text:
Talk:MARPOL 73/78

Detail on regulations
I think it would be helpful to have more information on each annex. I.e. what the specific regulations are, where and to whom they apply, etc.

Annex VI
Anyone know who all the countries are that have ratified Annex VI? I read that it's now 41, but haven't seen them all listed.

MARPOL_73/78 Annex VI amendments link is broken
I need to research MARPOL Annex VI, amendments, and the U.S. enabling legislation (for a journal article). In the brief Wikipedia article there's a link under "Amendments" that's broken. "MEPC 176(58)" appears to be a link, but it just returns "HTTP/1.1 404 Not Found". — Preceding unsigned comment added by 66.58.148.207 (talk) 18:29, 28 March 2013 (UTC)

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title: Talk:MARPOL 73/78


text:
Talk:Hartford circus fire

May 2006
The link to John Philip Sousa's "The Stars and Stripes Forever" takes me to a disambiguation page, and when I tried to change it to link directly to the March, it didn't work (red link). Can somebody fix this? 24.17.77.57 23:25, 4 May 2006 (UTC)
 * Fixed - worked first time for me :-) Dominic Jackson 14:29, 29 May 2006 (UTC)

October 2006
Can someone pin down what was used to waterproof the tent? It just seems odd to me that in time of war, 6,000 gallons of gas would be available for such a purpose. I also understand from somewhere that the Army had denied Ringling Brothers some type of better, more flame retardant material because it was needed for the war effort. However, after the fire, the Army supplied the circus with the material. Does anyone have a source for that? — Preceding unsigned comment added by 70.182.69.47 (talk • contribs) 10:01, 3 October 2006 (UTC)
 * According to NPR: "It was waterproofed with a mixture of gasoline and wax, causing the tent to be completely consumed in less than 10 minutes." — BRIAN 0918  • 2007-07-06 13:41Z
 * A common waterproofing at the time was paraffin mixed with gasoline or kerosene. It may have been the only waterproofing they could get.  6000 gallons of gasoline is not a huge amount compared to what a circus burns.  The circus probably had a ration of fuel, and some of it was used for waterproofing.    Randall Bart    Talk   01:42, 30 November 2010 (UTC)
 * As for a source, see the State Fire Marshal report filed at the time. Cmr Hickey obtained detailed testimony from Ringling officials about the annual treatment of the big top at the "sail loft" in Sarasota before each tour. That testimony is available for public review at CT State Library in Hartford. — Preceding unsigned comment added by Willow2448 (talk • contribs) 00:02, 31 May 2014 (UTC)
 * I'm just guessing here based on general knowledge, but I'm sure it was waterproofed at one time with gasoline as a solvent to dissolve the paraffin (American usage, wax; in UK paraffin is kerosene IIRC) but the gasoline would evaporate and leave the paraffin behind, stuck to the now waterproof fabric. The waxy canvas might need repair in spots, but there's no way the tent was dripping gasoline every night. The paraffin itself would be quite flammable once it caught fire, just like a candle. 98.7.201.234 (talk) 04:51, 9 April 2020 (UTC)

Notable survivors
Was Emmett Kelly the clown a survivor of the fire? The Wikipedia article for Kelly mentions a famous photo of him trying to extinguish the flames of the circus fire. — Mmathu 02:09, 15 October 2006 (UTC)
 * Emmett Kelly survived the blaze. The famous photo shows him assisting in the battle against the fire by using water from a bucket, but the fire was already beyond control. Most circus troupers participated in firefighting efforts. Willow2448 5-30-14  — Preceding unsigned comment added by Willow2448 (talk • contribs) 00:07, 31 May 2014 (UTC)

Fair use rationale for Image:Htfdcircusfire.jpg
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BetacommandBot (talk) 07:05, 1 January 2008 (UTC)

Basics
This article contains virtually no in-line citations, many unattributed claims and opinions, and a tone suggesting personal essay/research. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 76.23.157.102 (talk) 04:32, 22 June 2009 (UTC)
 * A large section seems to be WP:OR added by User:Beginning in 2004. (It was the first edit after stub article creation.) —Danorton (talk) 02:51, 31 March 2018 (UTC)
 * Oh goodness, edits from 14 years ago...I'm afraid my memory won't be great on that! Mea culpa; I didn't know any better then. It looks like I used the links section I created as a bibliography. I could probably retroactively cite a lot using the that. I can't get to it immediately, but I'll do my best. Thanks for flagging me. Beginning (talk) 05:30, 31 March 2018 (UTC)

1565
I have heavily researched this project, partly alongside Don Massey, author of Matter of Degree, who was my mentor as a young writer working on another fire disaster piece. There is no doubt that he and Davey believe 1565 to be Eleanor Emily Cook. According to a first hand story I heard, Mrs. Cook was far too ill for at least six months to even be told of the fates of her dead son and missing daughter. Mrs. Cook left Hartford for good after the fire, so was not subject to the years of newspaper stories while living in Mass. Even so, she was shown no publicity. Apparently, she became very upset at the mention of Eleanor, and refused to believed she had perished. When she did speak of Eleanor, it was of hope that one day she'd simply show up at the door, as if the Circus Fire did not happen. Apparently, she remained in a deep denial for years. This kept her family from even trying to convince that the carefully-taken photos of the girl buried unburned in Hartford known as 1565 were those of Eleanor. Donald Cook thought 1565 was his sister, and in young adulthood, he tried to claim the body, but was blown off by cops. Years later, Rick Davey spent years trying to nail down 1565's identity. Careful examination of the photos show it certainly could be EEC. Davey compared photos of her ears, a very unique identifier, and they were said to be an exact match. There was never a positive identification on teeth, because that would require significant work by a forensic dentist, removing the lower mandible to make such. Looking at the teeth, as O'Nan said happened, would not be enough. This fact is according to one of the same dentists who worked at the site of the World Trade Center attacks and other high-profile cases, Dr. Haskell Askin. As far as being a brunette, every photo of EEC I've seen showed her as at least a dark blonde, and she was described as such. As the story goes, an out-of-town relative who hardly knew Eleanor was the one who made the split-second morgue decision that it wasn't Eleanor, and the coroner stated that he didn't feel the woman was qualified to decide either way. Additionally, from what I remember, and this was years ago, 1565 was unburned, but badly trampled to death, altering her facial features somewhat. When Mrs. Cook was very elderly, Davey and her surviving son showed her the photos of 1565, and she caved, finally agreeing it was Eleanor. That's why the body was exhumed and reburied in the family plot. According to Don Massey, Stewart O'Nan contacted Davey when he was first writing his circus fire book, complimenting Davey's research that led to the discovery of Little Miss 1565. Since a first book contract was already in the works, Davey couldn't legally speak to O'Nan, or share the resources and information he had. According to the story, O'Nan was mad, and added a few harsh sentences about Davey in his book, and making the last sentence something like, "The reason Mrs. Cook never picked up the body was because it was not her daughter." O'Nan's book was released first, and then Davey/Massey re-tooled Matter of Degree for more than a year to rebut the claims O'Nan made about 1565. If a 2005 investigation was looking into O'Nan's claims, they must not have amounted to much, as a half a decade has passed with no change to the formal identity of 1565 as Eleanor Emily Cook. Since the 1565 section quotes no sources, and disparages the reputations of Don Massey and Rick Davey (I believe it says their work is "revisionist fiction"), an editor who knows how to (I do not) should flag this article as not neutral, possibly biased and unverifiable. —Preceding unsigned comment added by Popartpete (talk • contribs) 05:35, 2 September 2009 (UTC)
 * If that's the case, then who is/was this Sarah Graham that the note on the grave mentioned? 99.149.116.143 (talk) 00:27, 4 December 2011 (UTC)
 * This is in O'Nan's book. The notes identifying Sarah and her family were deemed a hoax (or a mistake?) when the other lot numbers mentioned turned out to be already-identified people who didn't match up with the names provided in the notes. --Bluejay Young (talk) 21:12, 30 October 2015 (UTC)
 * there were claims by O'Nan that there were two dental charts but that is not true. The only other chart would have come from the Cook family dentist, who was out of the country during the post-blaze inquiry and was not subsequently contacted for comparisons. Only one chart exists in the public record, as created by a dentist during on-site reviews of dead victims. These charts were cursory at best, and do not reflect facts known by the Cook family. Such facts include that Eleanor kept all eight of her baby teeth in separate envelopes at home, a fact that conflicts with claims that only a few teeth had erupted...the teeth were already gone, assisting in the proof of age for 1565. Willow 2448 5-30-14//  — Preceding unsigned comment added by Willow2448 (talk • contribs) 00:23, 31 May 2014 (UTC)
 * The public record shows that CT State Trooper Sam Freeman took a hair sample from Eleanor's hair brush to CT forensic analyst Lincoln Opper, whose report stated that hair from Eleanor Cook and 1565 were consistent with each other at the medulla and in color...facts on which Davey relied. Willow2448 on 5-30-14. — Preceding unsigned comment added by Willow2448 (talk • contribs) 00:30, 31 May 2014 (UTC)
 * Don Massey has the original letter from O'Nan to Davey...and he shows the letter to audiences during public presentations, thus proving O'Nan believed Davey knew " more about the fire than anyone." Willow2448 5-30-14 — Preceding unsigned comment added by Willow2448 (talk • contribs) 00:35, 31 May 2014 (UTC)
 * Wait a second, I thought the relative who was asked to identify Little 1565 and said it wasn't Eleanor was Marion Parsons, the aunt who had raised her and whom she called "Mom" (her own mother having sent her & siblings to this aunt while she worked). --Bluejay Young (talk) 21:12, 30 October 2015 (UTC)

