suharto, aided by his "Office of Personal Assistants" (Aspri) clique of military officers from his days as commander of Diponegoro Division, particularly Ali Murtopo, began to systematically cement his hold on power by subtly sidelining potential rivals while rewarding loyalists with political position and monetary incentives.

Having successfully stood-down MPRS chairman General Nasution's 1968 attempt to introduce a bill which would have severely curtailed presidential authority, Suharto had him removed from his position as MPRS chairman in 1969 and forced his early retirement from the military in 1972. In 1967, generals HR Dharsono, Kemal Idris, and Sarwo Edhie Wibowo (dubbed "New Order Radicals") opposed Suharto's decision to allow the participation of existing political parties in elections in favour of a non-ideological two-party system somewhat similar to those found in many Western countries. Suharto then proceeded to send Dharsono overseas as ambassador, while Kemal Idris and Sarwo Edhie Wibowo were sent to distant North Sumatra and South Sulawesi as regional commanders.

While many original leaders of the 1966 student movement (Angkatan 66) were successfully co-opted into the regime, it faced large student demonstrations challenging the legitimacy of the 1971 elections, the Golput Movement, the costly construction of Taman Mini Indonesia Indah theme park (1972), the domination of foreign capitalists (Malari Incident of 1974), and the lack of term limits of Suharto's presidency (1978). The New Order responded by imprisoning student activists and sending army units to occupy the campus of the Bandung Institute of Technology in 1978. In April 1978, Suharto ended the campus unrest by issuing a decree on the "Normalization of Campus Life" (NKK) which prohibited political activities on-campus not related to academic pursuits.

In 1980, fifty prominent political figures—including Nasution—signed the Petition of Fifty which criticised Suharto's use of Pancasila to silence his critics. Suharto refused to address the petitioners' concerns, and some of them were imprisoned with others having restrictions imposed on their movements.

Depoliticization
To placate demands from civilian politicians for the holding of elections, as manifested in MPRS resolutions of 1966 and 1967, Suharto government formulated a series of laws regarding elections as well as the structure and duties of parliament which were passed by MPRS in November 1969 after protracted negotiations. The law provided for a parliament (Madjelis Permusjawaratan Rakjat/MPR) with the power to elect presidents consisting of a lower house (Dewan Perwakilan Rakjat/DPR) as well as regional and groups representatives. 100 of the 460 members of DPR were soldiers of the Republic of Indonesia Armed Forces (ABRI)—mostly Indonesian Army soldiers—directly appointed by the government as part of Dwifungsi, while the remaining seats were allocated to political parties based on results of a general election. This mechanism ensures significant government control over legislative affairs, particularly the appointment of presidents.

To participate in the elections, Suharto realised the need to align himself with a political party. After initially considering alignment with Sukarno's old party, the PNI, in 1969 Suharto took control of an obscure military-run federation of NGOs called Golkar ("Functional Group") and transform it into his electoral vehicle under the co-ordination of his right-hand man Ali Murtopo. The first general election was held on 3 July 1971 with ten participants: Golkar, four Islamic parties, as well as five nationalist and Christian parties. Campaigning on a non-ideological platform of "development", and aided by official government support and subtle intimidation tactics. Golkar secured 62.8% of the popular vote. The March 1973 general session of the MPR promptly appointed Suharto to a second term in office with Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX as vice-president.

On 5 January 1973, to allow better control, the government forced the four Islamic parties to merge into the PPP (Partai Persatuan Pembangunan/United Development Party) while the five non-Islamic parties were fused into PDI (Partai Demokrasi Indonesia/Indonesian Democratic Party). The government ensured that these parties never developed effective opposition by controlling their leadership, while establishing the "re-call" system to remove any outspoken legislators from their positions. Using this system dubbed the "Pancasila Democracy", Golkar won the MPR general elections of 1977, 1982, 1987, 1992, and 1997 with massive landslides. The elected MPR then proceeded to unanimously re-elect Suharto as president in 1978, 1983, 1988, 1993, and 1998.

Establishment of corporative groups
Suharto proceeded with social engineering projects designed to transform Indonesian society into a de-politicized "floating mass" supportive of the national mission of "development", a concept similar to corporatism. The government formed civil society groups to unite the populace in support of government programs. For instance, the government created and required all civil servants and employees of state- and local government-owned enterprises and those of Bank Indonesia to join KORPRI (the Employees' Corps of the Republic of Indonesia) in November 1971 to ensure their loyalty; organised the FBSI (Federasi Buruh Seluruh Indonesia) as the only legal labour union for workers not eligible for KORPRI membership in February 1973 (later renamed as SPSI/Serikat Pekerja Seluruh Indonesia in 1985), established under the pretext of tripartism, officially defined as Pancasilaist Industrial Relations (Hubungan Industrial Pancasila) (while in fact it cements only business interests with the state); and established the MUI (Majelis Ulama Indonesia) in 1975 to control Islamic clerics. In 1966 to 1967, to promote assimilation of the influential Chinese Indonesians, the Suharto government passed several laws as part of the so-called "Basic Policy for the Solution of Chinese Problem", whereby only one Chinese-language publication (controlled by the army) was allowed to continue, all Chinese cultural and religious expressions (including display of Chinese characters) were prohibited from public space, Chinese schools were phased out, and the ethnic Chinese were encouraged to take Indonesian-sounding names. Furthermore, Chinese Indonesians are also subject to the Certificate of Citizenship in order to enter an academy, obtain a passport, register for an election, and to get married. In 1968, Suharto commenced the very successful family planning program (Keluarga Berentjana/KB) to stem the huge population growth rate and hence increase per-capita income. A lasting legacy from this period is the spelling reform of Indonesian language decreed by Suharto on 17 August 1972.

"State Ibuism"
Inspired by Javanese culture of priyayi, the New Order, during its consolidation era, was antifeminist and patriarchic, officially defined as "familyism" (kekeluargaan). In 1974, President Suharto established civil servant wives' corps Dharma Wanita, organized under the doctrine of "Five Women's Dharma" (Pancadharma Wanita), an antifeminist, patriarchic doctrine similar to Nazi Germany's Kinder, Küche, Kirche); a "Family Welfare Training" programme (Pembinaan Kesejahteraan Keluarga, PKK), which was rooted on a 1957 conference on home economics in Bogor, was made compulsory in 1972, especially on rural regions.

It wasn't until 1980 that feminism would gain an uprising with the establishment of several foundations, for example the Annisa Shanti foundation (Yasanti).

Political stability
Suharto relied on the military to ruthlessly maintain domestic security, organised by the Kopkamtib (Operation Command for the Restoration of Security and Order) and BAKIN (State Intelligence Coordination Agency). To maintain strict control over the country, Suharto expanded the army's territorial system down to the village level, while military officers were appointed as regional heads under the rubric of the Dwifungsi ("Dual Function") of the military. By 1969, 70% of Indonesia's provincial governors and more than half of its district chiefs were active military officers. Suharto authorised Operasi Trisula which destroyed PKI remnants trying to organise a guerrilla base in the Blitar area in 1968 and ordered several military operations which ended the communist PGRS-Paraku insurgency in West Kalimantan (1967–1972). Attacks on oil workers by the first incarnation of Free Aceh Movement separatists under Hasan di Tiro in 1977 led to dispatch of small special forces detachments who quickly either killed or forced the movement's members to flee abroad. Notably, in March 1981, Suharto authorised a successful special forces mission to end hijacking of a Garuda Indonesia flight by Islamic extremists at Don Muang Airport in Bangkok.

To comply with the New York Agreement of 1962 which required a plebiscite on integration of West Irian into Indonesia before end of 1969, the Suharto government began organising for a so-called "Act of Free Choice" (PEPERA) scheduled on July–August 1969. The government sent RPKAD special forces under Sarwo Edhie Wibowo which secured the surrender of several bands of the former Dutch-organized militia (Papoea Vrijwilligers Korps/ PVK) at large in the jungles since the Indonesian takeover in 1963, while sending Catholic volunteers under Jusuf Wanandi to distribute consumer goods to promote pro-Indonesian sentiments. In March 1969, it was agreed that the plebiscite will be channelled via 1,025 tribal chiefs, citing the logistical challenge and political ignorance of the population. Using the above strategy, the plebiscite produced a unanimous decision for integration with Indonesia, which was duly noted by United Nations General Assembly in November 1969.

Political Islam
Under Suharto, political Islamists were suppressed and religious Muslims were carefully watched by the Indonesian government. Several Christian Generals who served under Suharto like Leonardus Benjamin Moerdani actively persecuted religious Muslims in the Indonesian armed forces, which was described as being "anti-Islamic", denying religious Muslims promotions, and preventing them from praying in the barracks and banning them from even using the Islamic greeting As-salamu alaykum, and these anti-Islamic policies were entirely supported by Suharto, despite Suharto being a Muslim himself, since he considered political Islam a threat to his power. The Christian General Theo Syafei, who also served under Suharto, spoke out against political Islam coming to power in Indonesia, and insulted the Qur'an and Islam in remarks which were described as Islamophobic. Furthermore, the hijab was banned from 1982 to 1991 in state schools.

Economy

The new president enlisted a group of mostly American-educated Indonesian economists, dubbed the "Berkeley Mafia", to formulate government economic policy. By cutting subsidies and government debt, and reforming the exchange rate mechanism, inflation dropped from 660% in 1966 to 19% in 1969. The threat of famine was alleviated by influx of USAID rice aid shipments in 1967 to 1968.

Realizing the dearth of domestic capital capable of re-juvenating growth, Suharto reversed Sukarno's economic autarky policies by opening selected economic sectors of the country to foreign investment under the new Foreign Investment Law of January 1967 (containing generous tax holidays and free movement of money). Suharto himself travelled to Western Europe and Japan in a series of trips to promote investment into Indonesia, starting in the natural resources sector. Among the first foreign investors to re-enter Indonesia were mining companies Freeport Sulphur Company and International Nickel Company, later followed by significant investment from Japanese, South Korean, and Taiwanese companies. British-owned businesses nationalized by the Sukarno administration as part of Konfrontasi (including then-dual-listed Unilever and the British part of also-then-dual-listed Royal Dutch/Shell) were reprivatized; however, Dutch companies originally nationalized in the late 1950s-early 1960s (including but not limited to Hollandsche Beton Groep, NILLMIJ (by 1969 merged into Ennia, now Aegon), and the Dutch part of Royal Dutch/Shell) were not reprivatized due to nationalist sentiments. From 1967, the government managed to secure low-interest foreign aid from ten countries grouped under the Inter-Governmental Group on Indonesia (IGGI) to cover its budget deficit.

Suharto's government issued the Domestic Investment Law of June 1968 to allow development of a domestic capitalist class capable of motoring economic growth to supplement existing state-owned enterprises. The late 1960s and early 1970s saw emergence of domestic entrepreneurs (mostly Chinese-Indonesians) in the import-substitution light-manufacturing sector such as Astra Group and Salim Group.

Flush with IGGI foreign aid and later the jump in oil exports during the 1973 oil crisis, the government began a series of large-scale intensive investment in infrastructure under a series of five-year plans (Rencana Pembangunan Lima Tahun / REPELITA):
 * REPELITA I (1969–1974) focusing on agricultural improvements (Green Revolution) to ensure food security
 * REPELITA II (1974–1979) focusing on infrastructure on islands outside Java and growth in primary industries
 * REPELITA III (1979–1984) focusing on achieving food self-sufficiency and growth in export-oriented labour-intensive industry
 * REPELITA IV (1984–1989) focusing on growth in capital-good manufacturing
 * REPELITA V (1989–1994) focusing on growth in telecommunications, education, and transportation infrastructure
 * REPELITA VI (1994–1998, unfinished) focusing on infrastructure to support foreign investment and free trade

While establishing a formal economy based on rational and sound macroeconomic policies, Suharto continued his past modus operandi of creating a vast network of charitable organisations ("yayasan") run by the military and his family members, which extracted "donations" from domestic and foreign enterprises in exchange for necessary government support and permits. While some proceeds of these organisations were used for genuinely charitable purposes (such as building a heart-disease hospital by Yayasan Harapan Kita run by the first lady), most of the money was recycled as slush funds to reward political allies to maintain support for Suharto's presidency.

In February 1975, the state oil company Pertamina was forced to default on its US$15 billion in loans from American and Canadian creditors. The company's director, General Ibnu Sutowo (a close ally of Suharto), invested the windfall income from rising oil prices into a myriad of other business activities such as shipping, steel, construction, real estate, and hospitals. These businesses were mismanaged and riddled with corruption. The government was forced to bail out the company, in the process nearly doubling the national debt, while Ibnu Sutowo was removed from his position.

Foreign policy

Upon assuming power, Suharto government adopted a policy of neutrality in the Cold War with quiet alignment with the Western bloc (including Japan and South Korea) with the objective of securing support for Indonesia's economic recovery. Western countries, impressed by Suharto's strong anti-communist credentials, were quick to offer their support. Diplomatic relations with the People's Republic of China were suspended in October 1967 due to suspicion of Chinese involvement in 30 September Movement (diplomatic relations were only restored in 1990). Due to Suharto's destruction of PKI the Soviet Union embargoed military sales to Indonesia. However, from 1967 to 1970 foreign minister Adam Malik managed to secure several agreements to restructure massive debts incurred by Sukarno from the Soviet Union and other Eastern European communist states. Regionally, having ended confrontation with Malaysia in August 1966, Indonesia became a founding member of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in August 1967. This organisation is designed to establish a peaceful relationship between Southeast Asian countries free from conflicts such as the ongoing Vietnam War.

In 1974, the neighbouring colony of Portuguese Timor descended into civil war after the withdrawal of Portuguese authority following the Carnation Revolution, whereby the leftist-leaning Fretilin (Frente Revolucionária de Timor-Leste Independente) emerged triumphant. After persuasion from Western countries (including from US president Gerald R. Ford and Australian prime minister Gough Whitlam during their visits to Indonesia), Suharto decided to intervene to prevent establishment of a communist state. After an unsuccessful attempt of covert support to Timorese anti-communist groups UDT and APODETI, Suharto authorised a full-scale invasion of the colony on 7 December 1975 followed with its official annexation as Indonesia's 27th province of East Timor in July 1976. The "encirclement and annihilation" campaigns of 1977–1979 broke the back of Fretilin control over the hinterlands, although continuing guerilla resistance forced the government to maintain strong military presence in the half-island until 1999. An estimated minimum of 90,800 and maximum of 213,600 conflict-related deaths occurred in East Timor during Indonesian rule (1974–1999); namely, 17,600–19,600 killings and 73,200 to 194,000 'excess' deaths from hunger and illness. Indonesian forces were responsible for about 70% of the violent killings.

Socio-economic progress and growing corruption

By 1996, Indonesia's poverty rate had dropped to around 11% compared with 45% in 1970 according to some studies, though this claim of poverty reduction is debatable and many studies indicate that poverty was much higher than claimed, with as many as 50% of Indonesians living on a dollar PPP a day or less. From 1966 to 1997, Indonesia recorded real GDP growth of 5.03% per year, pushing real GDP per capita upwards from US$806 to US$4,114. In 1966, the manufacturing sector made up less than 10% of GDP (mostly industries related to oil and agriculture). By 1997, manufacturing had risen to 25% of GDP, and 53% of exports consisted of manufactured products. The government invested into massive infrastructure development (notably the launch of the Palapa telecommunication satellites); consequently Indonesian infrastructure in the mid-1990s was considered on par with China's. Suharto was keen to capitalise on such achievements to justify his presidency, and an MPR resolution in 1983 granted him the title of "Father of Development".

Suharto's health-care programs (such as the Puskesmas program) increased life expectancy from 47 years (1966) to 67 years (1997) and cut the infant mortality rate by more than 60%. The government's Bantuan Pembangunan Sekolah Dasar program, better known as SD Inpres and launched in 1973, resulted in the primary-school enrollment ratio reaching 90% by 1983 while almost eliminating the education gap between boys and girls. Sustained support for agriculture resulted in Indonesia reaching rice self-sufficiency by 1984, an unprecedented achievement which earned Suharto a gold medal from the FAO in November 1985.

In the early 1980s, Suharto responded to the fall in oil exports due to the 1980s oil glut by successfully shifting the main pillar of the economy into export-oriented labour-intensive manufacturing, made globally competitive by Indonesia's low wages and a series of currency devaluations. Industrialization was mostly undertaken by ethnic-Chinese companies, which evolved into immense conglomerates, dominating the nation's economy. The largest conglomerates are the Salim Group, led by Liem Sioe Liong (Sudono Salim), the Sinar Mas Group, led by Oei Ek Tjong (Eka Tjipta Widjaja), the Astra Group, led by Tjia Han Poen (William Soeryadjaya), the Lippo Group, led by Lie Mo Tie (Mochtar Riady), the Barito Pacific Group, led by Pang Djun Phen (Prajogo Pangestu), and the Nusamba Group, led by Bob Hasan. Suharto decided to support the growth of a small number of Chinese-Indonesian conglomerates since they could not challenge his rule due to their ethnic-minority status, and, based on past experience, he thought that they possessed the skills and capital needed to create real growth for the country. In exchange for Suharto's patronage, the conglomerates provided vital financing for his "regime maintenance" activities.

In the late 1980s, the Suharto government decided to de-regulate the banking sector to encourage savings and providing domestic source of financing required for growth. Suharto decreed the "October Package of 1988" (PAKTO 88), which eased requirements for establishing banks and extending credit, resulting in a 50% increase in number of banks from 1989 to 1991. To promote savings, the government introduced the TABANAS (Tabungan Pembangunan Nasional, National Development Savings) program to the populace. The Jakarta Stock Exchange, originally opened in 1912 as the Batavia (later Jakarta) branch of the Amsterdam Stock Exchange (now Euronext Amsterdam) and re-opened in 1977, performed strongly due to a spree of domestic IPOs and an influx of foreign funds after deregulation in 1990. The sudden availability of credit fuelled strong economic growth in the early 1990s, but weak regulation of the financial sector sowed the seeds of the catastrophic crisis in 1997 which eventually lead to Suharto's resignation.