Attendance
The lede says "attended by approximately 6,800 people" but later text says "about 7,500 to 8,700". Randall Bart    Talk   01:38, 30 November 2010 (UTC)

This could be an excellent but...
It is just full of repetition (tautology). No info box. There is hardly a lede, and the so-called "history" section says what is repeated in the other sections. (It's not a history it's what happened) Unless a few hours on one day is substantial enough to be called a "history". Furthermore there are no inline references from reliable third-party sources. So separating fact from fiction is impossible.

This work needs to be done! I don't know anything about this event, so I can't do it but this article is very, very poor at the moment.

Needs a major shake down from top to bottom.31.52.210.43 (talk) 08:18, 22 June 2012 (UTC)

Non-Fiction & Fiction
While not a fan of Davey & Massey's theories, I'm puzzled as to why the book isn't listed in Non-Fiction & Fiction ??? Irish Melkite (talk) 05:20, 5 May 2014 (UTC)
 * In every publishing listing, A Matter of Degree is listed as nonfiction. The book contains an Index and includes reprints of most key documents, such as NWS weather report, death certificates, hair sample result, death roster, official CSP report by Sam Freeman regarding 1565 identity...to include its second page, omitted from O'Nan's book. This page is key because it states that Freeman saw "four upper second teeth and four lower second teeth" for a total of eight, just as reported by the family to Massey during the writing of Degree. If O'Nan had included that second page, his assertion about the teeth not "matching" would have fallen apart. A true nonfiction writer would have included this data. From willow2448 on 5-30-14. — Preceding unsigned comment added by Willow2448 (talk • contribs) 00:55, 31 May 2014 (UTC)

Oral History
I recorded an oral history of my mother (judith shapiro) and her recollection of surviving the fire. I have added a synopsis of it to the personal recollection section. Would a direct quote be better? I feel this is worthy of the encyclopedia as it details she and her group evaded the fire. She (7 years old) had to be pushed from the high bleachers by an adult, which provides context around the difficult choices adults had to face to keep their friends and family alive. If anyone feels my posting this herein is in violation of Wiki policies please let me know and I will remove. If there is a better way to make this edit, i'm very open to learning. I have noted within the ref the time code where in the interview the fire is discussed (00:08:23) - again if there is a better way to do that, please let me know.173.54.209.67 Hhawk (talk) 22:14, 1 February 2015 (UTC)

William Pond
I put the entire text of William Pond's email in the article because I know how these things disappear from television news websites. If it is not appropriate I will gladly move it to the talk page. It should be archived. BTW the photos from the station house that he burned were copies. The original pictures are safe.

I have serious doubts that nude morgue photos were on display at a public memorial. Probably it was just the famous headshot -- in which she has a white gown. Apparently Pond was a known troublemaker and did this out of spite, according to firefighters at 14, but it's all on a blog and I can't use it. I am trying to find an official, usable source. --Bluejay Young (talk) 21:12, 30 October 2015 (UTC)

Assessment comment
Substituted at 21:43, 26 June 2016 (UTC) — Preceding unsigned comment added by JJMC89 bot (talk • contribs) 21:43, 26 June 2016 (UTC)

Requested move 30 March 2017

 * The following is a closed discussion of a requested move. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made in a new section on the talk page. Editors desiring to contest the closing decision should consider a move review. No further edits should be made to this section.

The result of the move request was: Not moved — Martin (MSGJ · talk) 13:26, 6 April 2017 (UTC)

Hartford circus fire → Hartford Circus Fire – This is a singular event, not a generic noun, and is consistently capitalized in history texts. Move back to original title. oknazevad (talk) 22:40, 29 March 2017 (UTC)
 * This is a contested technical request (permalink). Anthony Appleyard (talk) 04:47, 30 March 2017 (UTC)

 * Better discuss this move request. Anthony Appleyard (talk) 04:47, 30 March 2017 (UTC)
 * Dont know what more I can say except that it is a proper noun and is capitalized in history books. The move was based on error. oknazevad (talk) 05:42, 30 March 2017 (UTC) PS, the ping didn't work, for some reason.
 * Oppose this isn't a brand or scheduled event. It shouldn't be capitalized in any history book. cf LIFE - Jul 17, 1950 - Page 51 "After the Hartford circus fire it was the glowering face of a woman". (and if it were it would only be the C : " Rising from the Flames: The Experience of the Severely Burned Albert Howard Carter III, Jane Arbuckle Petro - 1998 - "Tirone Smith uses the Hartford Circus fire as the dramatic cause for mystery-solving to understand both the events that started the fire and the dilemmas of the characters. ") In ictu oculi (talk) 07:45, 30 March 2017 (UTC)
 * An event need not be scheduled to be a proper noun; I have no idea where you got that easily-disproven misconception from. And those sources are clearly not good guides, especially the second, which uses a capitalization that reads as though it were a fire at a circus called the Hartford Circus, which it was not. Fact is, it is capitalized as a unique event. oknazevad (talk) 13:50, 30 March 2017 (UTC)
 * Oppose per In ictu oculi.  This is a descriptive title (see WP:NDESC) rather than a brand or scheduled event. -- Brown HairedGirl (talk) • (contribs) 13:56, 30 March 2017 (UTC)
 * Again, an event need not be scheduled to become a proper noun. Like the Boston Massacre. And even if it were purely descriptive, it's an exceedingly poor descriptive title, as it has nothing unique about the title to indicate what it is describing. oknazevad (talk) 16:01, 30 March 2017 (UTC)
 * The three words describe the core attributes of the event: that it was a fire in a circus in Hartford. -- Brown HairedGirl (talk) • (contribs) 09:06, 31 March 2017 (UTC)
 * Was if the only fire at a circus ever in the history of Hartford? Or one so much more notable than any other that it gets a definite article. Because that's the difference between a common noun and a proper noun when discussing events. oknazevad (talk) 10:41, 31 March 2017 (UTC)
 * Oppose since most books use lowercase. See n-grams. Dicklyon (talk) 04:33, 3 April 2017 (UTC)

Discussion
Just to show that I'm not making up that it's capitalized in reliable sources, by the way, here's just a small sample of the variety of sources I've found, including newspapers, documentaries, historical societies, and university libraries. oknazevad (talk) 18:43, 30 March 2017 (UTC)
 * Huffington Post
 * New York Daily News
 * Connecticut History
 * New England Historical Society
 * The Paris Review
 * Longmont (Colorado) Times-Call
 * Buffalo News – this one is interesting, because while it uses mixed case after the indefinite article in the headline, the body capitalized as a proper noun after a definite article.
 * Connecticut State Library The state where it happened.
 * How Stuff Works
 * The library at the University of Illinois-Urbana/Champaign
 * No doubt they exist, but so do lowercase ones. When usage in sources is mixed, we default to lowercase, avoiding unnecessary caps, per MOS:CAPS. Dicklyon (talk) 04:35, 3 April 2017 (UTC)

 * The above discussion is preserved as an archive of a requested move. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made in a new section on this talk page or in a move review. No further edits should be made to this section.

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title: Talk:Hartford circus fire


text:
Serbian–Hungarian Baranya–Baja Republic

The Serbian–Hungarian Baranya–Baja Republic (Baranya-Bajai Szerb-Magyar Köztársaság; Српско-мађарска република Барања-Баја) was a small, short-lived and Soviet-oriented state, proclaimed in Pécs on 14 August 1921, on occupied Hungarian territory during the peacemaking aftermath of the first World War, tolerated and fostered by the newly proclaimed Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. Its territory included the geographical region of Baranya and the northern part of Bačka region, as well as a portion of the Banat.