The growth of the economy was coincided by rapid expansion in corruption, collusion, and nepotism (Korupsi, Kolusi, dan Nepotisme / KKN). In the early 1980s, Suharto's children, particularly Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana ("Tutut"), Hutomo Mandala Putra ("Tommy"), and Bambang Trihatmodjo, grew increasingly venal and corrupt. Their companies were given lucrative government contracts and protected from market competition by monopolies. Examples include the Jakarta Inner Ring Road, which Tutut had a majority (75% at one time) stake through her PT Citra Lamtoro Gung Persada subsidiary PT Citra Marga Nusaphala Persada; the national car project, monopolized by Bambang and Tommy (through the Bimantara Group (now MNC Group)'s joint venture with the Hyundai Motor Company, and Timor Putra Nasional's joint venture with Kia Motors, respectively); the clove industry, monopolized by a Tommy-linked governmental body called the Clove Buffering and Marketing Administration (Badan Penyangga dan Pemasaran Cengkeh, BPPC); and even the cinema market (and furthermore, all imports of films distributed by the American major film studios), monopolised by 21 Cineplex, owned by Suharto's cousin Sudwikatmono's Subentra Group (now Indika Group). The family was said to have controlled about 36,000 km2 of real estate in Indonesia, including 100,000 m2 of prime office space in Jakarta and nearly 40% of the land in East Timor. Additionally, Suharto's family members received free shares in 1,251 of Indonesia's most lucrative domestic companies (mostly run by Suharto's ethnic-Chinese cronies), while foreign-owned companies were encouraged to establish "strategic partnerships" with Suharto family's companies. Meanwhile, the myriad yayasans run by Suharto family grew even larger, levying millions of dollars in "donations" from the public and private sectors each year.

Grip on power

By the 1980s, Suharto's grip on power was very strong, maintained by strict control over civil society, engineered elections, liberal use of the military's coercive powers, and a strong economy. Upon his retirement from the military in June 1976, Suharto undertook a re-organization of the armed forces that concentrated power away from commanders to the president. In March 1983, he appointed General Leonardus Benjamin Moerdani as head of the armed forces. A tough and capable soldier, Moerdani was also a Roman Catholic, which precluded him from posing a political threat to Suharto.

Suharto ruthlessly suppressed elements that disturbed the tranquility of the New Order society. From 1983 to 1985, army death squads murdered up to 10,000 suspected criminals in response to a spike in crime rate (dubbed "Petrus Killings"). Suharto's imposition of Pancasila as sole ideology caused protests from conservative Islamic groups which considered Islamic law (sharia) to be above any human conceptions. In September 1984, a violent demonstration in the Tanjung Priok area of Jakarta by conservative Muslims led to soldiers opening fire, massacring up to 100 protesters. A retaliatory series of small bombings (notably the bombing of Borobudur Temple in January 1985) led to arrests of hundreds of conservative Islamic activists, ranging from future parliamentary leader A. M. Fatwa to radical cleric Abu Bakar Bashir (future founder of terrorist group Jemaah Islamiyah). Attacks on police by the resurgent Libyan-aided Free Aceh Movement in 1989 led to a brutal military operation ("Operasi Jaring Merah") that killed up to 12,000 people, mostly civilians, by the time ended the insurgency ended in 1992. More subtly, the Suharto government sought to better control the press by issuing a 1984 law requiring all media to possess a press operating licence (SIUPP) which could be revoked at any time by the Ministry of Information.

In the international arena, Western concern over Communism waned with the end of the Cold War, and Suharto's human-rights record came under greater international scrutiny. The November 1991 Santa Cruz Massacre in Dili, East Timor, resulted in the United States Congress passing limitations on IMET assistance to the Indonesian Military. Suharto retaliated by cancelling purchase orders for American F-16 fighter jets in 1997. When the Netherlands condemned the Santa Cruz Massacre, Suharto retaliated by expelling the Dutch from IGGI in March 1992 and renaming it the Consultative Group on Indonesia (CGI) which continued increasing aid to Indonesia. Realizing this trend, Suharto sought wider alliances under the rubric of economic development, away from over-reliance to United States support. Suharto was elected as head of the Non-Aligned Movement in 1992, while Indonesia became a founding member of APEC, in 1989, and hosted the Bogor APEC Summit in 1994.

Domestically, the growing rapaciousness of Suharto's family created discontent among the military, which lost access to power and lucrative rent-seeking opportunities. In the March 1988 MPR session, military legislators attempted to pressure Suharto by unsuccessfully seeking to block the nomination of Sudharmono, a Suharto-loyalist, as vice-president. After General Moerdani voiced his objections on the Suharto family's corruption, the president dismissed him from the position of military chief. Suharto proceeded to slowly "de-militarize" his regime; he dissolved the powerful Kopkamtib in September 1988 and ensured key military positions were held by loyalists.

In an attempt to diversify his power base away from the military, Suharto began courting support from Islamic elements. He undertook a much-publicized hajj pilgrimage in 1991, took up name of Haji Mohammad Suharto, started promoting Islamic values into society, and promoted the careers of Islamic-oriented generals (dubbed the "green generals"). To win support from the nascent Muslim business community, which resented dominance of Chinese-Indonesian conglomerates, Suharto formed the Indonesian Association of Muslim Intellectuals (ICMI) in November 1990, and appointed his protégé B. J. Habibie, Minister for Research and Technology since 1978, as its leader. During this period of Suharto's cozying with Islamists, race riots against ethnic-Chinese began to occur quite regularly, beginning with the April 1994 riot in Medan.

By the 1990s, Suharto's government came to be dominated by sycophantic civilian politicians such as Habibie, Harmoko, Ginandjar Kartasasmita, and Akbar Tanjung, who owed their position solely to Suharto. As a sign of Habibie's growing clout, when three prominent Indonesian magazines—Tempo, DeTIK, and Editor—criticised Habibie's purchase of almost the entire fleet of the disbanded East German Navy in 1993, despite most of the vessels having little value other than scrap, Suharto ordered the offending publications to be closed down on 21 June 1994 on the pretext that these critiques could "incite conflicts within the cabinet". This would lead to several of the closed publications' journalists to form the Alliance of Independent Journalists shortly thereafter; Tempo would later move to the then-largely-uncensored internet as Tempointeraktif (which still exists today as tempo.co) for the rest of the New Order, and the owner of DeTIK would launch another magazine called DeTAK.

By the 1990s, elements of the growing Indonesian middle class, created by Suharto's economic development, were becoming restless with his autocracy and his family's brazen corruption, fuelling demands for "Reformasi" (reform) of the 30-year-old New Order system. By 1996, Megawati Sukarnoputri, the daughter of Sukarno and chairwoman of the normally compliant PDI, was becoming a rallying point for this growing discontent. In response, Suharto backed a co-opted faction of the PDI led by Suryadi, which removed Megawati from the chair. On 27 July 1996, an attack by soldiers and hired thugs led by Lieutenant-General Sutiyoso on demonstrating Megawati supporters in Jakarta resulted in fatal riots and looting. This incident was followed by waves of arrests on 200 democracy activists, 23 of whom were kidnapped (some were murdered) by army squads called Tim Mawar ("Rose Team") led by Suharto's son-in-law, Major-General Prabowo Subianto. Regardless of these incidents, as late as mid-1997, Suharto's grip on power seemed as secure as ever with the military led by his loyalists, all opposition groups suppressed, and the economy in good shape.

End of presidency

The 1997 Asian financial crisis began in July 1997, in Thailand, and spread into Indonesia as foreign speculative investors pulled out their investments, sucking U.S. dollar liquidity in Indonesia and causing severe depreciation of the Indonesian rupiah. In the private sector, many Indonesian corporations had been borrowing heavily in lower-interest U.S. dollars, while their revenues were mostly in rupiah; their debt rapidly increased as the US dollar appreciated, leaving many companies virtually bankrupt. These companies desperately sold rupiah and bought U.S. dollars, causing the rupiah's value to drop from Rp 2,600 per dollar in August 1997 to over Rp 14,800 per dollar by January 1998. Efforts by the central bank to defend its managed float regime by selling dollars had little impact and instead drained Indonesia's foreign exchange reserves, forcing the government to free-float the currency and seek liquidity aid from the IMF (International Monetary Fund).

In exchange for US$43 billion in liquidity aid, Suharto was forced to sign three letters of intent from October 1997 to April 1998 with the IMF. The letters of intent promised reforms, which included closing banks owned by Suharto's family and cronies starting in November 1997. Plans to close unhealthy banks resulted in a bank run that drained liquidity; depositors knew of the poor regulations and risky related-party credit extensions of Indonesian banks. In January 1998, the government was forced to provide emergency liquidity assistance (BLBI), issue a blanket guarantee for bank deposits, and set up the Indonesian Bank Restructuring Agency to take over management of troubled banks to prevent the collapse of the financial system. Based on IMF recommendations, the government increased interest rates to 70% in February 1998 to control spiralling inflation caused by the higher price of imports, but this action killed availability of credit to the corporate sector. Suharto's foot-dragging in undertaking reforms demanded by IMF in relation to his children's business further weakened public confidence. According to American economist Steve Hanke, invited by Suharto in February 1998 to plan a currency board system, President Bill Clinton and IMF managing director Michel Camdessus deliberately worsened the Indonesian crisis to force Suharto to resign. Hanke quoted Camdessus as saying "We created the conditions that obliged President Suharto to leave his job".

Economic meltdown was accompanied by increasing political tension. Anti-Chinese riots occurred in Situbondo (1996), Tasikmalaya (1996), Banjarmasin (1997), and Makassar (1997); while bloody ethnic clashes broke out between the Dayak and Madurese settlers in Central Kalimantan in 1997. After violent campaign season, Golkar won the heavily rigged May 1997 MPR elections. The new MPR voted unanimously to re-elect Suharto to another five-year term in office in March 1998, upon which he proceeded to appoint his protege BJ Habibie as vice-president while stacking the cabinet with his own family and business associates (his daughter Tutut became Minister of Social Affairs). The government's decision to increase fuel prices by 70% on 4 May triggered anti-Chinese rioting in Medan. With Suharto increasingly seen as the source of the country's mounting economic and political crises, prominent political figures spoke out against his presidency (notably Muslim politician Amien Rais), and in January 1998 university students began organising nationwide demonstrations.

In West Kalimantan there was communal violence between Dayaks and Madurese in 1996, in the Sambas conflict of 1999, and the Sampit conflict of 2001, all of which resulted in large-scale massacres of the Madurese. In the Sambas conflict, both Malays and Dayaks massacred Madurese.

The crisis climaxed when Suharto was on a state visit to Egypt in May 1998. Security forces killed four student demonstrators from Jakarta's Trisakti University on 12 May 1998, which was followed by anti-Chinese rioting and looting across Jakarta and some other cities on 13–15 May that destroyed thousands of buildings and killed over 1,000 people. Various theories exist on the origins of the racial pogrom against the ethnic-Chinese. One theory suggested rivalry between military chief General Wiranto and Prabowo Subianto, while another theory suggested deliberate provocation by Suharto to divert blame for the crisis to the ethnic-Chinese and discredit the student movement.

On 16 May, tens of thousands of university students occupied the parliament building, demanding Suharto's resignation. Upon Suharto's return to Jakarta, he tried to defend his presidency by offering to resign in 2003 and to reshuffle his cabinet. These efforts failed when his political allies deserted him by refusing to join the proposed new cabinet. According to military chief Wiranto, on 18 May, Suharto issued a decree which provided authority to him to take any measures to restore security (similar to the 1966 Supersemar), however Wiranto decided not to enforce the decree to prevent conflict with the population. On 21 May 1998, Suharto announced his resignation, upon which vice-president B. J. Habibie assumed the presidency in accordance with the constitution.

Legacy
Shortly following the end of his New Order, Suharto was generally condemned and vilified. The early 2000s saw a substantial growth of democratic reform, reversing many of Suharto's authoritarian policies. Culturally, Indonesians also began to embrace a variety of freedoms beyond the political sphere in their personal lives (kebebasan).

In later years, Suharto's rule has been remembered for its deadly repression, authoritarianism, and personal corruption as well as its government stability, considerable economic growth, and accompanying increases in the standard of living, creating strongly divided perceptions of Suharto and the New Order. Upon his death in 2008, Suharto was given a burial with full military honors, signalling a renewal in public support.

Proposals to name Suharto a National Hero of Indonesia have been debated following his death. A resurgence of nostalgia for Suharto's reign among some Indonesians has been linked to discontent with modern political problems and the growth of younger generations born too late to experience the New Order. The 2024 election of former New Order general Prabowo Subianto as President of Indonesia signalled a turning point in perceptions of Suharto, as Prabowo paid tribute to Suharto in his victory speech. Opinion polls showed Prabowo's victory being heavily supported by younger voters.

title: New Order (Indonesia)


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Levels of celebrity

 * The following discussion is an archived debate of the proposed deletion of the article below. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page (such as the article's talk page or on a Votes for Undeletion nomination).  No further edits should be made to this page.

The result of the debate was Delete -- (drini's page| ☎ ) 01:47, 19 October 2005 (UTC)

Levels of celebrity
Appears to be original research. tregoweth 21:04, 8 October 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete per nomination. tregoweth
 * Delete as per nom. maybe they should have listed the sex symbols and teen idols  Dl yo ns 493   Ta lk  22:42, 8 October 2005 (UTC)
 * Rewrite, citing sources, so that it's not original research. --Mysidia (talk) 07:56, 9 October 2005 (UTC)
 * The above discussion is preserved as an archive of the debate. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page (such as the article's talk page or in an undeletion request). No further edits should be made to this page.


text:
Kramatorsk

Kramatorsk (Краматорськ, ; Краматорск) is a city and the administrative centre of Kramatorsk Raion in Donetsk Oblast, Donbas region of eastern Ukraine. Prior to 2020, Kramatorsk was a city of oblast significance. Since October 2014, Kramatorsk has been the provisional seat of Donetsk Oblast, following the events surrounding the Russo-Ukrainian War's Donbas theater. Its population is It is an important industrial and mechanical engineering center in Ukraine. Kramatorsk is on the banks of the Kazennyi Torets River which is a right tributary of the Siverskyi Donets.

Since the start of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, Kramatorsk has been hit by Russian shelling multiple times.

Etymology
According to Doctor of Philology Yevhen Otin from Dnipro who specializes in onomastics, the name of the city comes from a toponymic phrase that has not been preserved: Krom Torov or Krom Torskaya 'border along the Tor River'. The word kroma means 'edge, frontier, border', and Tor is the old name for the Kazennyi Torets River. However, it can be stated succinctly, it's most likely from the train station, the settlement was built around. The original name of the train station, Kram-na-Tore translates as Border-on-Tor (on the bank of the Tor river). Similar to the Russian city Rostov-on-Don, which is located at the mouth of the Don River.

Previously during the Soviet period, it was thought that the name comes from a French word "crématoire" connecting it with a local factory. Such version proposed a Russian linguist Vladimir Nikonov from Simbirsk (Ulyanovsk). However, Dr. Otin pointed out that settlement of Kramatoroka existed before establishment of any factories.

Early history
Scarcity of historical documents does not provide information of previous settlement in the area, but archaeological excavations in the area show that it was populated before.

In the second half of the 17th and early 18th centuries, the area in which Kramatorsk was to develop was heavily populated by Cossacks from the Hetmanate, particularly Oril Palatinate of Zaporizhian Sich which was liquidated in 1775. Here were finding a refuge from their landowners serfs from the southern regions of Muscovy and Mordovia. In 1767 the Tsarist government granted 10,000 dessiatin to a Russian count Taranov who established a village of serfs Petrovka. In 1799 it was added to Izyum uyezd (county) of Sloboda Ukraine Governorate.

Kramatorsk came into being in the second half of the 19th century when a station on the Kursk-Kharkiv-Azov Railway. The station was originally called Kram-na-Tore in 1868 but this was later contracted into Kramatorsk and the town of Kramatorsk developed around the railway station, becoming a major urban settlement in the north of Donetsk Oblast with several heavy machine production facilities. In 1885 in area were found deposits of chaulk, sand, sandstone, valuable clays, mineral dyes which provided construction of building materials. In 1887 Belgian investors (Stertzer and Sons) built a factory of refractory materials near Kramatorsk rail station. In 1896 the German firm "W.Fizner and K.Hamper" opened a machine factory manufacturing its products for local mining and rail industries. The factory was also producing its own metal. Just before the 1905 Russian Revolution, during the 1901-1904 production of cast iron at the factory tripled and accounted for 4.5 millions of poods. Number of employed workers at the factory has doubled during that period (1900-1904) to some 1,460. The workers of the factory were peasants hired from nearby villages, while managing personnel was predominantly foreigners. During the Soviet period that factory was known as the Old Kramatorsk Machine-Building Plant. A factory worker for one 11-12 hour work day was receiving around 70 kopecks to 1 ruble and 10 kopecks. A primary medical institution for the factory was a regional hospital in Sloviansk (about 15 km), while in Kramatorsk was a small local clinic with no more than 12 beds. At that time around the settlement appeared smaller iron shops that belonged to Vykov merchants. Employed at least 70 craftsmen, they were producing plowshares, horseshoes, shovels. The settlement accounted for two steam-powered mills, blacksmith shops, grain crusher mill.