History
The republic was established on 14 August 1921 and was dissolved on 20 August 1921. The area of southern Hungary was occupied by the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes' army and was administered by the people's administration from Novi Sad. Following the defeat of Béla Kun's Hungarian Soviet Republic in the summer of 1919, many communist dissidents from Budapest, escaping from the "white terror" of Admiral Miklós Horthy, emigrated to Baranya, where Béla Linder, mayor of Pécs, gave them refuge. Linder, the military attaché of the Hungarian Soviet Republic based in Vienna in Austria, became the mayor of Pécs in September 1920.

In the Great People's Assembly of Pécs on 14 August, where in front of 15–20,000 people painter Petar Dobrović suggested the formation of independent republic that would include region of Baranya and northern part of Bačka around Baja. Petar Dobrović became president of executive committee of the new Republic.

However, the authorities of the new republic did not manage to gain international recognition, and since the withdrawal of the Yugoslav kingdom's army, Horthy's forces entered into region and put an end to the Republic. From 21–25 August 1921, the region was reintegrated into Hungary, represented by Commissioner Károly Soós Bádoki, as had been allocated at the Treaty of Trianon of 1920.

Population
Most of the inhabitants of the republic were ethnic Hungarians, while other ethnic groups that lived in the area included Croats, Serbs, Germans, Romanians, Slovaks and others.

This differences clearly demonstrate the Serb efforts of annexation, moreover, at the Serbian Census, they had to calculate the members of the Serbian Army into the census because there was a classified order about this.
 * According to the Serbian census in 1919, the population of Pécs consisted of 14485 south Slavs, 17,901 Hungarians, 14549 Germans
 * According to the Hungarian census in 1920, the population of Pécs consisted of 45 Serbs, 326 Croats, 40,655 Hungarians, 5034 Germans

President
The President of the Executive Committee (14–20 August 1921), i.e. President of the Republic, was Petar Dobrović (1890–1942), an ethnic Serb.

Sources and references

 * Dimitrije Boarov, Politička istorija Vojvodine, Novi Sad, 2001.
 * Leslie Charles Tihany, The Baranya dispute, 1918–1921: diplomacy in the vortex of ideologies, East European quarterly, distributed by Columbia University Press (Boulder [Colo.], New York), 1978.

title: Serbian–Hungarian Baranya–Baja Republic


text:
File:Castles and dreams dvd.jpg

Summary
DVD box art cover for the 2005 music video Castles and Dreams by the band Blackmore's Night. Obtained from http://www.blackmoresnight.com/moon_castle_pages/blackmore_discography.htm.

Copyright
Copyright for this image is held by Blackmore Productions, P.O. Box 735, Nesconset, New York, 11767, United States.

Fair use in Castles and Dreams
This copyrighted image is used in the English-language Wikipedia article "Castles and Dreams." The manner of said use constitutes a "fair use" under United States copyright law. Specifically:
 * 1) The English-language Wikipedia is a project of the Wikimedia Foundation, Inc., a non-profit charitable organization.
 * 2) The article for which this use occurs is purely educational in nature and, thus, is non-commercial.
 * 3) The sole purpose of this use of the copyrighted image is to illustrate the DVD in question.
 * 4) Said image is the primary means of visual identification of the main topic of the article; that is, the music video production that is distributed via the DVD media.
 * 5) The image is used only once in the article, and is used in an "information box" that is neutral in tone.
 * 6) The box cover art is not the "content" specifically being sold by the publisher of the media, but is used primarily for promotional and packaging purposes.
 * 7) The market for the original DVD product will not be diminished by this use of the image. In fact, this use is likely to encourage the increased legitimate sales of said DVD's.
 * 8) Because the image is provided at a low resolution inappropriate for re-printing the DVD cover, its usage on Wikipedia does not pose a problem of aiding media piracy (the re-printing of covers to accompany pirated discs), or make it so that the copyright holder could not in the future successfully re-sell the image as a print or poster on its own.
 * 9) Since it is copyrighted DVD keep case box art, the image is not replaceable with an uncopyrighted or freely copyrighted image of comparable educational value.
 * 10) Digital versions of this image have been previously published on other websites, so this use on Wikipedia does not make the image significantly more accessible.
 * 11) The image is not used in such a way that a reader would be confused into believing that the article is produced, sponsored, or authorized by the owner of the image, Blackmore Productions.

title: File:Castles and dreams dvd.jpg


text:
Franc O'Shea

Franc O'Shea is a bassist born in Swaziland. He has worked with artists including Steve Howe (Yes), Lisa Moorish, Mike Lindup (Level 42), Bah Samba, members of Jamiroquai and Beverley Martyn. His playing covers a variety of styles including jazz, Latin, rock, world music and flamenco. He released a solo album entitled Esprit, in 1999 and has recently collaborated with members of Paco de Lucia and Chick Corea's bands on his latest album, Alkimia, including Jorge Pardo, Rubem Dantas, and Juan Manuel Canizares, as well as Benjamin Sarfas, Philippe Barnes, Nan Mercader, Chema Vilchez, Serguei Sapricheff, etc. He currently teaches at the British and Irish Modern Music Institute and lives in the UK.

title: Franc O'Shea


text:
Talk:Kalfu

Comment
Today we are told that most Tainos died during the next 25 years of Spanish viruses or at the hands of Spanish slave drivers, and that their contributions to the world live on through words such as: barbecue, tobacco, canoe and hammock. Is this all that can be said on the subject?

'State a source. Most people of Puerto Rico refer to themselves as ethnically Taino, at least in part.'

The Haitian Vèvès of the voodoo religion are generally said to originate from Africa. These sigils however are not found in any African country and simply do not belong in any known African religious rituals. On the other hand, they can easily be connected to Taino culture and the origins of this people.

'State a source. This has often been said by Maya Deren, and parrotted by many peoples after her, but it falls in too well with her clearly Marxist ideology of suppressed groups going underground in order to later manifest elsewhere in a prolitariate uprising. I have NEVER seen any reference to "Taino Sand Drawings" in any academic source.'

Take an illustration of a Haitian Kalfou Vèvè:

Pronunciation: Vayv or vay-vay • (noun) In Vodoun (Voodoo) practice, are intricate symbols of the Loas (gods), and are used in rituals. Each Loa has his or her own complex veve, which is traced on the ground with powdered eggshell or a similar substance prior to a ritual.

Try cornmeal, or ash.

Let’s look at the different elements that compose it:

The Solar Cross at its center. Definition: The Solar cross is probably the oldest religious symbol in the world, appearing in Asian, American, European, and Indian religious art from the dawn of history. Composed of a equal armed cross within a circle, it represents the solar calendar- the movements of the sun, marked by the solstices. Sometimes the equinoxes are marked as well, giving an eight armed wheel.

'You obviously know nothing of Kalfu... you talk much but show little wisdom. A cursory examination of Maitre Carrefour would show that he is the spirit of the crossroads, and that he has absolutely nothing to do with the sun, but is in fact connected to the moon. He is often said to be the dark side of Legba (a Fon solar deity), but in reality is derived from another tribal crossroads god (Congo or Bantu if I recall correctly), and when these systems merged in Haiti, Legba became the dominant, because most slaves were of Fon origin.'

Another similar symbol is the symbol of the ancient Assyrian God Shamash:

The other signs found in this Vèvè look very similar to elements of the runic alphabet.

'No they don't. Many of the Veves can find there origins in so called "Goetic Grimoires" of the 14th to 18th centuries. These books were incredibly popular among the French and Mullato elite of Haiti, and filtered their way into the poorer population throughout the decades prior to, and after the revolution. They also derive many symbols from Freemasonry, as there were (and are) several strongholds of Freemasonry on the island.'

Runes are an ancient Germanic alphabet, used for writing, divination and magic. They were used throughout northern Europe, Scandinavia, the British Isles, and Iceland from about 100 B.C.E. to 1600 C.E. Runic inscriptions of great age have even been found in North America, supporting stories that the Vikings arrived in the Americas long before Columbus. Specifically: Perthro: (P: Lot cup, vagina.) Uncertain meaning, a secret matter, a mystery, hidden things and occult abilities. Initiation, knowledge of one's destiny, knowledge of future matters, determining the future or your path. Pertaining to things feminine, feminine mysteries including female fertility, and vagina. Good lot, fellowship and joy. Evolutionary change Algiz: (Z or -R: Elk, protection.) Protection, a shield. The protective urge to shelter oneself or others. Defense, warding off of evil, shield, guardian. Connection with the gods, awakening, higher life. It can be used to channel energies appropriately. Follow your instincts. Keep hold of success or maintain a position won or earned Tiwaz: (T: Tyr, the sky god.) Honor, justice, leadership and authority. Analysis, rationality. Knowing where one's true strengths lie. Willingness to self-sacrifice. Victory and success in any competition or in legal matters.