The first educational institution was opened in 1869 by the Kramatorsk rail station administration as a single grade school for children of the rail station servicemen, clerks of telegraph and post office, local police. About 20 years later a gubernatorial government established a primary 2-year parochial school which had a small library (part of the Ministry of National Education program). In 1897 the "W.Fizner and K.Hamper" company established the 3-year factory school for children of the administration and skilled workers.

20th century
Already in spring of 1903, the Old Kramatorsk Machine-Building Plant came under influence of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party (RSDLP) of Kharkiv and Ekaterinoslav (Dnipro) party cells and at the factory was organized first "revolutionary" group. The group had intention to join the political strike that took place in summer of 1903 at the Russian South (including today's Ukraine), but in August members of the group were all arrested. In spring of 1904 RSDLP established its party cell within the town of Kramatorsk itself. In mid February 1905 the RSDLP organized a short strike that ended after arrival of couple of companies of the Lebedyn regiment. Some 600 workers were fired right away. In the beginning of 1905 Kramatorsk accounted for over 12,000 residents.

Later that year RSDLP organized scandal at the factory turning prayer for the October Manifesto into an unsanctioned gathering which called for armed uprising. During that time, at the factory was organized a local council of workers' deputies, a soviet (before Bolshevization of the Soviets). Under influence of Bolsheviks, in 1905 a renegade Bolshevik Military Organizations was established in Kramatorsk which organized the purchase of arms. There also was established a communication with the Kharkiv Locomotive Factory council of workers' deputies. On 12 December 1905 there was a huge strike at the factory calling for overthrowing the Russian Tsar (Nicholas II of Russia) and talked about the need to provide the peasants with land. In 1906 Kramatorsk was visited by members of the Central Committee of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party, while financially they were supported by the Ekaterinoslav party headed by Grigory Petrovsky. On 11 June 1906 Kramatorsk joined the Bolshevik mutiny which included factories of Yuzivka, Kostiantynivka, Druzhkivka, Horlivka factories and accounted for some 3,000 workers calling for armed uprising and support of peasants for their rights on land. The demonstrators marched to the neighboring village of Petrovka. The Russian Minister of Internal Affairs Pyotr Stolypin was calling the Kiev Military District commander to immediately dispatch a military detachment to Izyum uyezd (county) and Kramatorsk, in particular. The Kramatorsk factory was forced to be closed and workers were released, while those who participated in the mutiny were prosecuted. Later the factory was reopened.

The town of Kramatorsk gave a jump start to a political career of Ukrainian Bolshevik Vlas Chubar who organized at the factory a school of political propaganda. Following the Lena massacre, on 1 May 1912 Chubar organized protest with red banners which gathered some 2,000 workers. Many participants were fired, while some were sent to military service. Vlas Chubar was imprisoned in the Bakhmut jail (Bakhmut). During that time Bolsheviks were carrying out a fundraising at the factory for their "Pravda" newspaper (est. 5 May 1912). A very close relations local Bolsheviks kept with a member of the Russian State Duma from Kharkov Governorate and a local Bolshevik from the Poltava's suburbs Matvei Muranov who visited Kramatorsk in 1913.

Before World War I, the town remained an unorganized workers' settlement. It accounted for some 4,000 residents (1914).

In April 1918 troops loyal to the Ukrainian People's Republic took control of Kramatorsk.

It was occupied by Nazi Germany between 27 October 1941 and 5 February 1943 and again between 27 February 1943 and 6 September 1943.

Between 1980 and 1989, several people were exposed to a radiological source in one of the apartment buildings, resulting in 6 deaths and at least 17 cases of radiation sickness.

Russo-Ukrainian War
On 12 April 2014, at the same time as events in nearby Sloviansk the police station in Kramatorsk was seized by armed pro-Russian militants in military uniform, and later the city council. Kramatorsk would remain under pro-Russian separatist control, until July 2014. There would be a series of incidents in those three months. Located only 13 km from Sloviansk, which became a separatist stronghold, Kramatorsk would also be under separatist control, yet in a different situation. Unlike Sloviansk, which had high profile figures Vyacheslav Ponomarev and Igor Girkin/Strelkov associated with it, Kramatorsk was not notable in this sphere. Further, while the Ukrainian army did not enter Sloviansk in its months under separatist control, they made several entries into Kramatorsk in this time. On 5 July, after almost three months, Ukrainian forces finally retook control of Kramatorsk, as part of sweeping territorial gains at that time, including nearby Sloviansk. In October 2014, Kramatorsk was made the provisional administrative center of Donetsk Oblast after the administration relocated from Mariupol. On 10 February 2015, Kramatorsk was shelled by pro-Russian forces, leaving 17 people dead and 60 injured.

On 8 April 2022, during the Russian invasion of Ukraine, Kramatorsk was subjected to missile strikes. The Kramatorsk railway station was hit by Tochka-U missiles which killed at least 57 people and wounded at least 109 others. Pavlo Kyrylenko, the governor of the Donetsk region, said thousands of people had been at the station at the time the two missiles struck. On 19 April 2022, Russian troops launched rocket attacks on Kramatorsk, as a result of which one person was killed and three were injured. On 21 April 2022, British Defence Ministry intelligence reported that Russian troops in the Donetsk region were advancing towards Kramatorsk. However, in early September 2022, Ukraine launched a major counteroffensive, regaining several settlements in the Kharkiv region. This relieved the pressure on Kramatorsk with the recapture of Lyman by Ukrainian forces on 1 October 2022.

On 27 June 2023, a Russian missile strike killed at least 11 people and injured over 60 in a pizza restaurant in the center of the city.

Geography
The Kramatorsk metro area is located in Kramatorsk Raion, making it a central part of a major urban agglomeration with over 500,000 inhabitants.

Demographics
Kramatorsk has a population of over 164,700 inhabitants (2013) and has a metropolitan area of over 197,000 inhabitants (2013). Ukrainians are by far the largest ethnic group, yet the city is mostly Russophone. The exact ethnic and linguistic composition as of the Ukrainian Census of 2001 was:

Ethnicity

 * Ukrainians: 70.2%
 * Russians: 26.9%
 * Belarusians: 0.7%
 * Armenians: 0.6%
 * Azerbaijanis: 0.2%
 * Jews: 0.1%

Language

 * Russian: 67.9%
 * Ukrainian: 31.1%
 * Armenian: 0.2%
 * Belarusian: 0.1%
 * Romani: 0.1%

According to the regional department of statistics, as of 1 January 2017, the population of Kramatorsk was 190,648 people.

Industrial and mining equipment

 * New Kramatorsk Machinebuilding Plant (NKMZ) (founded 1934): design and production of machines and equipment for mining, steel rolling, metallurgy, production and handling of cast iron, artillery weapon systems.
 * Old Kramatorsk Machinebuilding Plant (founded 1896)

In the 2000s, a wind turbine production facility was constructed in Kramatorsk. This is a joint venture between German Fuhrländer AG and its Ukrainian partners. According to their site, Fuhrländer became the first company in the renewable energy sector to obtain a building permit from the Ukrainian government.

Transportation
Between 1937 and 1 August 2017, Kramatorsk had a tram network. However, it is now closed and public transportation is provided by buses and trolley-buses.

Twin towns
🇺🇸 United States, Stamford, Connecticut - On 6 April 2023 officially announced Kramatorsk as their sister city.

🇺🇦 Ukraine, Perechyn, Zakarpattia Oblast

Notable people

 * Anatoliy Blyznyuk (born 1948), Ukrainian politician and former governor of the Donetsk Oblast
 * Leonid Bykov (1928-1979), Soviet Ukrainian actor and film maker
 * Stepan Chubenko (1997-2014), Ukrainian soccer player
 * Valeriy Herovkin (1999-2021) Ukrainian soldier fallen in the Russo-Ukrainian War, awarded with the Order for Courage
 * Tatiana Kononenko (born 1978), Ukrainian chess player
 * Oleh Kotenko (born 1970), Euromaidan activist and volunteer soldier during the Russo-Ukrainian War
 * Kostyantyn Kuzmenko (1985-2022), Ukrainian soldier, awarded with the Order for Courage
 * Ihor Moroz (born 1970), Ukrainian politician and former governor of the Donetsk Oblast
 * Maxim Rysanov (born 1978), Ukrainian violist and conductor
 * Serhii Shevchenko (born 1960), Ukrainian journalist and writer
 * Andriy Sirchenko (1973-2017), decorated Ukrainian soldier
 * Natalia Veselnitskaya (born 1975), prominent Russian attorney during the Russian interference in the 2016 United States elections
 * Pavlo Vyshebaba (born 1986), Ukrainian activist and writer

At various periods, Kramatorsk was a place of residence for a number of notable people, including Leonid Bykov, Joseph Kobzon, and Ruslan Ponomariov.

title: Kramatorsk


text:
Hydrazide

Hydrazides in organic chemistry are a class of organic compounds with the formula R\sNR^{1}\sNR^{2}R^{3} where R is acyl (R'\sC(\dO)\s), sulfonyl (R'\sS(\dO)2\s), phosphoryl ((R'\s)2P(\dO)\s), phosphonyl ((R'\sO\s)2P(\dO)\s) and similar groups (chalcogen analogs are included, for example sulfur analogs called thiohydrazides), R^{1}, R^{2}, R^{3} and R' are any groups (typically hydrogen or organyl). Unlike hydrazine and alkylhydrazines, hydrazides are nonbasic owing to the inductive influence of the acyl, sulfonyl, or phosphoryl substituent.

Sulfonyl hydrazides
A common sulfonyl hydrazide is p-toluenesulfonyl hydrazide, a white air-stable solid. They are also widely used as organic reagents.

Toluenesulfonyl hydrazide is used to generate toluenesulfonyl hydrazones. When derived from ketones, these hydrazones participate in the Shapiro reaction and the Eschenmoser–Tanabe fragmentation.

2,4,6-Triisopropylbenzenesulfonylhydrazide is a useful source of diimide.

Acyl hydrazides

Acylhydrazines are derivatives of carboxylic acids, although they are typically prepared by the reaction of esters with hydrazine:

Use
An applied example is a synthesis of sunitinib begins by mixing 5-fluoroisatin slowly into hydrazine hydrate. After 4 hours at 110 °C, the indole ring structure has been broken into (2-amino-5-fluoro-phenyl)-acetic acid hydrazide with reduction of the ketone at the 3-position. Subsequent annelation in strong acid creates the 1,3-dihydro-2-oxo indole structure required for the drug.

title: Hydrazide


text: Category talk:1977 Atlantic hurricane season


text: Category talk:1974 Atlantic hurricane season


text:
RAF Folkingham

Royal Air Force Folkingham or RAF Folkingham is a former Royal Air Force station located south west of Folkingham, Lincolnshire and about 29 mi due south of county town Lincoln and 112 mi north of London, England.

Opened in 1940, it was used by both the Royal Air Force and United States Army Air Forces. During the war, it was used primarily as a troop carrier airfield for airborne units and as a subsidiary training depot of the newly formed Royal Air Force Regiment. After the war, it was placed on care and maintenance during 1947 when the RAF Regiment relocated to RAF Catterick.

During the late 1950s and early 1960s, the RAF Bomber Command used Folkingham as a PGM-17 Thor Intermediate Range Ballistic Missile (IRBM) base.

Today the remains of the airfield are located on private property being used as agricultural fields, with the main north–south runway acting as hardstanding for hundreds of scrapped vehicles.

USAAF
Folkingham was known as USAAF Station AAF-484 for security reasons by the USAAF during the war, and by which it was referred to instead of location. Its USAAF Station Code was "FK".

313th Troop Carrier Group
US personnel started to arrive in January 1944 to prepare for the 313th Troop Carrier Group scheduled to transfer from Trapani/Milo Airfield, Sicily. On 5 February it opened as a USAAF IX Troop Carrier Command station flying four squadrons of C-47s. Operational squadrons and fuselage codes were:
 * 29th Troop Carrier Squadron (Z7)
 * 47th Troop Carrier Squadron (N3)
 * 48th Troop Carrier Squadron (5X)
 * 49th Troop Carrier Squadron (H2)

The 313th TCG was part of the 52nd Troop Carrier Wing. However, at the end of February 1945, the group began its move to a new base in France at Achiet (Advanced Landing Ground B-54), although the last elements did not leave until well into March.

RAF Maintenance Command
Folkingham was retained by the USAAF although most personnel had departed by mid-April. The station was closed in 1947.

British Racing Motors (BRM)
With the facility released from military control, the runway was used by British Racing Motors for development testing of the new BRM 16 cylinder 1.5 litre racing car, which was presented before the press for the first time on 15 December 1949 at Folkingham airfield. A BRM engine test house and other facilities were later built there.

Thor Missile use by RAF Bomber Command
RAF Folkingham later served as a post-war PGM-17 Thor Intermediate Range Ballistic Missile (IRBM) base with 3 IRBM launchers operated by No. 223 (Strategic Missile) Squadron RAF. With the reactivation of the site in late 1958, BRM was relocated to RAF North Witham.

On the closure of the Thor site, BRM moved back and its later cars were tested at Folkingham, but only remained for a few years. In the late 1960s, the runways and some Nissen huts were used by Lincolnshire Police as a driver training and skid pan area. In the mid-1960s the testing track closed and the airfield was sold off to agricultural interests.

Current use
Today the airfield is largely used for agriculture. Most of the runways and perimeter track were removed after the sale of the airfield by BRM for hardcore aggregate, with some single-lane agricultural roads remaining that generally outlines the former concreted area. No evidence of the technical site located to the north-east of the airfield remains. Evidence of some dispersed personnel sites appear to the north and north-east of the airfield, with some concrete roads now in abandoned, overgrown areas.

The southern half of the airfield partially remains containing several single and double-loop handstands, along with a full-width length of the 00-18 north–south main runway. The runway now serves as a vehicle compound for Nelson M Green & Sons Ltd, for the storage of decommissioned agricultural vehicles, lorries and other equipment. The vehicles, many often rare and long out of production, are stored for the resale of their spare parts. The abandoned hulks also line the sides of the remaining perimeter track along with several of the old dispersal loops. The wartime bomb dump exists, although it is now a forested area still containing concrete disused bomb stores, evidence of which can be seen by the pattern of vegetation that has overgrown and reclaimed the facility.

The remains of the three post-war Thor missile pads are the most prominent military features remaining on the airfield, their heavily reinforced concrete areas making them difficult and uneconomical to remove for the small amount of aggregate that can be reclaimed from them.

title: RAF Folkingham


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Faux Fetus Collective

 * The following discussion is an archived debate of the proposed deletion of the article below. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page (such as the article's talk page or on a Votes for Undeletion nomination).  No further edits should be made to this page.

The result of the debate was Delete -- (drini's page| ☎ ) 01:46, 19 October 2005 (UTC)

Faux Fetus Collective
Group of limited fame or reknown; 29 Google hits. tregoweth 21:06, 8 October 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete per nomination. tregoweth  21:06, 8 October 2005 (UTC)
 * The above discussion is preserved as an archive of the debate. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page (such as the article's talk page or in an undeletion request). No further edits should be made to this page.


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Irannbc

 * The following discussion is an archived debate of the proposed deletion of the article below. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page (such as the article's talk page or on a Votes for Undeletion nomination).  No further edits should be made to this page.

The result of the debate was DELETE. — J I P | Talk 15:44, 16 October 2005 (UTC)

Irannbc
Advertising. tregoweth 21:07, 8 October 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete per nomination. tregoweth  21:08, 8 October 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete as per nom. Advertising. Dl yo ns 493   Ta lk  22:44, 8 October 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete - spam as evidenced by how the article starts: "We are proud to offer you the quickest design solutions, speciall..." --Mysidia (talk) 07:51, 9 October 2005 (UTC)
 * The above discussion is preserved as an archive of the debate. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page (such as the article's talk page or in an undeletion request). No further edits should be made to this page.

title: Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Irannbc


text:
Meniscus (anatomy)

A meniscus (: menisci or meniscuses) is a crescent-shaped fibrocartilaginous anatomical structure that, in contrast to an articular disc, only partly divides a joint cavity. In humans, they are present in the knee, wrist, acromioclavicular, sternoclavicular, and temporomandibular joints; in other animals they may be present in other joints.

Generally, the term "meniscus" is used to refer to the cartilage of the knee, either to the lateral or medial meniscus. Both are cartilaginous tissues that provide structural integrity to the knee when it undergoes tension and torsion. The menisci are also known as "semi-lunar" cartilages, referring to their half-moon, crescent shape.

The term "meniscus" is from the Ancient Greek word μηνίσκος (meniskos), meaning "crescent".

Structure
The menisci of the knee are two pads of fibrocartilaginous tissue which serve to disperse friction in the knee joint between the lower leg (tibia) and the thigh (femur). They are concave on the top and flat on the bottom, articulating with the tibia. They are attached to the small depressions (fossae) between the condyles of the tibia (intercondyloid fossa), and towards the center they are unattached and their shape narrows to a thin shelf. The blood flow of the meniscus is from the periphery (outside) to the central meniscus. Blood flow decreases with age and the central meniscus is avascular by adulthood, which slows healing.

Menisci show low-intensity on MRI images.

Function
The menisci act to disperse the weight of the body and reduce friction during movement. Since the condyles of the femur and tibia meet at one point (which changes during flexion and extension), the menisci spread the load of the body's weight. This differs from sesamoid bones, which are made of osseous tissue and whose function primarily is to protect the nearby tendon and to increase its mechanical effect.