In the Kalfou Vèvè, one could read “a secret matter, a mystery, hidden things”, pertaining to “the solar calendar, the movements of the sun, marked by the solstices and the equinoxes”, results in “protection, a shield”, and leads to “Honor, justice, leadership and authority”. Is this a coincidence or is such a message expected when one knows that we are dealing here with agrarian societies struggling to build solid and sound droughtproof communities?

You obviously know nothing of Kalfu if you can read that from his veve

To discuss this article, feel free to contact me at michaelb0519@gmail.com

69.251.156.16 19:16, 11 November 2006 (UTC)Octane 818

As a note, the text from [|this edit] was put in 3 minutes before someone elsewhere was asked to provide evidence for a claim that some of this information was true, and then cited as that evidence. It is, therefore, rather suspect, and so I added the Citation Needed tag to it. If someone could confirm it or refute it, that would be great. --Apocalycious (talk) 18:03, 29 June 2013 (UTC)

title: Talk:Kalfu


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Talk:Richard A. White

History
As I am adding info on White's time at BART (haven't even gotten to WMATA yet) I am pulling more news articles and realizing that this stuff might belong in a separate "History of BART" article or some such thing. I'll likely get around to that at some point but meanwhile I'll just stick all that stuff in here. Massysett 19:56, 17 October 2005 (UTC)

 * Wait! Don't make a "History of BART" page...the main Bay Area Rapid Transit article already has some history in it which may be worth splitting into another article. I shall look at that...

NPOV
The article seems to be somewhat invasive in that it displays White's salary, which if it were for a lower-ranking official might be considered a privacy violation. Also, I think that White left WMATA voluntarily. 69.140.157.138
 * Salary information for public officials is considered public information, and thus there's no invasion of privacy by including it in the article. Additionally, this article from the Washington Post confirms that White was dismissed from Metro. SchuminWeb (Talk) 05:38, 7 July 2006 (UTC)
 * While the facts may be correct, the overall slant of the article is to portray the subject in a somewhat negative light. 68.50.203.109 18:19, 23 July 2006 (UTC)
 * Could you provide examples of the negative "slant" in the article? I read over the whole thing, and it sounds neutral to me. SchuminWeb (Talk) 19:53, 23 July 2006 (UTC)
 * Seeing no response, I've removed the tag. SchuminWeb (Talk) 02:37, 26 July 2006 (UTC)

 * Did Mr. White have any substantial accomplishments as general manager of Metro? From reading the article, it would appear the answer is "no." It is unclear whether that is because of a negative slant of the article, or whether Mr. White truly failed as General Manager. 69.140.173.15 01:50, 24 November 2006 (UTC)

I came here from WP:3O. Salary should be no problem if properly cited, which it is not. "White revealed his temper in public" without citation is certainly POV. I don't see big POV problems—if it's unbalanced and leaning against him, the right solution would be to add missing favorable material—but I see a big problem with lack of specific citation. WP:BLP really means that an article like this should have explicit citation for just about every statement that is currently in this article. - Jmabel | Talk 05:37, 24 November 2006 (UTC)

WikiProject class rating
This article was automatically assessed because at least one WikiProject had rated the article as start, and the rating on other projects was brought up to start class. BetacommandBot 14:09, 9 November 2007 (UTC)

title: Talk:Richard A. White


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Penwortham, South Australia

Penwortham (-33.91667°N, 138.63333°W) is a small town in the Clare Valley, South Australia, along the Horrocks Highway, approximately 10 kilometres south of Clare and 14 kilometres north of Auburn.

Geography
Penwortham is surrounded by natural eucalyptus bushland and a section of the Skilly Hills, which in turn forms part of the Mount Lofty Ranges. There are two significant peaks nearby, Mount Oakden named after John Oakden, and Mount Horrocks, named after John Horrocks. The Hill River rises about 3 kilometres east of Penwortham.

History
The village of Penwortham was founded by settler, pioneer and explorer, John Horrocks (22 March 1818 – 23 September 1846). Horrocks arrived in the colony of South Australia on his 21st birthday, 22 March 1839, less than three years after its proclamation by Governor John Hindmarsh. After meeting Edward John Eyre, who told him of potentially good farmland to the north of Adelaide, John Horrocks and a servant, John Green, set off to find the area Eyre had described to him. Horrocks settled in a region that he believed to be along the Hutt River and named his establishment Hope Farm. Later in 1839, the first stone cottage of the settlement was commenced and, in 1840, Horrocks and his servants built stone stables for horses, which were then very rare and valuable in the new colony. For a short time, this was the only inland European settlement north of Adelaide and Gawler.

The following year saw the completion of an inn, The Derby Arms, which was built to accommodate the many new travellers passing north through Penwortham. The year after that (1842), the first foundations were laid for a flour mill, which did not see full operation until 1856, when all its working parts finally arrived from Europe. 1842 was also the year that the first foundation stone was laid down for the beginning of the manor house at Hope Farm.

Horrocks died in 1846 as a result of a hunting accident at Lake Gill, just north of the present day city of Port Augusta. By that time, Penwortham had become quite an established town and included a butcher, general store, tailor, school and blacksmith. The next year (1847), an unofficial post office began operation, with the local publican, James Bleechmore, acting as postmaster. In 1851, building began on St Mark's Anglican Church. Completion of St Mark's occurred in 1855, with the installation of a bell, turret and porch.

A new era of transport and industry began in 1915, when the construction of the Riverton to Spalding railway line passed through the town. It brought about many changes, and included the demolition of the manor house at Hope Farm, as this was in its direct line. By now, the main industries in the town and surrounding farms were fruit, dried currant and dairy production. These continued until just after the Second World War, when competition from the Riverland meant that a viable industry in the Clare Valley was untenable. As a result, the pre-war advent and post-war continuation of the fledgling wine industry began to flourish in the region.

The Riveton to Spalding railway closed in 17 April 1984 following track damage between Sevenhill and Penwortham. The track was removed in 1989 and the Riesling trail now follows the original alignment.

A monument was built and unveiled on 22 September 1946 commemorating the life, exploration and untimely death of the town's founder, John Ainsworth Horrocks. It was built by Gordon Ross and William Robins and now stands by the side of Main North Road, near St Mark's Church.

Name
Penwortham shares its name with the town of Penwortham in Lancashire, England. Penwortham (in the United Kingdom) was the home of Richard Arkwright, the inventor of the water frame that kick-started the textile industry in the late 18th century. John Horrocks was the grandson of English cotton manufacturer John Horrocks, who has a section of highway in the English Penwortham named John Horrocks Way after him.

Penwortham is a town name with a precise meaning: a settlement on a hill by a ford. Horrocks originally called his settlement Penwortham-on-the-Hill. He was born at his family home of Penwortham Hall, near Preston, Lancashire. The name is a hybrid of the Welsh pen, meaning headland and an Old English word worphamm, meaning enclosed homestead.

The town today
Pearson Wines are located on the Main Road in an old stone building with cellar door.

St. Marks Church cemetery is the burial place of explorer John Horrocks buried in the adjacent cemetery.

John Horrocks Cottage (formerly Greens Cottage), built in 1839 and owned and operated by the local historical society, opens to visitors on the first Sunday of each month.

The Riesling Trail, on the eastern side links the village to Auburn and Clare for walkers and cyclists looking to take in the ambience of the local countryside.

The scenic drive to the Skillogalee Valley, west of the Main North Road (Horrocks Highway), can be accessed from Penwortham. The drive runs past several well-known cellar doors, including Mitchell Wines, Penna Lane Wines, Kilikanoon Wines, and Skillogalee Wines and Restaurant.

Governance
Penwortham is in the District Council of Clare and Gilbert Valleys, the state electoral district of Frome, and the Australian House of Representatives Division of Grey.

title: Penwortham, South Australia


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Skarfskerry

Skarfskerry (or Scarfskerry; Sgarbh Sgeir) is a settlement located in the far northern county Caithness on a small peninsula northeast of Thurso off the A836 in Scotland. It is the most northerly settlement in Great Britain. The name comes from the Old Norse for "cormorants' rock". Historically, it belonged to the Parish of Dunnet, along with Brough.