Injury
In sports and orthopedics, people sometimes speak of "torn cartilage" and will actually be referring to an injury to one of the menisci. There are two general types of meniscus injuries: acute tears that are often the result of trauma or a sports injury and chronic or wear-and-tear type tears. Acute tears have many different shapes (vertical, horizontal, radial, oblique, complex) and sizes. They are often treated with surgical repair depending upon the patient's age as they rarely heal on their own. Chronic tears are treated symptomatically: physical therapy with or without the addition of injections and anti-inflammatory medications. If the tear causes continued pain, swelling, or knee dysfunction, then the tear can be removed or repaired surgically. The unhappy triad is a set of commonly co-occurring knee injuries which includes injury to the medial meniscus.

Conservative management
Conservative management is often considered first for a smaller or chronic tear that does not appear to require surgical repair. It consists of activity modification or physical therapy to strengthen and increase the range of motion.

Surgical treatment
Two surgeries of the meniscus are most common. Depending on the type and location of the tear, the patient's age, and physician's preference, injured menisci are usually either repaired or removed, in part or completely (meniscectomy). Each has its advantages and disadvantages. Many studies show the meniscus serves a purpose and therefore doctors will attempt to repair when possible. However, the meniscus has poor blood supply, and, therefore, healing can be difficult. Traditionally it was thought that if there is no chance of healing, then it is best to remove the damaged and non-functional meniscus, although at least one study has shown that there is little significance if a meniscectomy is done. However, resuming high intensity activities may be impossible without surgery as the tear may flap around, causing the knee to lock.

A 2017 clinical practice guideline strongly recommends against surgery in nearly all patients with degenerative knee disease.

Etymology
The term meniscus derives from Greek μηνίσκος meniskos, meaning "crescent". The word was used for curved things in general, such as a necklace or a line of battle.

title: Meniscus (anatomy)


text:
Khursheed Bano

 * This is about the Indian performer. For people so surnamed, see Khurshid.

Khursheed Bano (14 April 1914 – 18 April 2001), often credited as Khursheed or Khurshid, was a singer and actress, and a pioneer of the Indian cinema. Her career ran through the 1930s and 1940s, before she migrated to Pakistan in 1948. Making her debut with Laila Majnu (1931), she acted in over thirty films in India. She is best known for her film Tansen (1943) with actor-singer K. L. Saigal, which featured many of her memorable songs.

Early life
Khursheed was born on 14 April 1914 as Irshad Begum in Lahore, Pakistan. As a child, she resided in the Bhatti Gate area next to Allama Iqbal's house.

Career
Khursheed started her film career with early talkies when she joined Madan Theatres in Calcutta in 1931. Her first film was Laila Majnu (1931) where she worked as Miss Shehla (Though there are debates whether Shehla was a different person). After working with Madan Theatres she went back to Lahore.

She also worked in the silent film Eye for an Eye (1931) the year when the first talkie film (Alam Ara) of the subcontinent was released. This was the heyday of the fledging movie industry in Lahore. Khursheed joined the Hindmata Cinetone Film Company and under this banner she appeared in Ishq-e-Punjab alias Mirza Sahiban (1935) - the first Punjabi talkie film. In the same year, she grabbed the lead role opposite Prithiviraj Kapoor along with Umraziya Begum in National Movietone's Swarg Ki Seedhi (1935) and received huge acclaim for her performance. She soon moved to Bombay and after working in Mahalakshmi Cinetone Company's Bombshell (1935) and Chirag-e-Husn (1935), she acted in Saroj Movietone's Gaibi Sitara (1935) where she sang all the songs herself. Sadly no records of these songs survive to this day.

Some of her films released during this phase were Laila Majnu (1931), Muflis Aashiq (1932), Naqlee Doctor (1933), Bomb Shell and Mirza Sahiban (1935), Kimiagar (1936), Iman Farosh (1937), Madhur Milan (1938) and Sitara (1939).

During 1931 and 1942, she acted in films made by the studios in Calcutta and Lahore but though recognised as a singer actress, the films did not make an impact. Some of her films in the 1940s were Musafir (1940), Holi (1940) ("Bhigoi Moree Saree Ray"), Shadi (1941) ("Hari ke Goon Prabhu ke Goon gavun mein" and "Ghir Ghir Aaye Baderia"), Pardesi (1941) ("Pahley Jo Mohabbat Sey Inkaar Kia Hota" and "Mori Ateria Hai Sooni"). In Bhakta Surdas (1942), "Panchee Bawra", whose composer was Gyan Dutt became a very famous song of the 1940s. The other popular songs from the same film are "Madhur Madhur Ga Ray Manwa", "Jholee Bhar Taray Laday Ray', and a duet "Chandni Raat Aur Taray Khilay Haun" with K. L. Saigal.

Her peak period came when she moved to Bombay to act in Ranjit Movietone films with actors like K. L. Saigal and Motilal. She achieved immense popularity when she acted opposite the famous singer-actor K. L. Saigal in the Chaturbhuj Doshi directed, Bhukt Surdas (1942), followed by Tansen (1943) and was referred to as the "first of the singing stars". Her other two main lead stars were Jairaj, and Ishwarlal.

She acted in Nurse ("Koyalia Kahay Bolay Ree") in 1943. Tansen (1943), with music composed by Khemchand Prakash, was also a high point in her acting career. Her famous songs included "Barso Re", "Ghata Ghan Ghor Ghor", "Dukhia Jiara", "Ab Raja Bhae Moray Balam", and a duet, "Moray Bala Pun Kay Sathee Chela", with K. L. Saigal. Her other famous films are: Mumtaz Mahal (1940) ("Jo Hum Pay Guzarti Hai", "Dil Kee Dharkan Bana Liya"), Shahenshah Babar (1944) ("Mohabbat Mein Sara Jahan Jal Raha Hai", "Bulbul Aa Tu Bhi Ga"), Prabhu ka Ghar opposite Trilok Kapoor and Moorti (1945) ("Ambwa Pay Koyal Boley", "Baderia Baras Gayee Uss Paar") with music composition by Bulo C. Rani, Mitti (1947) ("Chhaai Kali Ghata More Balam") in 1947 and Aap Beeti (1948) ("Meri Bintee Suno Bhagwan").

Migration to Pakistan
Her last film in India was Papeeha Re (1948), which was a great hit, prior to her migration to Pakistan, leaving her mark in the Indian film industry. Khursheed migrated, in 1948, to Pakistan after the independence, with her husband and settled down in Karachi, Sindh, Pakistan.

She worked in two films in 1956, Fankar and Mandi. Mandi was notable because of Khursheed and music composer Rafiq Ghaznavi, but because of poor handling of the film, the film was not a success at the box office. The second film Fankar, produced by Robert Malik, a physics teacher at Saint Paul's English High School, in Karachi suffered the same fate.

Personal life
Khursheed married her manager Lala Yakub (not to be confused with the famous Indian actor Yakub), who was a small-time actor with Kardar Productions and member of the Bhati Gate Group, Lahore, Pakistan. Due to personal problems, she divorced Yakub in 1956. She married Yusuf Bhai Mian in 1956, who was in the shipping business. She had three children and had stopped working in films after her last film in 1956.

Death
Khursheed Bano died on 18 April 2001 in Karachi, Pakistan four days after her 87th birthday.

Films in India

 * Laila Majnu (as Shahla) (1931)
 * Muflis Ashiq (1932)
 * Hatili Dulhan (1931)
 * Chatra Bakavali (1932)
 * Nakli Doctor (1933)
 * Mirza Sahiban (as Khursheed) (1935)
 * Aankh Ka Nasha (as Shehla) (1933)
 * Swarg Ki Sidhi (as Khursheed) (1935)
 * Bombshell (as Khursheed) (1935)
 * Sipah Salar (1936)
 * Piya Ki Jogan (as Shahla) (1936)
 * Kimiagar (1936)
 * Ailane Jung (1936)
 * Sitara (1938)
 * Prem Samadhi (1938)
 * Madhur Milan (1938)
 * The Daughters of India (1939)
 * Kaun Kisi ka (1939)
 * Aap Ki Marzi (1939)
 * Musafir (1940)
 * Holi (1940)
 * Shaadi (1941)
 * Pardesi (1941)
 * Beti (1941)
 * Choti Ma
 * Chandni (1942)
 * Bhakta Surdas (1942)
 * Tansen (1943)
 * Dr. Kumar (1944)
 * Shahenshah Babar (1944)
 * Mumtaz Mahal (1944)
 * Prabhu Ka Ghar (1945)
 * Moorti (1945)
 * Devar (1946)
 * Phoolwari (1946)
 * Manjhdhar (1947)
 * Rangeen Kahani (1947)
 * Mitti (1947)
 * Aage Badho (1947)
 * Aap Beeti (1948)
 * Papiha Re (1948)

title: Khursheed Bano


text:
User:Jb05-mk

Hello, my name is Misako Kitaoka. I am an MA candidate in the Liberal Studies Department of Columbia University.

I have edited the following:

Zasshi Kiji Sakuin

Journal of Asian Studies

Japanese era name

Nihon Kingendaishi Jiten

title: User:Jb05-mk


text:
If I Only Had a Brain

"If I Only Had a Brain" (also "If I Only Had a Heart" and "If I Only Had the Nerve") is a song by Harold Arlen (music) and Yip Harburg (lyrics). The song is sung in the 1939 film The Wizard of Oz by the character Scarecrow, played by Ray Bolger, when he meets Dorothy, played by Judy Garland. The characters pine about what each wants from the Wizard. It was also sung in Jeremy Sams and Andrew Lloyd Webber's 2011 musical adaptation with an additional reprise called "If We Only Had a Plan" when the characters discuss how to rescue Dorothy in Act II.

Originally written by Arlen and Harburg as "I'm Hanging On To You" for the 1937 Broadway musical Hooray for What!, the song was ultimately dropped from that show, and when the pair was later hired to do the songs for Oz, Harburg simply wrote new lyrics to his catchy melody, a syncopated schottische in the style of tunes used for vaudeville soft shoe and sand dancing.

"If I Only Had a Brain"
The Scarecrow's version of the song is sung about getting a brain. The original recording included an extravagant Busby Berkeley-choreographed dance routine, but this was eventually cut for length reasons. A closing vocal stanza was likewise cut. Both pieces still exist and are available for viewing.

In the film as officially released, he sings the first and second verses of this song, then falls over comically. In the original cut as well as the 1985 film That's Dancing!, though, he sings the first and second verses, begins to dance, and eventually a crow takes a large portion of his straw. The scarecrow then flies in the air to get it back, which he does. Then, he does some splits (forward and backward), and then a pumpkin rolls down the road. When it goes through the scarecrow's legs, he is thrown high into the air. Now, he comes down, bounces against the fences, sings a third verse of this song, then falls down.

That sequence was eventually used as a segment in the 1985 film That's Dancing!, and Warner Bros. considered restoring it for Oz's 1998 theatrical re-release, but decided against it. The sequence is included as a DVD extra on the 1999, 2005, and 2009 releases.

Ray Bolger's original recording of the song was far more sedate compared to the version heard in the film; it was decided by the producers that a more energetic rendition would better suit Dorothy's initial meeting with the Scarecrow, and was re-recorded as such. Thought to be lost for over seven decades, a recording of this original version was discovered in 2009.

Harry Connick, Jr. recorded "If I Only Had a Brain" for his 1988 album 20. This song was also covered by alternative rock band The Flaming Lips for the soundtrack to the video game Stubbs the Zombie. Dave Matthews Band often interpolates this into the song Bartender, near the end.

Rick DePiro, organist in the 1980s for the Cleveland Indians, used "If I Only Had a Brain" often to poke fun at umpires when they were thought to make a bad call. In 2007, New Orleans songwriter Paul Sanchez recorded the song for the children's album, Funky Kidz. The song is also featured in an ad for GE that first aired during Super Bowl XLIII.

Jackson Browne sang a folk music tempo in the 1995 television special The Wizard of Oz in Concert: Dreams Come True when he performed as the Scarecrow. His rendition opens with verses about having Common sense which were not sung by Ray Bolger in the original film. It also included the deleted final verses. This song features Ry Cooder's guitar and David Sanborn's saxophone in the instrumental background. In the 1998 album Wholly Earth the jazz singer and activist Abbey Lincoln also sang it; the lyrics tell of a scarecrow lamenting to a blackbird about wanting common sense.

Additionally, The Four Freshmen recorded a version of the song, with Brian Eichenberger, who wrote the arrangement, soloing in the spirit of the Scarecrow. Jeremy Little also recorded an acoustic version of the song, which was featured on the Fox television series Fringe, at the end of the episode "The Firefly."

The song is also included as a kind of Easter Egg on iOS devices with Siri. When asking Siri to "sing me a song", Siri will occasionally sing the first few lines of this song.

The University of Phoenix used a version of the song with different lyrics in a commercial in 2016.

"If I Only Had a Heart"
The Tin Man's version of the song, about getting a heart, is sung after he says "No heart. All hollow." In the song, a girl's voice (that of Adriana Caselotti, best known for playing the title role in Disney's Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs) comes in singing, "Wherefore art thou Romeo?"

The song was first recorded by Buddy Ebsen, originally cast as the Tin Man until a makeup-induced illness forced him to withdraw. Although it was re-recorded by his replacement, Jack Haley, Ebsen's original recording survived and can be heard as one of many bonus tracks on the 1995 deluxe soundtrack release, as well as various home video/DVD releases from 1989-onward. Ebsen's version also contains the separately recorded single line recited by Adriana Caselotti.

Ebsen performed his vocals in his natural voice. In his Tin Man portion of the film, Haley eschewed his own natural, somewhat deeper and stronger voice, and both spoke and sang in a softened tone that he said was the tone he typically used when reading stories to his children.

Roger Daltrey sang a rock and roll tempo in the 1995 television special when he performed as the Tin Man while Jewel who performed as Dorothy sang the verse "Wherefore art thou Romeo?" in order for it to have a girl's voice in the background.

"If I Only Had the Nerve"
The Cowardly Lion's version, about courage, is the shortest of the three, and is connected to "We're Off to See the Wizard" by a bridge saying "Then I'm sure to get a brain; a heart; a home; the nerve" (a longer version was written, but it was shortened in the interest of balance, since Bert Lahr was given a second musical number, "If I Were King of the Forest," later in the film).

Lahr's characteristic regional accent was exploited and emphasized for comic effect in this song, with several words pronounced in a stereotypically "Brooklynese" way: "voive" for "verve", "desoive" for "deserve", and "noive" for "nerve".

The first line was initially recorded as "Yeah, it's sad to be admittin'/When you're vicious as a kitten," but it was eventually changed to "Yeah, it's sad, believe it, missy/When you're born to be a sissy."

The longer version of this song was used in the 1995 television stage performance. It was sung by Nathan Lane in a Broadway tempo. This version includes the bridge verses sung by The Scarecrow (Jackson Browne), Tin Man (Roger Daltrey) and Dorothy (Jewel).

title: If I Only Had a Brain


text:
Elongated triangular tiling

In geometry, the elongated triangular tiling is a semiregular tiling of the Euclidean plane. There are three triangles and two squares on each vertex. It is named as a triangular tiling elongated by rows of squares, and given Schläfli symbol {3,6}:e.

Conway calls it a isosnub quadrille.

There are 3 regular and 8 semiregular tilings in the plane. This tiling is similar to the snub square tiling which also has 3 triangles and two squares on a vertex, but in a different order.

Construction
It is also the only convex uniform tiling that can not be created as a Wythoff construction. It can be constructed as alternate layers of apeirogonal prisms and apeirogonal antiprisms.

Uniform colorings
There is one uniform colorings of an elongated triangular tiling. Two 2-uniform colorings have a single vertex figure, 11123, with two colors of squares, but are not 1-uniform, repeated either by reflection or glide reflection, or in general each row of squares can be shifted around independently. The 2-uniform tilings are also called Archimedean colorings. There are infinite variations of these Archimedean colorings by arbitrary shifts in the square row colorings.

Circle packing
The elongated triangular tiling can be used as a circle packing, placing equal diameter circles at the center of every point. Every circle is in contact with 5 other circles in the packing (kissing number).
 * 1-uniform-8-circlepack.svg

Related tilings
Sections of stacked triangles and squares can be combined into radial forms. This mixes two vertex configurations, 3.3.3.4.4 and 3.3.4.3.4 on the transitions. Twelve copies are needed to fill the plane with different center arrangements. The duals will mix in cairo pentagonal tiling pentagons.

Symmetry mutations
It is first in a series of symmetry mutations with hyperbolic uniform tilings with 2*n2 orbifold notation symmetry, vertex figure 4.n.4.3.3.3, and Coxeter diagram. Their duals have hexagonal faces in the hyperbolic plane, with face configuration V4.n.4.3.3.3.

There are four related 2-uniform tilings, mixing 2 or 3 rows of triangles or squares.

Prismatic pentagonal tiling
The prismatic pentagonal tiling is a dual uniform tiling in the Euclidean plane. It is one of 15 known isohedral pentagon tilings. It can be seen as a stretched hexagonal tiling with a set of parallel bisecting lines through the hexagons.

Conway calls it an iso(4-)pentille. Each of its pentagonal faces has three 120° and two 90° angles.

It is related to the Cairo pentagonal tiling with face configuration V3.3.4.3.4.

Geometric variations
Monohedral pentagonal tiling type 6 has the same topology, but two edge lengths and a lower p2 (2222) wallpaper group symmetry:

Related 2-uniform dual tilings
There are four related 2-uniform dual tilings, mixing in rows of squares or hexagons (the prismatic pentagon is half-square half-hexagon).

title: Elongated triangular tiling


text: Category talk:1959 Atlantic hurricane season


text: Category talk:1958 Atlantic hurricane season


text: Category talk:1957 Atlantic hurricane season


text: Category talk:1956 Atlantic hurricane season


text: Category talk:1955 Atlantic hurricane season