Landmarks
This rural settlement consists of a scattering of crofts and other houses and a small harbour with a pier. The harbour is no longer used for commercial purposes, although boats operate in the area for small amounts of fishing and trips for tourists to see white-beaked dolphins, minke whales and harbor porpoises. The pier, about 150 yd long, has a small bight on the southwestern side, and a rocky beach continues towards the nearby settlement of Ham. The hamlet also contains a Baptist church, Skarfskerry Point, a double-headed point 30 ft in height, marks the eastern entrance point of Brough Bay. The Loch of Mey lies just to the southeast, which also features in a series of children's stories, The Loch of Mey Monster, by a local author from 2007 to 2009.

Scarfskerry Harbour is also home to the wreck of the SS Linkmoor, of London, Captain Ridley. Liverpool to Blyth. It was lost on 10 November 1930 at 2:55 a.m. during a westerly gale of force 8–9 in heavy sea and squalls. It was caused by engine trouble and the state of the weather, with 32 on board who were all saved. The SS Linkmoor is a favourite "shore" dive site for local divers and is often used as a training dive, which is best dived in winter due to the shallow nature of the wreckage being obscured by kelp. The boilers actually stood proud of the water until they finally succumbed to the waters during a storm in the 1990s.

A few hundred metres west of the harbour lies the wreck of the SS Victoria. Situated between the harbour and Ruther Geo, this wreck was lost on 3 March 1891. The crew were rescued by Longhope Lifeboat, who rowed for 10 hours across the Pentland Firth to rescue the crew. An RNLI Silver Medal was awarded to Coxswain Benjamin Stout in recognition of his gallantry when rescuing the crew of 22. Eleven of the rescued crew were Germans, and the Emperor of Germany presented a gold watch to the coxswain and £24 to the crew of the lifeboat. In 1996, a fisherman's pattern anchor from the SS Victoria was raised by Thurso Sub Aqua Club (TSAC), and whilst residing for several years at a property in Scarfskerry was later presented by TSAC to Longhope Lifeboat station as a mark of respect for the heroic work carried out by the RNLI on a daily basis. The Victoria is also a popular dive site by local divers, but as with the Linkmoor is best dived during the winter months. Still present on the site are several anchors and slabs of packed stones, believed to be used for ballast.

title: Skarfskerry


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Altyn-Tagh

Altyn-Tagh (also Lower Mountains or Altyn ) is a mountain range in Northwestern China that separates the Eastern Tarim Basin from the Tibetan Plateau. The western third is in Xinjiang while the eastern part forms the border between Qinghai to the south and Xinjiang and Gansu to the north.

Altun Shan is also the name of a 5830 m mountain near the eastern end of the range, the highest point in Gansu.

Etymology
Altyn Tag means Lower Mountain in Turkic, and A'erjin Shan (阿尔金山) is Chinese for  Lower Mountain.

Geography
A series of mountain ranges run along the northern edge of the Tibetan Plateau. In the west are the Kunlun Mountains. About halfway across the south side of the Tarim Basin, the Altyn-Tagh Range diverges northeast while the Kunluns continue directly east, forming a relatively narrow "V". Inside the "V" are a number of endorheic basins. The eastern end of the Altyn-Shan is near the Dangjin Pass on the Dunhuang-Golmud road in far western Gansu. East of the Altyn-Tagh the border range rises to the Qilian Mountains. The range separates the Tarim Basin, to the north, and Lake Ayakkum, to the south. The range can be divided into three portions. The southwest portion borders the Kunlun Mountains and is very rugged, with peaks reaching more than 6100 m and many perennial snow fields. The central portion is lower in elevation, around 4000 m. The eastern portion is higher in elevation, about 5000 m and consists of a group of smaller ranges oriented in a south-east to north-west trend.

Along the northern side of the mountains ran the main Silk Road trade route from China proper to the Tarim Basin and westward. The Altyn-Tagh and Qilians were sometimes called the Nan Shan ('south mountains') because they were south of the main route. Near the east end of the Altyn-Shan, the Gansu or Hexi Corridor ends and the Silk Road splits. One branch follows the Altyn-Tagh along the south side of the Tarim Basin while the other follows the north side.

The southwestern part of the Altyn-Tagh range reaches snowy peaks of up to 6245 m, although it descends to an average of 4000 m in the narrow middle and eventually rises up to average 5000 m as it meets the Qilian Mountains.

There are a dearth of rivers and streams in these mountains, due to the aridity of the region. The western portion has some small streams that either head north into the desert or south into Lake Ayakkum. The remainder of the range is lacking in rivers.

Intermontane endorheic basins
Inside the V-shaped area between the Altyn-Tagh and the main Kunlun range (which in this area is called Arka-Tagh) a number of endorheic basins are located.

Within southeastern Xinjiang, the main of these basins is the Kumkol Basin

The two main lakes in this basin are the saline Lake Aqqikkol (also Ajig Kum Kul, Achak-kum; ; 37°05′N, 88°25′E, 4250 m elevation) and Lake Ayakum (37°30′N, 89°30′E; elevation  3876 m). These lakes are two of the few noticeable bodies of water in this extremely arid area; the area around them is officially protected as the Altun Shan Nature Reserve.

Farther east, in northwestern Qinghai, the much larger Qaidam Basin starts between the Altyn-Tagh and the Kunlun and extends almost to the east side of the plateau; the Altyn-Tagh separates the west side of this basin from the Kumtagh Desert.

Major Peaks
The four highest peaks are Sulamutag Feng (6245 m), Yusupu Aleketag Shan (6065 m), Altun Shan (5830 m) and Kogantag (4800 m).

Economic development
China National Highway 315 crosses the Altyn-Tagh on its way between Qinghai and Xinjiang.

The Golmud-Korla Railway crosses the Altyn-Tagh as well. The project, involving the construction of the 13.195 km-long Altyn-Tagh Tunnel (阿尔金山隧道), was completed in 2020.

title: Altyn-Tagh


text: User talk:80.1.77.182

title: User talk:80.1.77.182


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Hamza (disambiguation)

Hamza (همزة, hamzah) is a letter in the Arabic alphabet, representing the glottal stop.

Hamza (همزة) and Ḥamza (حمزة) may also refer to:

People

 * Refer to Hamza (name) or Ḥamza, for given names and surnames

 * See also
 * Hamza ibn Abdul-Muttalib, the paternal uncle of the Islamic prophet Muhammad
 * Hamza ibn-'Ali ibn-Ahmad, a founding leader of the Druze sect
 * Hamza Ali Al-Khateeb, Syrian child who died of torture and organ destruction while in Esad regime custody

Places

 * Hamza, Iran, a village in Kerman Province, Iran
 * Hamza, Iraq, (Al-Hamzah) a village in Qadisiyah Province, Iraq
 * Hamza Stone, black colored antic rock at the Giresun Adası
 * Tala Hamza, town in northern Algeria
 * Hamza River, a very large aquifer, that roughly follows the course of the Amazon River, in Brazil
 * Hamza (district), a city district of Tashkent, capital of Uzbekistan
 * Hamza station, former name of Novza station on the Chilonzor Line of the Tashkent Metro.

Other uses

 * Hamza (cicada), a genus of insects in the family Cicadidae
 * Hamzanama, a 16th-century book
 * Thymelicus hamza, a butterfly of the family Hesperiidae

title: Hamza (disambiguation)


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text: Category:Politics of Catalonia

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Paragould meteorite

The Paragould Meteorite at 41 in by 24 in by 16 in and weighing 370 kg is the second largest witnessed meteorite fall ever recovered in North America (after the Norton County meteorite) and the largest stony meteorite chondrite. It fell to Earth at approximately 4:08 a.m. on February 17, 1930.

The fireball could be seen as far away as Illinois, Indiana, Missouri, Kansas, and Arkansas. Initially, observers thought it was an airplane crashing.

The meteorite split into many pieces. The largest piece was discovered by W. H. Hodges in an 8-foot (2 m) hole on a farm south of Bethel Church, off Highway 358, a few miles south of Paragould, Arkansas. A smaller piece was found by George W. Hyde in Finch, Arkansas.

It was purchased by Harvey H. Nininger, who in 1930 sold it to Chicago's Field Museum of Natural History. It has been on loan to the University of Arkansas since 1988, initially to the University Museum and then after November 2003 to the Arkansas Center for Space and Planetary Sciences. It was on display in Mullins Library, at the University of Arkansas in Fayetteville till April 11, 2008, when it was moved to the Arkansas Center for Space and Planetary Sciences building. Two other pieces were found, one weighing 33 kg (presently stored in Washington, D.C.) and another 3.75 kg piece presently resides in New York.

title: Paragould meteorite


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Social venture capital

Social venture capital is a form of investment funding that is usually funded by a group of social venture capitalists or an impact investor to provide seed-funding investment, usually in a for-profit social enterprise, in return to achieve an outsized gain in financial return while delivering social impact to the world. There are various organizations, such as Venture Philanthropy (VP) companies and nonprofit organizations, that deploy a simple venture capital strategy model to fund nonprofit events, social enterprises, or activities that deliver a high social impact or a strong social causes for their existence. There are also regionally focused organizations (both for-profit and nonprofit) that target a specific region of the world, to help build and support the local community in a social cause.

Investment criteria
Apart from the traditional venture capitalists focusing on just the financial profit, social venture capitalists believe in achieving financial success through social impact to the world. Beside, those Venture Philanthropy (VP) funds such as Venture Philanthropy Partners initiate investment in a high-performing nonprofit organization, the following criteria that social venture capitalists generally assess on social venture companies for funding:

 * Strong Social Impact
 * Financial capacity
 * Scalability
 * Best-Practice
 * Criteria of exclusion

Social venture accelerators
Social venture accelerators is a form of seed accelerators that fixed termed, cohort-based entrepreneurial development programs designed to transform validated idea of the social startups companies to seed funding. Hence, increase the outcomes for sustainability and growth of startup companies that have potential to scale (usually tech-based companies). Such programs allows startup companies to gain exclusive visibility to early- stage investors and other resources such as providing initial investment, technical facilities/development, to office accommodation and under the guidance of experienced mentors, all of which in return of a minor share in the invested startups companies, or under grant funding to support  participating companies. Seed accelerator companies will assess based on  startup companies' business model and ensure market/customer sector validated, to develop a commercial validity of the social startup companies to  investment ready and prepare to scale their impact.

Social incubators
Business incubators usually provide business with facilities and funding with the help of external management team to manage an idea that was developed internally. Given the intense efforts involved, the incubator period usually lasted longer the seed accelerator, and takes up a much larger amount of equity than Seed Accelerator as well.

Social incubator fund
As part of effort of  UK Government to support social ventures from a grassroots level to deliver positive social and environment impact, a £10 million Social Incubator Fund, which was launched on 24 July by Minister for Civil Society, Nick Hurd. The fund run by Big Lottery Fund will increase the amount of money available at the early stages of projects where the financial return is too low while Big Society Capital invests social investment intermediaries that carries higher financial risk. However, such funds doesn't indicate free funding, as incubators such as Social Incubators North, a social business incubator provided a repayment interest free loan of £25k to successful applicant. On the other hand, newly launched Non-For-Profit incubator Halcyon Incubator targeting on the social impact that the social ventures deliver, does not require equity in the fellow's venture, but only a commitment to growing ideas to achieve social change.

Non-profit oriented funding and support
Venture philanthropy deploys simple venture capital strategy model to fund non-profits events/social enterprises/activities that deliver high social impact or a strong social causes for its existence. Organization such as Amanter Social Venture provides such services focusing on social principles as main assessment criteria and running programs to help existing social organization/enterprise through capacity building and executive training to deliver a multiplier effect to the next beneficiary organizations. The classic example of Benetech, a non-profit organization, shows that the proceeds gained were being used to create a handful of new social enterprise patterned.

Regionally-focused organizations such as Venture Philanthropy Partners (VPP), the European Venture Philanthropy Association (EVPA) and the Asian Venture Philanthropy Network (AVPN), are associations that covers venture philanthropy funds targeting certain regions such as the National Capital Region in the US, Europe and Asia that finance charities, revenue generating social enterprises and socially driven business.

Forms of social ventures funding
Social ventures unusually face a ranges of funding options not limited to the common ones such as debt capital with participation rights, mezzanine financing (quasi equity) or license fees.

Debt capital + Mezzanine capital
Common forms of funding such as debt capital + capital. Such funds supports the social ventures with invested capital that must be repaid either in short or long period of time, in additional with an agreement amount of interests. These raised capitals are usually secured with the assets of the company, by the lenders from banks and venture capital companies. In other words, if the company failed to repay their debt capitals, would results their ownership and equity interest to be liquidized. Noted, that mezzanine financing usually blinded with a high returns of 20% to 30%.

Equity investments
Social venture capital companies will usually make equity investment and co-investments, when an anticipated exit strategy of the company is foreseeable. Such investment are made through preferred shares which commonly entitled the lenders a fixed dividend that takes priority over that of ordinary share dividends, usually without voting rights.

Investment approach
To effectively maximize the fund's capital to deliver social impact, social venture companies are attracted to successful financing social enterprises that show growth and financial sustainability, usually when anticipated exit strategy of the company is foreseeable, especially for young venture capital firms to minimize their exit from the invested companies, to maximize the opportunity of future fund raising, especially, when prospect of exits beyond the 7 year periods decreases for companies going for initial public offering (IPO) and merger and acquisition.

Enterprise Investment Scheme (EIS)
The Enterprise Investment Scheme is a tax advantaged scheme designed to help companies that are at their early growth stage to raise equity finance from investors. Through this scheme, qualifying investors are able to claim income tax relief of 30%, plus exemption from capital gains tax when enterprise investment scheme shares are disposed of.

Seed Enterprise Investment Scheme (SEIS)
The Seed Enterprise Investment Scheme is a tax advantaged scheme designed to encourage investment from investor in higher-risk small companies that are in their early growth stage to raise equity finance. With contrast the existing Enterprise Investment Scheme (EIS), the SEIS allows qualifying investors can claim income tax relief of 50%, plus capital gains tax relief.

Venture Capital Trust (VCT)
The Venture Capital Trust Scheme is a tax advantaged scheme designed for a HMRC-Approved VCT company to chip in for shares in, lends money to small unquoted companies. Under scheme, the VCT companies itself exempt from CT on chargeable gains and their investors can claim income tax relief on subscriptions of up to £200,000.

Social investment tax relief
Social investment tax relief scheme is designed to encourage more social investments from investors to support social enterprise by introducing a range of tax relief schemes such as Income Tax relief, capital gains hold-over relief and capital gains disposal relief. SITR covers investments made on or after 6 April 2014. It means that debt investments into asset-locked bodies (like community interest companies) can now be made on the same tax relief terms as the Enterprise Investment Scheme for equity investments.

Income tax relief
Investors (need not to be UK resident) who subscribed to qualifying shares or make qualifying debt investments in the social enterprise that meet SITR requirement, are able to calm at 30% of the amount they invested, to a maximum investment of £1,000,000 up to 5 years after the 31 January following the tax year in which the investment was made.

Capital gains hold-over relief
Investors are able to defer the payment of tax on a capital gain of any kind of disposed asset, when the capital gains are reinvested in the share or debt investment which qualify for SITR Income Tax Relief. However, it must arise in the period from 6 April 2014 to 5 April 2019. The SITR qualifying investment must be made in the period one year before or three years after the gain arose.

Capital gains disposal relief
Any gain on the investment that is disposed after it has been held for at least three years, are free from Capital Gain Tax, in addition to the Income Tax Relief coverage on the cost of the investment.

Business angels/angel finance
Business angels are usually a group/single individual investors with a high-net-worth pool of investments looking for opportunities to invest in an enterprise, to achieve a reasonable amount on return of investment. As business angel funding involves investors injecting funds into a startup/private company in return for a share in its ownership, businesses that operate as sole traders or partnerships are usually not eligible for such financing.

Crowdsourcing
Crowdsourcing is a practice of funding a project or venture by raising monetary contributions from a large number of people, typically via the internet. For-profit fundraising companies using strategies such to charge a premium on "keep what you raise” model or a minor charges on an "all-or-nothing funding approach" However, particularly for Social Crowdsourcing, non-profit organization such as razoo to help social enterprise or non-profit, student organization to raise fund for event or charitable causes.

Examples of social venture capital firms

 * AgDevCo - AgDevCo is a project developer in agribusiness; incorporated as non-for-profit distribution, limited company in the UK. They invest in patient capital into early-stage agribusiness in Africa and connect them to market.
 * Grassroots Business Fund - Grassroots Business Fund is an investment company that use private investment funds to support non-profit organization in the low income communities.
 * Obvious Ventures - Obvious Ventures was founded in 2014 by Medium CEO and Twitter co-founder Ev Williams, as well as James Joaquin and Vishal Vasishth.

title: Social venture capital


text:
Alur people

Alur are a Nilotic ethnic group who live in northwestern Uganda and northeastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). They are part of the larger Luo group.

In Uganda, they live mainly in the Nebbi, Zombo, Pakwach and Arua districts, while in the DRC, they reside mostly north of Lake Albert. As of 2014, there were around 800,000 members of the Alur in Uganda, and eight million Alur living in the DRC. Members of the Alur diaspora span the globe.

The current Rwoth (In English, "King") of the Alur Kingdom is Rwoth Ubimu Phillip Rauni Olarker III.

Language
Most members of the group speak Alur, a language closely related to Acholi, Adhola, and Luo languages. Some Alur speak Lendu or Kebu. Alur language dialects vary considerably. The highland Alur (Okoro) speak a slightly different dialect from the lowland Alur (Jonam), and it might be difficult to for a native highland Alur person to properly understand their lowland kinsman.

Chiefdoms
The Alur Kingdom, also known as "Ker Alur," is thought to be the only kingdom unaffected by the 1966 Ugandan ban on traditional monarchies. All Alur Kings are referred to as "Rwoth", just like all Luo Chiefs and Kings, and are crowned according to the royal spear head bearing tradition. The title "Ubimu" is used to refer to the King as distinguished from other chiefs in the Kingdom.

The current king, Rwoth Ubimu Phillip Rauni Olarker III, was crowned in 2010 and has his capital at Kaal Atyak Winam, Zombo district, Uganda. He is currently committed to reconnecting the people of the Alur Kingdom both within the kingdom and in the diaspora, with the goals including economic growth and social protection for girls and women and ending child marriage. In recent years the king has organised cultural sports tournaments to bring together the community, where both men and women compete.

One of the king's closest male relatives is the Prime Minister, second to the king. The current Prime Minister is Prince Lawrence Opar Angala the Jadipu. The current Queen Mother, Rotzette Keronega, is also a very influential political figure.

The Alur Kingdom currently has 64 chiefdoms, eight of which are located in the DRC and 56 in Uganda. When the Europeans first arrived, the Alur people were organised in a number of chiefdoms, mainly namely: Angal, Juganda, Jukoth, Musongwa, Panyimur, Ragem, Ruvinga, Mukambo, War, Palara, Panduru, Ukuru, Paidha, Padea, Panyikang'o, Mambisa among others.

In Angal, the current king is Rwoth Djalaure Serge II. He took over from his late father Kamanda who died in 1998.

History, politics and tribe life
The largest and oldest Alur chiefdom was the Ukuru Chiefdom, who counted 10,000 adult men among their ranks in 1914, although Alur counted boys as young as 14 years as men.

The Ukuru chiefdom as a distinct entity was founded in 1630 as a continuation of the then undivided Atyak Chiefdom at the accession of Ngira, a member of the Atyak clan, as King when in their migration they left the plains of present day Nebbi and arrived in the highlands. They took over the territory from the indigenous Bantu and Sudanic inhabitants. The region was quickly Alur-ised.

The descendants of the original Bantu men now form the Abira family. Bantu maternal ancestry is very common in Ukuru. The Ukuru chiefdom grew in competition with its other tributary chiefdoms including Paidha and PaNduru. Some other clans were completely taken over providing the Ukuru clan with more food resources, women, and men to defend their territory.

The Chiefdom of Paidha was formed by the brother of Ngira called Magwar, when the non-Luo peoples there kidnapped him in typical Alur royal fashion so as for them to have a royal chief in their midst and thereby be saved from the tyranny of their then ruler. This led to the then King of the Alur, Omyer Dhyang to allow his son the independence to take care of his new subjects, and his remarks to the kidnap of his son led to the nomenclature of the chiefdom, Paidha which is a corruption of the term, Payudha meaning "the clan of the snatchers" stemming from the snatching of his son.

The PaNduru chiefdom was formed by Nduru, the half brother to Omyer Dhyang over a dispute where Nduru initially left with his two uterine brothers that are the ancestors of the chiefly lineages of Pagei and PaMinya although the Pagei clan later returned to Ukuru. This explains the prevalence of the said clans in the different chiefdoms. The unfriendly separation between Ukuru and PaNduru however led to a centuries old sibling rivalry that often flared up and mellowed out depending on the prevailing situations.

In 1789 Ukuru defeated the PaNduru thereby cementing itself as the most powerful Alur chiefdom. For years the Ukuru was the most powerful, populous, and largest Alur chiefdom.

For generations the Atyak family has provided for the Chief. Alur society was strictly hierarchical. There were multiple social ranks within each gender.

Social rank depended on a lot of things – assertiveness, number of friends and family (allies), performance on male prestige tasks (war, patrols, hunting, and fishing). Rank is, in theory, not inheritable. However a man with a high-ranking father had, as a rule, more brothers, cousins, and family and was better able to attract allies. But overall, every man had the opportunity to reach a high status with the right mix of qualities.

Alur clans are, in fact, a number of patrilineages living together. These patrilineages can include large numbers of men, all descendants of the same man. The Parombo family (patrilineage) in the Ukuru clan, for example, included 2000 men in 1949. These patrilineages are not strictly fictional. The Alur are very serious about it and maintain a family tree. Of course, a certain level of flexibility has occurred but overall we can trust the picture the Alur paint of their patrilineages. Other prominent clans allover Alur country include the Palei clan, Patek Puduk clan, Pakia clan, Ukuru clan, Anyola clan and the Juloka clan. These are the ones that are closest to the King in Atyak. Others with very important ritual significance but are not necessarily close in Atyak include Pagei, Panywer, Parombo, Pangieth, Padere, Panyonga among others. All these constitute the ancient purely Luo commoner clans, although some are of royal origin.

High rank confers had many advantages in Alur society. Expecting respect and admiration, high-ranking men had first choice in food, especially prestige food like meat and beer. High-ranking men typically had a large number of cattle and since the Alur paid the bride price in cattle high-ranking men had the most wives and thus children. The chief typically had the most children of any man in the clan. High-ranking men had three or more wives, average men two and low-ranking men typically one. As always there was flexibility since low-ranking men could be very successful in tending cattle and thus in acquiring wives but then their rank typically rose.

Men always stayed in the clan they were born in, but women married men from other clans and moved to their husband's clan. Very few women married men from their own clan, since the Alur had very strict rules about avoiding incest. Every man in ones patrilineage was un-marriageable no matter how distant the common ancestor was. Only a specific request from a man from her own clan could let an Alur woman remain within her clan.

Traditions
Among many other traditions of the Alur, the Agwara dance is a notable example. It is a royal dance that is only performed in the presence of the king during community rituals or festivals, and is performed by both men and women.

Day-to-day life
Traditionally, the Alur live in grass-thatched huts. The homesteads in Alur clans are in the central part of their territory. This helps keeps the territory under their control. The Alur were farmer-herders. The Alur grew (and grow) millet, cassava, maize, sweet potatoes, spinach, and pumpkins. They herded cattle, goats, and chickens. Goat and chicken were important sources of meat. Other important resources were salt, forest and wild animals all who were protected from other clans. In the drought season fishing was important. The large herds of animals the Alur typically hunt as secondary sources of meat so as not to exhaust their own goat and chicken numbers moved away to greener pastures.

In Alur society, men herded the domestic animals, grew the crops, built the huts, hunted, fished, and dominated political life. The women were responsible for keeping house, rearing the children and cooking. Many of the men's jobs are bound to strict times (they hunted in large groups just once a month for example). The sexes are segregated by the Alur, with husbands and wives having separate huts, with the men sleeping apart from the women and the children. They also eat separately.

Women and men rarely mix socially. This behavior is not enforced by the men, but it is said that is in the woman's best interest to minimize contact with men. This is done out of fear of aggression and the husband's jealousy. Generally, Alur men are very close and social with men from their own clan. They hunt, farm, fish, go to war, herd, and form coalitions against rivals together. Since Alur men stay in the clan they are born in, and women move to the clan of their husband, the men are typically more social, have more friends, and a wider social network. This is a very important factor in male dominance within the Alur.

Famous Alur people
Amula was born in the Atyak patrilineage as the son of Alworunga and Acroama. Abok Ucweda had an insignificant period in the politics of the Ukuru clan. The same couldn't be said for some of his sons. Ugena had been chief for five years (1845–1850) before being deposed with help from his half-brother Nziri, Amula's paternal grandfather. Amula's father Alworunga had been known to be the best warrior of the Ukuru clan. Three brothers of Alworunga: Amatho, Kubi and Avur also managed to become powerful, respected chiefs with their own chieflet areas in Ukuru. Four of Amula's own brothers, including his full brother Aryem, also became powerful. Amula grew up in the renewed 1878 Ukuru-Panduru war which the Ukuru lost and in which around 600 Ukuru men died in a few days of intense fighting. Amula's father Alworunga was burned alive by Panduru forces led by their chief, Ujuru. Amula grew up to be a powerful man who rapidly rose in the social hierarchy from the age of 15. In 1890, at 19 years old, he was elected as the chief of the Ukuru. He immediately began a war with the Panduru clan and managed to avenge his father's death. Afterward, he strengthened his hold on Ukuru by entering into allegiances with other powerful patrilineages mainly with the Palei, Parombo and sections of the Patek patrilineage. He also could count on the support of many individual men. Amula proved to be a good chief, strong willed but compassionate. He was skillful in wars partly because of his ability to secure alliances with other clans. He was the voice of reason when the British arrived in 1914, compelling the people not to fight them. He was exiled by the British in 1917 for not rigidly following their orders but was allowed back in 1922. He died in 1942, still very popular and loved. As a chief, Amula had many wives and children. His son Jalusiga (1896–1978) succeeded him as chief although this was a British doing and not a choice of the clan. Another son of his, Jalaure (born in 1888), acted as chief in his absence from 1917 to 1922.
 * Chief Amula (1871–1942)

title: Alur people


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Australian Maritime Safety Authority

Australian Maritime Safety Authority (AMSA) is an Australian statutory authority responsible for the regulation and safety oversight of Australia's shipping fleet and management of Australia's international maritime obligations. The authority has jurisdiction over Australia's exclusive economic zone which covers an area of 11000000 km2. AMSA maintains Australia's shipping registries: the general and the international shipping registers.

AMSA was established in 1990 under the Australian Maritime Safety Authority Act 1990 and governed by the Commonwealth Authorities and Companies Act 1997. As at 2024, AMSA is a statutory authority within the Department of Infrastructure, Transport, Regional Development, Communications and the Arts. Directors are appointed by the minister. The international treaties which AMSA administers include the Navigation Act 2012 and the Protection of the Sea (Prevention of Pollution from Ships) Act 1983.

Organised sea rescue in Australia was well established during the Second World War. Precursor international arrangements also included usage of a range of warning and communication systems.

AMSA is funded largely through levies on the shipping industry. In the 2010-2011 financial year, AMSA recorded expenses of just over $146 million, with revenue at just under $159 million, creating a surplus of more than $10 million.

Functions
Marine safety activities of AMSA include:
 * the provision, operation and maintenance of a network of marine aids to navigation, for example, lighthouses
 * ensuring the seaworthiness and safe operation of Australian and foreign vessels in Australian waters, including the enforcement of compulsory pilotage
 * administering the certification of seafarers
 * the provision of a maritime distress and safety communications network
 * the operation of Australia's Rescue Coordination Centre and coordination of search and rescue (SAR) operations for civilian aircraft and vessels in distress and
 * the development of a maritime safety commercial vessel legislative framework and operating system.

AMSA aims to protect the marine environment by administering programs to prevent and respond to the threat of ship-sourced marine pollution; and together with the Australian Marine Oil Spill Centre, managing Australia's National Plan to combat pollution of the sea by oil and other noxious and hazardous substances.

It is responsible for administering MARPOL 73/78, an international marine environmental convention designed to minimize pollution of the seas. AMSA can instigate prosecutions itself, but mainly works with states and territories during investigations and enforcement activities such as vessel inspections. A recent major AMSA project involved the rewrite of the Navigation Act 1912, the agency's governing statute.

Shipping registers

AMSA maintains two shipping registers. Ships registered on an Australian shipping register have Australian nationality for international shipping law purposes. Unless otherwise exempt, Australian owned ships are required to be registered on the general or international shipping register if it is a domestic commercial vessel, 24 metres or over in tonnage length, capable of navigating the high seas, or any vessel travelling overseas. Vessels engaging in international trading that are at least 24 metres in tonnage length and wholly owned or operated by Australian residents, or by Australian residents and Australian nationals may apply to be registered on the international register. There are tax incentives for ships on the international register to make the register competitive with other registers, such as vessels being operated with mixed crews, with the majority of officers and crew not being required to be Australian citizens or residents. AMSA has delegated certain survey and certification functions to a number of recognised classification societies, which are members of the International Association of Classification Societies.

The Council of Australian Governments (COAG) in 2011 directed AMSA to work co-operatively with the states and territories to create a national system for domestic commercial vessels, including any changes to Commonwealth, state and territory laws and administrative arrangements of the parties that are necessary to facilitate the reform. The new legislation came into effect in 2013, and the transition to the new system was completed in July 2018.

Emergency towage vessel capability
Coral Knight is an anchor handling tug supply vessel modified to fulfil the role of dedicated emergency towage vessel (ETV). It is the only ETV of its type in Australia and operates in the particularly sensitive sea areas of the northern Great Barrier Reef and Torres Strait.

Coral Knight is also equipped to respond to other maritime incidents such as search and rescue or limiting the effects of ship-sourced pollution of the sea and carries oil pollution response equipment.

Publications
The Authority publishes a range of materials in relation to maritime safety. its maritime survival manual Survival at Sea: A Training and Instruction Manual is in its 6th edition.

title: Australian Maritime Safety Authority


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Camrose Canadian

The Camrose Canadian was a local news publication for the Camrose, Alberta area. Founded in 1908, the paper was one of many Alberta publications owned by Postmedia Network. On June 26, 2018, Postmedia announced that the newspaper would cease publication by the end of August 2018.

title: Camrose Canadian


text: User talk:24.52.125.91

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California State Route 184

State Route 184 (SR 184), locally known as Weedpatch Highway, is a state highway in the U.S. state of California. Located in Kern County, it runs from the intersection of SR 223 (Bear Mountain Boulevard) and Wheeler Ridge Road near Arvin north to SR 178 in Bakersfield. It is mainly a 2-lane conventional highway, expanding to four lanes in Lamont and Bakersfield. The highway serves local agricultural land south of Bakersfield.

Route description
SR 184 starts at a roundabout at SR 223 (Bear Mountain Boulevard) and Wheeler Ridge Road. The latter is a county road that, although not a truck route, is the only north/south road south of Bakersfield that directly connects to I-5. SR 223 provides a connection from I-5 to Arvin.

SR 184 then travels north, through relatively flat agricultural land. It crosses through the towns of Weedpatch, and Lamont. The highway continues north, and crosses its major junction with SR 58, a major east/west freeway that connects the San Joaquin Valley to all points southeast. At the junction, the road’s name changes to Morning Drive. It then enters the rural, but growing, eastern portion of Bakersfield. At the intersection of Morning Drive and Niles Street/Kern Canyon Road, the route turns right onto Kern Canyon Road. The route turns northeast, as it travels through open grassland. It terminates at SR 178 (Kern Canyon Road) near the old Mesa Marin Raceway. SR 178 runs from Bakersfield to the Kern Valley region.

SR 184 is part of the California Freeway and Expressway System, and is part of the National Highway System, a network of highways that are considered essential to the country's economy, defense, and mobility by the Federal Highway Administration.

History
SR 184 was adopted as a state route in 1933 as Legislative Route 143. It was an unsigned highway running from LRN 140 (current SR 223, Bear Mountain Boulevard), to LRN 57 (current SR 178, Kern Canyon Rd.). The route definition has changed little since that time. In 1964, during the renumbering of California routes, LRN 143 changed to SR 184, and became a signed route. In 1968, with the opening of SR 178 freeway in Bakersfield, SR 184 was extended northeast, along the old SR 178 alignment to a new connection just east of the old Mesa Marin Raceway. This was where the new alignment for SR 178 ended. This connection was only a temporary connection, because a Morning Drive extension to a new interchange at SR 178 was completed in August 2015. SR 184 is planned to be rerouted onto this new alignment.

title: California State Route 184


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Alure

An alure (O. Fr., from aller, "to walk") or allure is an architectural term for an alley, passage, the water-way or flat gutter behind a parapet, the galleries of a clerestory, or sometimes even the aisle itself of a church. The term is occasionally written valure or valoring. It may also be used to refer to a wall-walk on a castle wall.

title: Alure